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My research as a scholar seeks to theorize Nepal’s foreign policy. While conducted from geopolitical and geo-economic perspectives, geo-economics is defined as a tool to achieve geopolitical goals, making the geopolitical discourse dominant in this study.

Although the term “geopolitics” was first coined by Swedish political scientist Rudolf Kjellen in 1899, Nepal had practiced geopolitics actively since the Lichchhavi Kingdom. The first Lichchhavi king, Manadev-1, exercised political power to safeguard and strengthen the state, engaged in military competition with neighboring states, and introduced the Manka currency, marking the beginning of Nepal’s geopolitical and geo-economic discourses. So, Nepal is one of the oldest states to practice the geopolitical and geoeconomic affairs in the world.

Nepal’s unique geopolitical context can be defined in terms of bilateral and trilateral frameworks. From the Lichchhavi period to 1950, bilateral geopolitics predominated.After the US began providing development aid to Nepal in 1951, Nepal’s geopolitics began shifting toward trilateralism. 

During the Cold War, Nepal’s geopolitics remained largely bilateral, but trilateral geopolitics began to develop slowly. The 1990–2010 period marked a rapid transition period (RTP) toward trilateral geopolitics, fully emerging after U.S. involvement through the MCC project’s feasibility study around 2012. This trilateral geopolitics is projected to persist at least until 2150. Its basis includes: the historical rise and fall of global powers, the declining influence of the USA, and China’s goals until 2049.

At the first level of analysis, this research takes into account the periods of five major powers in world history. This study considers the Achaemenid Persian Empire as the first powerful superpower in world history, which is regarded as having begun in 550 BCE and lasted for approximately 220 years. The Roman Empire is taken as the second superpower. It began in 27 BCE and lasted for about 500 years. This was the superpower that endured for the longest period in world history. 

The Mongol Empire was the third superpower, which is also recognized as the superpower that conquered the largest geographical area. This superpower existed from 1206 to 1368 CE. Similarly, the British Empire is identified as the fourth superpower in world history, and it is noted to have lasted for nearly 400 years. The most recent and current superpower to date is the United States of America, which has remained in that position for the past 80 years.

The second basis is the declining influence of the United States in the world. In terms of purchasing power parity, China surpassed the United States in economic power as early as 2014. Although the United States remains a superpower in the military sphere, its global dominance and role have been weakening. Under the current circumstances, the United States is not in a position to carry out direct military attacks against countries such as China, Russia, and North Korea. Even though there has been an informal form of strategic cooperation among Russia, China, and North Korea, an official strategic partnership was established between Russia and North Korea in June 2024. There are also differences of opinion between Europe and the United States on many issues. Institutions led by China have been increasingly challenging those led by the United States. As emerging powers grow stronger, the superpower has been becoming weaker.”

The third basis is China’s national commitment. On the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the Chinese Revolution in 2049, China has already declared its determination to become a superpower in all fields by that time. If China establishes itself as a superpower by 2049, the basis for projecting how long it will remain in that position lies in examining the lifespans of past superpowers in world history, as mentioned above. The superpower with the shortest lifespan was the Mongol Empire, which maintained its influence for only 162 years. If China becomes a superpower by 2049, the duration of the United States’ status as a superpower would amount to only about 105 years, making it the shortest superpower to date.

Now, following historical trends of superpowers, the newly emerging superpower China appears likely to retain its superpower status for at least another 100 years, that is, until around 2150. On the other hand, India is also moving forward to become a superpower. Nepal lies between two emerging superpowers, and projections indicate that not only China as an emerging power, but also another global superpower will remain concentrated in this same geographical region for as long as China retains its superpower status. In such a situation, the theoretical foundation of Nepal’s politics and foreign policy is trilateral geopolitics, and the research projects that this will continue at least until 2150.

Among the mainstreaming theories of international relations, realism/neorealism and liberalism/neoliberalism are primarily taken into consideration. It is not possible here to include a debate on how these theories emerged; however, judging from where and by whom these theories were propounded, it becomes evident that they are not, and cannot be, comprehensive theories of international relations. In the course of the research, the biographies of a total of 28 theorists associated with these theories were examined. Those 28 theorists were affiliated with only six countries in total, including the United States, the United Kingdom, Greece, France, and Switzerland etc. At present, there are 195 countries in the world. The theories proposed and developed by theorists from just six countries are being studied by the remaining 189 countries. International relations are not the concern of only five or six countries. Whether or not the issues of the remaining 189 countries are included in these theories is a matter that requires serious research.

The same applies in the case of Nepal. Whether the issues, agendas, and the fundamental nature of Nepal’s geopolitics were included or not in the research of those theorists determines whether Nepal can claim ownership of those theories and whether those theories have been able to address Nepal’s core issues and agendas in international relations. Nepal does not appear to be in a position to adopt a realist approach within the current world structure, although military power remains indispensable as a component of national security. However, at present, it does not seem possible for Nepal to alter the trajectory of its relations with other countries through the use of military power. Similarly, liberal practices have also not strengthened Nepal’s dignity and international prestige. Therefore, by adopting realist and liberal policies, Nepal is not in a position to absolutely achieve its national interests, which is the experience of the past 150 years for Nepal.

In place of these theories, it has already been mentioned above that a trilateral geopolitical discourse is emerging as Nepal’s theory of international relations. There are numerous countries, like Nepal, in the world that cannot strengthen their national interests by adopting realist and liberal theories. Only militarily and economically powerful states are in a position to successfully apply these theories. Therefore, a series of events around the world have been confirming that these theories—studied and taught worldwide as theories of international relations, are, in reality, theories only for powerful states.

A new model for foreign policy decision-making

Graham Allison has proposed five models for analyzing and making foreign policy decisions. These are: the Rational Actor Model, the Bureaucratic Politics Model, the Organizational Process Model, the Inter-Branch Politics Model, and the Political Process Model. These models, developed by an American scholar, are based on the practices of powerful countries like the USA. He does not appear to have studied how foreign policy decisions are made in countries like Nepal, which have highly sensitive geopolitical conditions and are subject to the influence and pressure of external actors.

In Nepal’s special context, a new model has emerged, namely the “Role of Dominant External Actor Model.” This model has massively dominated Nepal’s external affairs, particularly during the period from 1950 to 1960, and at various times after 1990. Under this model, influential external great powers emerge as strong actors in Nepal’s geopolitics, and due to the influence and pressure of multiple actors, Nepal and similar countries are unable to make foreign policy decisions independently.

Geopolitics and geo-economics are inseparable in foreign policy

The research shows that geopolitics and geo-economics have developed together ever since the concept of the state emerged. Both play an equally important role in the emergence of the state, its further consolidation, and the expansion of its international influence. Scholars of international relations and political science have noted that geo-economics functions as a means to achieve geopolitical objectives. Foreign policy plays a crucial role in achieving and promoting national interests.

There are two types of National Interest. First, the primary national interest, which is related to geopolitics, and second, the secondary national interest, which is related to geo-economics. If the geo-economic issues are separated from geopolitics, half of the national interest, namely, the secondary national interest, falls into crisis. Similarly, if geopolitics is separated from geo-economic analysis, the primary national interests are overlooked. To achieve both, foreign policy must encompass both dimensions.

Therefore, another theoretical aspect of this research is that geopolitics and geo-economics cannot remain separate in the proper interpretation, analysis, and implementation of foreign policy for the sake of national interest. The research concludes that any study of foreign policy that separates one of these two from the other cannot be a comprehensive study.

The research concludes that trilateral geopolitics will henceforth become the main theoretical discourse of Nepal’s international relations, and that Nepal’s foreign policy doctrine articulated by Prithvi Narayan Shah as “a Yam between two Boulders” has already changed, although the nation has not yet perceived this change. The research also specifies what kind of doctrine has emerged as a result of this transformation.

Nepal’s future foreign policy doctrine has emerged in the form of “A Cat and Three Lions.” From around 2010, when the country’s geopolitics began to take on a trilateral character, the foreign policy doctrine also started to change from that time onward. A doctrine does not guide foreign policy for a few years or decades; rather, it guides an entire era. The research projects that this new doctrine will guide Nepal’s foreign policy at least until the year 2150. The term “Three Lions” symbolically refers to the major state actors that are intensely active in Nepal’s geopolitics. Nepal, in terms of military power, economic strength, and diplomatic influence, is symbolically described as a “cat.”

Empirical/policy-oriented aspect

Along with the conclusions related to the theoretical/philosophical aspects mentioned above, the research also brings forward practical and policy-related dimensions connected to them. The conclusions related to the practical and policy aspects are presented here.

False narrative that Nepal’s foreign policy began with Prithvi Narayan Shah

International relations experts who have published research-based articles and books on Nepal and Nepal’s foreign policy have stated that Nepal’s foreign policy began with King Prithvi Narayan Shah. We have also continued to study it in the same manner. However, this research rejects that narrative. The works of Yadu Nath Khanal, SD Muni, and Leo E Rose show that they studied Nepal’s foreign policy starting from King Prithvi Narayan Shah. Yet, during the Malla and Lichchhavi periods as well, there was extensive practice of cooperation and conflict among many small states that existed at that time within the geography of present-day Nepal.

Historical documents mention that the states of the Kathmandu Valley maintained strong trade relations with Tibet to the north and with the southern empire, and that through the Kathmandu Valley, there was movement of diplomatic envoys in both directions from the northern neighbor to the south and from the southern neighbor to the north. The notion of Nepal as “a yam between two boulders,” attributed to King Prithvi Narayan Shah, appears not to have been originally propounded by him, but rather theorized based on practices that existed in the states of the Malla and Lichchhavi periods preceding him. He himself is also seen to have learned from his father, Nar Bhupal Shah, about how to govern a state and what policies could be adopted after the unification of Nepal.

Therefore, the research concludes that the foreign policy adopted by Nepal after the unification initiated by Prithvi Narayan Shah was not a novel beginning but a continuation of the history of Nepal. Consequently, the foundation of modern Nepal’s foreign policy lies not with Prithvi Narayan Shah, but with the external affairs practices of King Manadeva-1, regarded as the first king of the Lichchhavi dynasty. The political system adopted by Manadeva-1, his economic policy (the introduction of Mananka currency), the strengthening of military power, and diplomatic skill constitute the point of departure for Nepal’s geopolitics and geo-economics.

Viewed in this way, although the terms geopolitics and geo-economics began to be used globally from 1899 and 1990, respectively, their practice in Nepal dates back as early as the fifth century. Since foreign policy is inherently linked with these practices, the claim and narrative that Nepal’s foreign policy began with King Prithvi Narayan Shah therefore seemed incorrect.

Weak theoretical basis of the principle of balance in Nepal’s foreign policy

Generally, the concept of balance is theoretically associated with military affairs. In English, it is referred to as the Balance of Power System. This concept is directly related to military engagement and strategic equations. There are two other related terms as well: first, external balancing, which is directly linked to military alignments; and second, internal balancing, which is related to economic strengthening. However, the so-called balance doctrine that Nepal refers to is not related to either of these. On the other hand, it has not been theoretically articulated in Nepal either. Merely calling something a balance doctrine does not make it a theory; a theory requires a much longer, scholarly, and practical foundation, which has not been developed in Nepal.

The core meaning of the balance doctrine, as used in Nepal, refers to balancing the interests of other countries, which appears to be contrary to the theories of international relations. This is because, in international relations, time is not spent on balancing the interests of others; rather, all efforts are devoted to promoting one’s own national interests. Therefore, the theoretical foundation of the balance doctrine, as articulated in Nepal, is inherently weak. Hence, the research concludes that it lacks relevance altogether.

Equal relations, not special relations

A state has only permanent interests; it has no heart or emotions. If one follows emotions, relations with a particular state may be termed special or normal, but in relations between states, national interest is paramount, and therefore, relations between states cannot be categorized as special or normal. In international relations, relations with all countries are and should be equal. This is even more essential for a geopolitically highly sensitive country like Nepal.

The dimensions and priorities of our relations, of course, vary according to the context, but that does not mean that our international relations are divided into “normal” and “special.” Conveying such a message diplomatically weakens international affairs. Therefore, the narrative of “special relations” also appears to be irrelevant.

Matrix model: New era policy

Based on the philosophical and empirical conclusions above, the research has proposed a new model outlining what Nepal’s foreign policy should be like. Although the research focuses on geopolitics, geo-economics, and foreign policy, the above conclusions have been drawn through an examination of the philosophical, empirical, and historical facts associated with these three areas. On the basis of these conclusions, the proposed foreign policy of Nepal has been named the “7×7 Matrix Model.”

In this matrix, seven geopolitics-related policies are placed along the topmost horizontal row, and seven geo-economics-related policies (referred to as elements in mathematics) are placed along the leftmost vertical column. The policies on the geopolitical axis are denoted by A, and those on the geo-economic axis are denoted by B.

In the overall structure of the 7×7 Matrix Model, there are 49 dependent elements. The research proposes seven foreign policy components placed along the horizontal axis that are related to, and deal with, issues arising in Nepal’s geopolitical sphere. Similarly, the seven policies placed along the vertical axis are related to geo-economics and deal with issues in that domain. The research concludes that Nepal should formulate a total of 14 foreign policies (seven related to geopolitics and seven related to geo-economics) to conduct its foreign affairs in the new era. All of these 14 policies are interrelated; hence, they have been structured in the form of a matrix. This also means that when formulating one policy, issues related to the remaining 13 policies must not be overlooked, as any one policy has direct and indirect effects on all others.

The seven policies more closely related to geopolitics and Nepal’s primary national interests are as follows:

Nepal’s sovereign, equal, and independent India policy;

Nepal’s century-long China policy;

Nepal’s Super-Power policy;

Nepal’s neutral policy toward global security-related organizations;

Nepal’s deep-engagement policy toward East and West Asian countries;

Nepal’s deeper cooperation policy toward other South Asian countries; and

Nepal’s cordial policy toward UNSC P5 member states and other major powers.

 These seven policies are more closely aligned with geopolitics and Nepal’s primary national interests.

Similarly, the seven policies closely related to geo-economics and Nepal’s secondary national interests are as follows:

Nepal’s shared future policy toward least developed and developing countries (the Global South);

Nepal’s multilateral economic engagement policy toward countries providing foreign direct investment (FDI) and global financial institutions (such as AIIB, WB, IMF, WTO, BRI, MCC, etc.);

Nepal’s policy of Peace and Cooperation toward global institutions (such as the United Nations, SAARC, BIMSTEC, etc.);

Nepal’s continental and diplomatically dynamic policy with all friendly countries with which it maintains diplomatic relations;

Nepal’s policy on soft power, major global issues, and cultural engagement;

Nepal’s friendship policy toward Afro–Asian–Western regions (Europe and North/South American countries); and

Nepal’s policy on the protection and mobilization of the Nepali diaspora.

These 14 policies guide how Nepal should present itself to the world, enhance its prestige, and maintain friendly relations with countries worldwide. Through them, Nepal’s influence can spread globally, enabling its issues to shape and influence the international community. The policies under this model are projected to be capable of effectively managing the political crises and opportunities. 

The CPN-UML has finalized its candidates for the National Assembly elections.

The UML has decided to field Roshni Meche, Prem Dangal, Samjhana Devkota, Ramkumari Jhankri, Mina Rakhal, Leela Bhandari and Som Portel as National Assembly candidates for the elections to be held on January 25.

Jhakri, who left the CPN (Unified Socialist) and joined the UML shortly before its 11^th General Convention, was elected as a central member at the convention.

A UML official said that any change in the agreement between the parties could lead to a revision of the candidate list.

The Nepali Congress, UML, and Nepali Communist Party have formally decided to forge an alliance in the National Assembly elections which will fill 18 seats.

The Congress and UML have also reached an agreement on the number of seats. They have divided seven seats each.

The Nepali Communist Party has been given three seats and the Janata Samajbadi Party Nepal has been given one seat.

However, Pushpa Kamal Dahal of Nepali Communist Party has expressed his dissatisfaction with the number of seats.

A wild elephant was found dead at Dandagaun in Buddhashanti Rural Municipality-3, Jhapa district on Tuesday.

A male elephant was found dead at a farm of a local Lal Bahadur Rasaili, said Deputy Superintendent of Police at the District Police Office, Jhapa, Khagendra Bahadur Khadka.

Teams from the Area Police Office, Budhabare and the Division Forest Office, Jhapa, have reached the incident site.

Further investigation into the incident is underway, added police.

With this, two elephants were found dead in the current fiscal year so far, said Forest Officer at the Division Forest Office, Jhapa, Himal Pathak.

Similarly, four persons were killed in elephant attacks in the district in the current fiscal year so far.

The Election Commission (EC) has stressed the need for an effective mechanism to regulate the challenges surfaced in the implementation of the election code of conduct in the wake of massive use of the information technology.

The first meeting of the Central Code of Conduct Monitoring Committee held on Monday underscored the need to devise a special mechanism to control issues such as misinformation, hate speech and fake information circulated through social media and digital platforms during elections.

The Central Code of Conduct Monitoring Committee is formed as per Clause 26 of Election Code of Conduct, 2082 BS. 

The meeting was presided over by EC Commissioner Sagun Shumsher JBR in the presence of Officiating Chief Election Commissioner Ram Prasad Bhandari and Commissioner Dr Janaki Kumari Tuladhar, the EC Spokesperson Narayan Prasad Bhattarai said. 

The meeting discussed the coordination among the agencies, role of regulatory bodies and challenges in implementation, and various other issues relating to the effective implementation of the election code of conduct. 

On the occasion, the officials viewed that awareness-based, promotional, and punitive programs should be initiated simultaneously for effective implementation of the code of conduct.

Officiating Chief Election Commissioner Bhandari said that regulation of the social sites was imperative and the Commissioner should effectively mobilize all its mechanisms.

The government has planned to conduct the second Economic Census, 2025 from mid-March to mid-July.

The census aims to provide an accurate picture of the national economy through statistical information.

This information on it was shared at a program organized here to unveil the schedule, log and theme of the census. The census will be conducted under the theme of 'Economic Census for Measuring Economy' from March 15 to July 16, 2025, according to the National Statistics Office.

Office Spokesperson and Deputy Chief Statistics Officer Dhundiraj Lamichhane informed that details of the census would be released gradually starting from the fiscal year, 2026-27. He stated that the census is a significant initiative for gathering basic and reliable statistics, which are essential for formulating economic policies, plans and development strategies.

Lamichhane added that the main purpose of national economic enumeration is to collect data on the number, type, investment, employment, production, and service flow of industries, trade, businesses, services, cooperatives, and private–public institutions.

Shedding light on the objective and importance of the survey, Chief Statistics Officer Dr Kamal Prasad Pokharel said this census would play a significant role in building a strong institutional foundation of economic statistics. He underscored, "It is expected that the economic census will make a vital contribution in short-term and long-term economic plans prepared by the government, investment promotion and employment creation and receive details."

Strengthening of the estimates of gross domestic product of the country, production of necessary data to change the base of national accounts, formulation of policies and plans of the government and assessment of the goals sets by the government are other objectives of the economic census.

The government had conducted the national economic census for the first time seven years back.

A total of 923,356 business institutions across the country were recorded during the first economic census and 3.228 million people were involved in the business institutions. 

Similarly, around 30 percent of business firms had women managers. There were equal numbers of formal and informal institutions, according to the first economic census.

Economic activities to be measured are divided into 21 parts as per international industrial categorization. 

The study takes stock of the roles these sectors have played in the national economy. Basic information on 18 sectors out of 21 would be collected for the census.

US Ambassador to Nepal Dean R. Thompson paid a farewell call on Prime Minister Sushila Karki.

During the meeting held today at the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers, matters related to various aspects of bilateral relations between the two countries were discussed, according to the Prime Minister's Secretariat.

The Muslim community has been protesting in Birgunj since Sunday morning following the vandalism of a mosque in Dhanusha.

A group of unidentified persons vandalized a mosque at a Muslim Tole in Sakhuwa Maran, Dhanukamala Municipality-6, Dhanusha, and burned a copy of the Quran, according to an information circulated on social media.

The demonstrators have burned tires on the streets and shouted slogans in various places including Ghantaghar in Birgunj and Murali among others.

Meanwhile, a minor clash broke out between protesters and police at Idgah Chowk in Chhapakaiya.

Pollice also fired five rounds of tear gas shells to control the situation.

A police man sustained minor injuries in the incident.

The protesters have demanded immediate arrest and action against those who entered and vandalized mosques, the holiest places for Muslims, and burned the religious book, Quran.

Somnath Ghimire, a longtime Woodside resident and community leader, will formally announce his candidacy for the New York State Assembly in District 30 at a public event on 01/11/2026 at 6:30 pm at Gulshan Terrace.

"At its best, Queens is a place where every family belongs and has a voice," said Ghimire. "I'm stepping forward because District 30 deserves leadership that understands our communities and is committed to delivering real, smart practical solutions that work for everyone."

At the announcement event, Ghimire will outline his vision for a stronger and fairer Queens. His stated priorities include affordable housing, strong public schools, worker protections, and inclusive representation for all residents of Assembly District 30.

"I believe public service means listening, showing up, and fighting for the people we represent," Ghimire added. "Together, we can build a Queens where every family has the opportunity to thrive."

Further details are expected to be released following the announcement event.

Ghimire has lived in Woodside since 1996 and has spent more than two decades serving the Nepali American and South Asian community, advocating for workers, immigrants, and working families throughout Queens. His background includes serving as a 2020 Census Field Supervisor, helping ensure underrepresented communities were fully counted, and participating in human rights missions to 22 countries through the International Institute for Human Rights, Environment and Development (INHURED International).