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President Ram Chandra Paudel relieved Madhes Province Chief Sumitra Subedi Bhandari of her position on Tuesday.

President Paudel relieved Subedi of her position following the recommendation of the Council of Ministers made on Monday.

The Cabinet meeting held on Monday had made such a recommendation to the President as per Article 165 (1.b) of the Constitution.

A press statement released by the Spokesperson at the President's Office, Pradip Kumar Koirala, shared this information.

The National AI Center has been established in the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology.

While inaugurating the AI center on Monday, Minister for Communications and Information Technology Jagadish Kharel expressed confidence that the center, which was started from a small room in the ministry, will be a big leap for Nepal in the AI ​​sector.

With the formation of the AI ​​Council and the AI ​​policy in place, Nepal is now moving forward on the path of the digital era, Kharel said, stressing AI will be used to serve the government and the people.

A writ petition has been filed in the Supreme Court against the formation of the Madhesh government under Article 168, Clause 3 of the Constitution.

Rakki Prasad Sah and Sujit Yadav filed the writ petition against the Madhesh Province Chief’s Office, the Chief Minister’s Office and the Madhesh Province Assembly stating that it is unconstitutional for the province Chief to form the government while the Constitution is still in force under Article 168, clauses 2 and 3.

Nepal has sent an official diplomatic note stating that the 10-point labor standards sent by Malaysia are invalid.

The letter prepared by the Ministry of Labor, Employment and Social Security was sent to Malaysia through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs via the Nepali Embassy in Kuala Lumpur.

Concluding that the letter sent by Malaysia is an attempt to implement a syndicate system among manpower entrepreneurs, Nepal has made it clear that it is impossible to implement the standards.

According to the Nepal government, the standards are unacceptable as they affect equal opportunities, transparency and fair competition of foreign employment agencies registered in Nepal.

Malaysia had issued a 10-point criteria for the selection of manpower companies for Nepal, India, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Myanmar on Oct 27. 

Uddhab Pyakurel is Dean and Associate Professor at Kathmandu University. He teaches  Political Sociology at School of Arts Kathmandu University. ApEx talked to him about the various dimensions of the GenZ movement and its aftermath.

How can the latest GenZ movement be understood from a sociological perspective?

The September uprising can be viewed as a public reaction to the attitude and behavior of Nepal’s major state stakeholders. Those who were taught or compelled to believe in the ideal model of governance have long harbored frustration toward the country’s political leadership. Ironically, political leaders themselves contributed to this cynicism. Over the years, while in opposition, they repeatedly told the public that Nepal was a “failed state” incapable of progress, often citing corruption, nepotism, favoritism, and foreign influence in their speeches and writings.

Regardless of their intent this persistent negativism gradually convinced citizens that Nepal’s society and polity were indeed facing severe challenges in governance and development. Even youths who were previously disengaged from political discourse watched these developments closely. When the government imposed a ban on social media, it became a trigger point. The youth mobilized rapidly, not just to understand the discourse but to contribute to it using new technologies and terminologies.

This was how the idea of “GenZ” found resonance in Nepal. Borrowed from the West, the term became a unifying identity for young, tech-savvy citizens with modern education. Thus, the movement found its roots in Nepal’s digital sphere before spilling into the streets.

Some observers hesitate to label the incident as a genuine social or political movement, citing it lasted for less than 48 hours. Yet, it should not be forgotten that within this short span, the movement forced the resignation of Nepal’s government. It was a feat unparalleled even by the revolutions of 1951, the People’s Movement of 1990, or Janaandolan II of 2006.

The extreme state violence on September 8 against peaceful protesters, followed by the unprofessional handling by security forces on September 9, were both deeply unfortunate and condemnable. These events led to chaos and destruction of property. However, compared to recent youth uprisings in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, the Nepali version maintained a democratic character, operating within the constitutional framework. Even though Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli was compelled to resign and seek refuge at the army barracks, the President took control and steered the transition in line with constitutional procedures.

What are the main goals and aspirations driving the movement?

In today’s capitalist environment, most youths are trained to pursue careers rather than to understand the country’s social realities. Their key concern, therefore, is whether Nepal offers an environment conducive to their aspirations. While the state attempted some reforms along capitalist lines, it failed to communicate its progress effectively. The absence of transparent information channels allowed frustration to deepen across all sections of society.

The September 8 mobilization, however, was driven by modest but powerful goals: systemic reform, transparency, and inclusiveness in governance. The movement directly questioned the political relevance of long-dominant leaders—CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli, Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Maoist Chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal. Beyond anti-corruption slogans, the youth demanded pustantaran (a generational shift in leadership) so they could engage with new, relatable political figures in building a better Nepal.

How have political parties responded to these protests?

Unfortunately, most political parties have responded with reaction rather than reflection. The first few weeks following the protests created a sense of hope for change, as debates emerged around the issues raised by the youth. Gradually, however, party leaders, many of whom had gone silent during the unrest, resurfaced with defensive statements. While some acknowledged the youth’s concerns, no meaningful action followed. Except for the Nepali Congress, no major party initiated a serious internal discussion on pustantaran. None of the senior leaders stepped down. Two months after the protests, party leaders largely resumed business as usual, behaving as if nothing had happened on September 8 and 9. They dismissed the uprising as reactionary or undemocratic, thereby deflecting attention from their own failures to understand public sentiment.

In your opinion, is the government capable of holding elections on March 5?

There is no alternative to holding timely elections in Nepal today. The government was formed with a clear electoral mandate, and polls must be conducted no later than March 5, 2026. These elections will not only restore constitutional legitimacy but also provide a pathway for the change envisioned by the youth. As for capability, there appears to be no major obstacle preventing the government from organizing the elections. While some raise concerns about security, they overlook Nepal’s experience in 2008, when elections were successfully held amid far more difficult circumstances, when over 100 armed groups operated across the country and police posts in rural areas remained closed due to the insurgency. Compared to that period, today’s situation is much more stable and manageable.

What should be the political roadmap moving forward?

To honor the mandate of the youth uprising, Nepal must integrate young aspirations into its political future. A multi-party democracy cannot function without political parties, but it also cannot progress without reforming them. The responsibility now lies squarely with party leaders. They must show genuine gestures of change within their organizations. Amending party constitutions and ensuring internal democracy would send a powerful message to the youth that transformation is possible within the system. This could encourage the generation below 30 to participate meaningfully in politics and governance, which can be a potential win-win for both sides. Unfortunately, the current direction is worrying. The two largest parties in the dissolved House appear confused about the future, focusing more on criticizing the new transitional government than on addressing public grievances. If political leaders continue resisting change, youth anger may escalate, not just against individual leaders but against political parties and the democratic system itself. Such a scenario risks pushing Nepal into another constitutional crisis, threatening political and institutional stability. Let’s hope that wisdom prevails and Nepal avoids such an unfortunate and undemocratic path.

Tension ran high in Janakpurdham, Madhes Province capital, after the opposition political parties protested the sudden appointment of Chief Minister (CM).

The new CM, Saroj Kumar Yadav, is scheduled to take oath of office and secrecy today. As the oath-taking schedule was made public, the cadres of opposition parties went berserk, vandalizing furniture in various ministries. Even the province ministries are padlocked now.

The protestors have been chanting slogans against Province Chief Sumitra Devi Bhandari and newly appointed CM Yadav.

To everyone's surprise, Province Chief Bhandari, who had summoned the political parties to file candidacy for new CM in the wake of resignation of Jitendra Sonal last evening, had appointed province Parliamentary Party leader of CPM UML, Yadav as the Chief Minister early Monday morning.

Meanwhile, Parliamentary Party leader of Loktantrik Samajbadi Party in province, Jenul Rain, expressed suspicion over the role of Province Chief Bhandari. The appointment will be challenged politically and legally, he warned.

The District Administration Office, Dhanusha has urged all concerned to hold protest programs in a peaceful manner. It added that it was making all-out efforts to end tension and prevent untoward incidents.

The installation of free WiFi service at New Bus Park, Gongabu has elated the people leaving the Kathmandu Valley for different parts of the country by bus.

Chandra KC, who arrived at New Bus Park to purchase a ticket for his travel to Gulmi, said, "The free WiFi service won the customers' heart and eased transport. Such service needs expansion in other places outside the Kathmandu Valley."

Similarly, Bhup Prasad Bhusal was happy to find internet connection available free of cost for the first time at New Bus Park. He was seeking service for travelling to Dang district. Bhusal also had a similar recommendation as that of KC so that even those outside the federal capital could enjoy easy services for travel.

The government has done a wonderful job by ensuring free WiFi, for it has facilitated customers tremendously, an employee at ticket counter, Bachchu Ram Bhatta, observed.

Dipak Dhakal, originally from Dhading district, also appreciated the government's work that cheered service seekers.

A bus entrepreneur Ramesh Bhatta, however, said sustainability of such service is more important than launch.

Minister for Communications and Information Technology, Jagdish Kharel, had signed the first decision upon his assumption of office on September 22 on expansion of free internet in significant public places. The free internet connectivity was materialized as per the Minister's decision. He had inaugurated the service on November 5.

With this facility in place, the customers can purchase bus tickets using digital gadgets. They are provided with the free internet for 90 minutes at a time.

Some 700 to 800 public buses are operated from New Bus Park every day. Among these, 400 are large buses, 150 micro buses and over 200 local buses. The local buses are operated in the Kathmandu Valley.

 It is said nearly 12,000 to 15,000 people come and go from the New Bus Park each day.

Growing up in Dharan-18, Sunsari, in a community where many women were financially dependent on their male counterparts, Sushma Rai always felt the urge to challenge that cycle. She believed that women could be equally capable of earning, leading, and inspiring others. With a deep interest in clothing design and a vision to create change, she migrated from Dharan to Kathmandu, convincing her family to let her follow her passion for fashion and entrepreneurship.

Her turning point came when she discovered the Nabil School of Social Entrepreneurship (Nabil SSE) Fellowship Program—a platform she describes as the most transformative chapter of her entrepreneurial journey.

The Nabil SSE Fellowship, initiated under Nabil Bank Limited’s Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) program, was designed to empower aspiring and existing social entrepreneurs by equipping them with practical skills, mentorship, and access to financial opportunities. Through interactive training, peer learning, and guidance from experienced mentors, Rai gained valuable insights into market research, business planning, financial management, and brand development. These lessons helped her transform her boutique into a structured, sustainable enterprise.

Established in 2018, Tayami Boutique has grown into a women-led social enterprise producing high-quality women’s wear and baby clothes using locally sourced materials. Beyond fashion, Tayami embodies empowerment—offering hands-on training, dignified employment, and financial independence to local women. From two staff members, Rai now leads a team of 25 women, many of whom were once confined to household responsibilities. Tayami has since developed its own identity, specializing in maternity wear, baby clothing, and women’s apparel that blends comfort, culture, and creativity.

The Nabil SSE Fellowship Program, organized in collaboration with the School of Management, Tribhuvan University (SOMTU), is a six-month residential and field-based initiative. It provides modules on business strategy, leadership, impact measurement, and sustainability while connecting fellows with expert mentors and networks. To date, the program has trained 76 fellows, leading to the establishment of 62 enterprises and the creation of over 14,500 jobs across Nepal. This year, Nabil SSE has introduced province-specific thematic priorities—focusing on various aims.

According to Manoj Kumar Gyawali, CEO of Nabil Bank, “Empowering social entrepreneurs has proven to be one of the most effective means to fulfill our commitment to national development. With this cohort, we are strategically channeling our resources to reach the most disadvantaged communities, translating financial innovation into tangible, inclusive growth across all provinces.”