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Uddhab Pyakurel is Dean and Associate Professor at Kathmandu University. He teaches  Political Sociology at School of Arts Kathmandu University. ApEx talked to him about the various dimensions of the GenZ movement and its aftermath.

How can the latest GenZ movement be understood from a sociological perspective?

The September uprising can be viewed as a public reaction to the attitude and behavior of Nepal’s major state stakeholders. Those who were taught or compelled to believe in the ideal model of governance have long harbored frustration toward the country’s political leadership. Ironically, political leaders themselves contributed to this cynicism. Over the years, while in opposition, they repeatedly told the public that Nepal was a “failed state” incapable of progress, often citing corruption, nepotism, favoritism, and foreign influence in their speeches and writings.

Regardless of their intent this persistent negativism gradually convinced citizens that Nepal’s society and polity were indeed facing severe challenges in governance and development. Even youths who were previously disengaged from political discourse watched these developments closely. When the government imposed a ban on social media, it became a trigger point. The youth mobilized rapidly, not just to understand the discourse but to contribute to it using new technologies and terminologies.

This was how the idea of “GenZ” found resonance in Nepal. Borrowed from the West, the term became a unifying identity for young, tech-savvy citizens with modern education. Thus, the movement found its roots in Nepal’s digital sphere before spilling into the streets.

Some observers hesitate to label the incident as a genuine social or political movement, citing it lasted for less than 48 hours. Yet, it should not be forgotten that within this short span, the movement forced the resignation of Nepal’s government. It was a feat unparalleled even by the revolutions of 1951, the People’s Movement of 1990, or Janaandolan II of 2006.

The extreme state violence on September 8 against peaceful protesters, followed by the unprofessional handling by security forces on September 9, were both deeply unfortunate and condemnable. These events led to chaos and destruction of property. However, compared to recent youth uprisings in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, the Nepali version maintained a democratic character, operating within the constitutional framework. Even though Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli was compelled to resign and seek refuge at the army barracks, the President took control and steered the transition in line with constitutional procedures.

What are the main goals and aspirations driving the movement?

In today’s capitalist environment, most youths are trained to pursue careers rather than to understand the country’s social realities. Their key concern, therefore, is whether Nepal offers an environment conducive to their aspirations. While the state attempted some reforms along capitalist lines, it failed to communicate its progress effectively. The absence of transparent information channels allowed frustration to deepen across all sections of society.

The September 8 mobilization, however, was driven by modest but powerful goals: systemic reform, transparency, and inclusiveness in governance. The movement directly questioned the political relevance of long-dominant leaders—CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli, Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Maoist Chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal. Beyond anti-corruption slogans, the youth demanded pustantaran (a generational shift in leadership) so they could engage with new, relatable political figures in building a better Nepal.

How have political parties responded to these protests?

Unfortunately, most political parties have responded with reaction rather than reflection. The first few weeks following the protests created a sense of hope for change, as debates emerged around the issues raised by the youth. Gradually, however, party leaders, many of whom had gone silent during the unrest, resurfaced with defensive statements. While some acknowledged the youth’s concerns, no meaningful action followed. Except for the Nepali Congress, no major party initiated a serious internal discussion on pustantaran. None of the senior leaders stepped down. Two months after the protests, party leaders largely resumed business as usual, behaving as if nothing had happened on September 8 and 9. They dismissed the uprising as reactionary or undemocratic, thereby deflecting attention from their own failures to understand public sentiment.

In your opinion, is the government capable of holding elections on March 5?

There is no alternative to holding timely elections in Nepal today. The government was formed with a clear electoral mandate, and polls must be conducted no later than March 5, 2026. These elections will not only restore constitutional legitimacy but also provide a pathway for the change envisioned by the youth. As for capability, there appears to be no major obstacle preventing the government from organizing the elections. While some raise concerns about security, they overlook Nepal’s experience in 2008, when elections were successfully held amid far more difficult circumstances, when over 100 armed groups operated across the country and police posts in rural areas remained closed due to the insurgency. Compared to that period, today’s situation is much more stable and manageable.

What should be the political roadmap moving forward?

To honor the mandate of the youth uprising, Nepal must integrate young aspirations into its political future. A multi-party democracy cannot function without political parties, but it also cannot progress without reforming them. The responsibility now lies squarely with party leaders. They must show genuine gestures of change within their organizations. Amending party constitutions and ensuring internal democracy would send a powerful message to the youth that transformation is possible within the system. This could encourage the generation below 30 to participate meaningfully in politics and governance, which can be a potential win-win for both sides. Unfortunately, the current direction is worrying. The two largest parties in the dissolved House appear confused about the future, focusing more on criticizing the new transitional government than on addressing public grievances. If political leaders continue resisting change, youth anger may escalate, not just against individual leaders but against political parties and the democratic system itself. Such a scenario risks pushing Nepal into another constitutional crisis, threatening political and institutional stability. Let’s hope that wisdom prevails and Nepal avoids such an unfortunate and undemocratic path.

Tension ran high in Janakpurdham, Madhes Province capital, after the opposition political parties protested the sudden appointment of Chief Minister (CM).

The new CM, Saroj Kumar Yadav, is scheduled to take oath of office and secrecy today. As the oath-taking schedule was made public, the cadres of opposition parties went berserk, vandalizing furniture in various ministries. Even the province ministries are padlocked now.

The protestors have been chanting slogans against Province Chief Sumitra Devi Bhandari and newly appointed CM Yadav.

To everyone's surprise, Province Chief Bhandari, who had summoned the political parties to file candidacy for new CM in the wake of resignation of Jitendra Sonal last evening, had appointed province Parliamentary Party leader of CPM UML, Yadav as the Chief Minister early Monday morning.

Meanwhile, Parliamentary Party leader of Loktantrik Samajbadi Party in province, Jenul Rain, expressed suspicion over the role of Province Chief Bhandari. The appointment will be challenged politically and legally, he warned.

The District Administration Office, Dhanusha has urged all concerned to hold protest programs in a peaceful manner. It added that it was making all-out efforts to end tension and prevent untoward incidents.

The installation of free WiFi service at New Bus Park, Gongabu has elated the people leaving the Kathmandu Valley for different parts of the country by bus.

Chandra KC, who arrived at New Bus Park to purchase a ticket for his travel to Gulmi, said, "The free WiFi service won the customers' heart and eased transport. Such service needs expansion in other places outside the Kathmandu Valley."

Similarly, Bhup Prasad Bhusal was happy to find internet connection available free of cost for the first time at New Bus Park. He was seeking service for travelling to Dang district. Bhusal also had a similar recommendation as that of KC so that even those outside the federal capital could enjoy easy services for travel.

The government has done a wonderful job by ensuring free WiFi, for it has facilitated customers tremendously, an employee at ticket counter, Bachchu Ram Bhatta, observed.

Dipak Dhakal, originally from Dhading district, also appreciated the government's work that cheered service seekers.

A bus entrepreneur Ramesh Bhatta, however, said sustainability of such service is more important than launch.

Minister for Communications and Information Technology, Jagdish Kharel, had signed the first decision upon his assumption of office on September 22 on expansion of free internet in significant public places. The free internet connectivity was materialized as per the Minister's decision. He had inaugurated the service on November 5.

With this facility in place, the customers can purchase bus tickets using digital gadgets. They are provided with the free internet for 90 minutes at a time.

Some 700 to 800 public buses are operated from New Bus Park every day. Among these, 400 are large buses, 150 micro buses and over 200 local buses. The local buses are operated in the Kathmandu Valley.

 It is said nearly 12,000 to 15,000 people come and go from the New Bus Park each day.

Growing up in Dharan-18, Sunsari, in a community where many women were financially dependent on their male counterparts, Sushma Rai always felt the urge to challenge that cycle. She believed that women could be equally capable of earning, leading, and inspiring others. With a deep interest in clothing design and a vision to create change, she migrated from Dharan to Kathmandu, convincing her family to let her follow her passion for fashion and entrepreneurship.

Her turning point came when she discovered the Nabil School of Social Entrepreneurship (Nabil SSE) Fellowship Program—a platform she describes as the most transformative chapter of her entrepreneurial journey.

The Nabil SSE Fellowship, initiated under Nabil Bank Limited’s Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) program, was designed to empower aspiring and existing social entrepreneurs by equipping them with practical skills, mentorship, and access to financial opportunities. Through interactive training, peer learning, and guidance from experienced mentors, Rai gained valuable insights into market research, business planning, financial management, and brand development. These lessons helped her transform her boutique into a structured, sustainable enterprise.

Established in 2018, Tayami Boutique has grown into a women-led social enterprise producing high-quality women’s wear and baby clothes using locally sourced materials. Beyond fashion, Tayami embodies empowerment—offering hands-on training, dignified employment, and financial independence to local women. From two staff members, Rai now leads a team of 25 women, many of whom were once confined to household responsibilities. Tayami has since developed its own identity, specializing in maternity wear, baby clothing, and women’s apparel that blends comfort, culture, and creativity.

The Nabil SSE Fellowship Program, organized in collaboration with the School of Management, Tribhuvan University (SOMTU), is a six-month residential and field-based initiative. It provides modules on business strategy, leadership, impact measurement, and sustainability while connecting fellows with expert mentors and networks. To date, the program has trained 76 fellows, leading to the establishment of 62 enterprises and the creation of over 14,500 jobs across Nepal. This year, Nabil SSE has introduced province-specific thematic priorities—focusing on various aims.

According to Manoj Kumar Gyawali, CEO of Nabil Bank, “Empowering social entrepreneurs has proven to be one of the most effective means to fulfill our commitment to national development. With this cohort, we are strategically channeling our resources to reach the most disadvantaged communities, translating financial innovation into tangible, inclusive growth across all provinces.”

The price of gold has increased by Rs 2, 900 per tola in the domestic market on Monday.

According to the Federation of Nepal Gold and Silver Dealers’ Association, the precious yellow metal is being traded at Rs 241, 500 per tola today.

Similarly, the silver is being traded at Rs 3, 065 per tola today.

Nepali Congress General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa has asserted that the forthcoming House of Representatives (HoR) elections on March 5 will steer the Constitution in the right direction.

He came with the view today via social media, emphasizing that the elections will establish a new Parliament and properly guide the Constitution.

General Secretary Thapa remarked, 'The elections set for March 5 is the sole avenue to align the Constitution correctly; there is no doubt about this.'

He further noted that the party has already articulated its stance during the all-party meeting led by the Prime Minister.

Additionally, General Secretary Thapa highlighted that convening a party general convention prior to the elections, along with the policies and leadership that will arise from it, will empower the Congress to effectively compete in the elections.

What is the difference between a living body and a dead one? In the dead, similar to the living, all the organs are precisely where they are supposed to be (except if the dead had endured significant damage in any of the organs or bones). The difference is the dead are not breathing; that is to say, the food is not being oxidized, energy is not created; hence, all the major biological processes are stagnant. But what truly makes us breathe? Why do we breathe? What makes life live? Hypothetically, if we configure a body from scratch, engineering every organ, every bone, and every piece of flesh precisely where they are supposed to be, do we create a fully functional living body? No. According to the eastern philosophy based on Sri Isopanisad, too, an ‘organic whole’ cannot arise from parts that have to be assembled. That process can only produce inorganic, mechanical, or chemical processes, not living organisms. Hence, even if we successfully integrate all the organs, flesh, and bones to engineer a body, an entity that is missing what truly makes life live is consciousness. In this article, I’ll subtly try to answer the pressing mysteries about the origin of consciousness using a molecular and cellular perspective. 

A conscious cell

All human beings, and other living beings, have an ancestral cell that, some billion years ago, was divided into two; that is to say, the ancestral cell passed on its genetic information onto another one, and so on and so forth, forming organs, systems, and organisms. It can be hypothesized that the energy, or an entity, that someday drove the passing of information from one cell to another is the same energy (consciousness) that today enables us to think, perceive, learn, and live. Moreover, cells can interpret chemical messages, communicate via cell signaling, regulate internal functions, and perform programmed cell death, illustrating coordinated, intelligent responses to environmental stimuli. These behaviors suggest that consciousness and cognition have biological bases at the cellular and molecular levels. According to Eshel Ben-Jacob, a pioneer in the study of bacterial intelligence and social behavior of bacteria, consciousness also exists in most primitive organisms without a brain, like plants and unicellular organisms like bacteria. Jacobs states that unicellular organisms also display learning, memory, anticipation, risk management, and other aspects of cognitive behavior. These examples, ultimately, provide more legitimacy to the idea that cells are sentient beings.

Cell consciousness, evolution, and Darwinism 

The notion that consciousness could emerge from cells challenges neo-Darwinism and the theory of evolution. Darwinism suggests that some random changes in the genetic code within DNA give rise to a genetic diversity that undergoes a natural selection pressure within the environment; and upon surviving the selection pressure, organisms and species adapt, change, and evolve. If the cells are conscious on their own, it can be hypothesized that mutation could be a conscious act—and not just a ‘random’ change in the genetic code. James A. Shapiro, a molecular biologist at the University of Chicago and the author of the book Evolution: A View from the 21st Century, states that “A shift from thinking about gradual selection of localized random changes to sudden genome restructuring by sensory network-influenced cell systems is a major conceptual change. It replaces the “invisible hands” of geological time and natural selection with cognitive networks and cellular functions for self-modification. The emphasis is systemic rather than atomistic and information-based rather than stochastic.”

Moreover, Richard Dawkins, in The Selfish Gene, also argues that organisms are merely a survival machine for the genes that created cells, synthesized proteins, and formed sophisticated membranes and cellular mechanisms to eventually create bodies and minds to protect themselves and their legacies.

Consciousness and quantum mechanics 

As a kid, I was always confused about what the fundamental particles of nature were. In chemistry, I learned that electrons, protons, and neutrons were the fundamental particles. In physics, I learned that protons and neutrons can further be divided into quarks. And in biology, I learned that cells are the fundamental building blocks of life. I never really understood the difference between an atom and a cell. It was not until high school that I realized that cells that contain a nucleus, mitochondria, cytoplasm, ribosomes, and vacuoles can further be divided into proteins, water molecules, and other organic compounds that are fundamentally made up of particles like electrons and quarks. So, it can be hypothesized that the nucleus that contains DNA, which works to synthesize proteins with the help of RNA and also triggers the process of cell division (nuclei are the brains of cells), is guided by the quantum phenomena that take place deep within the atoms that form these cell bodies. 

There have been numerous theories and pieces of evidence that have worked to find connections between quantum theories and consciousness. One such theory is the Orch OR (Orchestrated Objective Reduction) theory, which posits that tubulin proteins within neuronal microtubules engage in quantum computations via superposition and objective reduction events that generate discrete moments of conscious awareness. 

Furthermore, Goodman et al. state that the theoretical models suggest that weak force interactions and electron neutrino exchanges might also support long-range quantum coherence across cellular assemblies, thereby linking quantum mechanics to large-scale neural synchrony. These perspectives collectively emphasize that quantum-level biomolecular interactions provide mechanisms for the integration of information across both spatial and temporal scales, which is essential for the emergent property of consciousness.

In summary, these theories and ideas give strength to the fact that consciousness arises from the cells, not from the brain. Evidence from cellular biology indicates that individual cells exhibit rudimentary forms of awareness through membrane dynamics, laying the foundation for conscious processes. Ultimately, the synthesis of molecular, quantum, and integrative theories provides a robust framework for understanding how consciousness could emerge from the fundamental interactions of biomolecules.

Chirag Timilsina

The Kathmandu Metropolitan City (KMC) has prohibited the burning of waste and plastic materials within the metropolis.

The Environment Department of KMC has stated that this prohibition aims to mitigate the detrimental effects of air pollution on both the environment and public health.

As temperatures drop, the practice of burning waste, plastic, and other materials in open places have escalated. Department Head Sarita Rai said that incineration of these waste materials has harmful consequences for the environment and public health, which is the rationale behind the enforcement of this ban.

She further noted that any individual found in violation of this regulation will be fined Rs 10,000 for each offense. "Each year, during the winter months, the levels of air pollution in the Kathmandu Valley rise considerably. A substantial portion of this pollution is attributed to the open burning of plastic materials," remarked Department Chief Rai.

"This measure has been enacted to alleviate the negative impacts on public health and the environment." Air pollution adversely affects vulnerable groups, including children, the elderly, individuals with respiratory conditions such as asthma, those with cardiovascular issues, and persons suffering from chronic illnesses.

Along with it, KMC has undertaken initiatives to diminish smoke emissions resulting from the open burning of plastic materials to safeguard the health of all city inhabitants and the environment.

Rai emphasized, "Should anyone ignore the ban issued by KMC, appropriate actions will be taken in accordance with the Kathmandu Metropolitan City Environment and Natural Resources Conservation Act, 2077 BS, and the Fiscal Act, 2082 BS.