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As the government prepares for the March 5 elections, a deep mistrust between the government and major political parties threatens to derail the electoral process. Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s government faces growing skepticism over its ability to ensure election security and fairness amid the multiple pressures of Gen-Z protesters’ demands, missing police weapons, and declining police morale.

With ongoing investigations targeting former prime ministers and rising fears of renewed violence, political parties remain divided over whether credible and safe elections can be held under the current leadership. The first-ever meeting between Prime Minister Karki and major political parties since the Sep 8–9 Gen-Z protests, which took place on Oct 22, was dominated by one central question: can the government guarantee security for the March 5 polls?

While no major party opposes elections in principle, all demand credible assurances of foolproof security. The CPN-UML has taken the hardest line, declaring outright that elections under the current administration are “impossible.” The Nepali Congress (NC) has adopted a more cautious stance, supporting elections but insisting that the environment is not yet conducive.

Several developments have deepened public and political suspicion. Most notably, the Nepal Police has yet to recover over 1,000 weapons looted by protesters on Sept 9, while more than 4,000 inmates who escaped during the unrest remain at large. Parties fear the looted weapons could be used to intimidate candidates or disrupt campaigns.

Adding to the anxiety, many police posts destroyed during the protests remain in ruins, forcing officers to work from temporary shelters. Police morale is reportedly at an all-time low, as many feel that both the public and political leadership abandoned them during the violence.

Compounding the tension, self-proclaimed representatives of the GenZ movement have issued open threats to senior party leaders, while political cadres have begun trading verbal attacks online and in local rallies. Many fear these confrontations could escalate into physical clashes during the campaign period.

The Election Commission has stated that it needs at least 120 days to conduct elections after all contentious issues are resolved. Meanwhile, some Ge-Z protesters continue to press for demands the government cannot meet, such as a directly elected president. UML leaders have also accused the Home Minister of intimidating political figures, further eroding trust in the government’s neutrality toward political parties.

Political leaders have expressed frustration that they still cannot move freely in public or hold gatherings without fear of attacks. The Madhes region, in particular, remains volatile and vulnerable to communal violence.

The government’s credibility has also taken a hit following the Home Ministry’s controversial directive not to arrest individuals involved in arson and vandalism during the GenZ protests. Despite this, police in several districts have continued detaining suspects linked to killings and property damage, creating confusion about the government’s actual stance.

Traditionally, Nepal employs a layered security approach during elections, with the Nepal Police, Armed Police Force (APF), and National Investigation Department (NID) coordinating operations, and the Nepal Army serving as the outer ring of defense. However, shortages of security equipment and logistical challenges mean the government may struggle to ensure a robust security plan for the polls. Officials have hinted at seeking foreign assistance, though it remains unclear whether such support will arrive in time.

Further straining the political climate, the government has launched investigations into the properties of former prime ministers Sher Bahadur Deuba, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, and KP Sharma Oli, as well as their family members. The opposition views these probes as politically motivated attempts to discredit rivals ahead of the elections.

Police have already raided the homes of Deuba’s relatives in search of hidden assets, though no official findings have been released. Even Maoist leaders, who have supported Karki’s government, have criticized the timing of the investigations, warning that such actions could “poison the election environment.”

The UML’s concerns are particularly acute. Its Oli faces a travel restriction imposed by the Gauri Bahadur Karki probe panel in connection with the killing of 19 students during the Sept 8 Gen-Z protests. Oli has denounced the Karki government as “unconstitutional” and vowed not to participate in elections under her leadership. Meanwhile, UML leaders and Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal have been trading accusations, each blaming the other for “spoiling the election environment.”

Parties also admit they are organizationally unprepared for national elections. Many of their central and district offices were destroyed during the protests, along with vital records and documents. Several leaders remain displaced, still searching for housing after their homes were burned down.

“It might sound like a small issue, but many of our members are still dealing with trauma. Under these circumstances, preparing for an election feels impossible,” said one Congress leader about the current situation. Some leaders suspect that they are being pushed into premature elections deliberately in order to weaken traditional parties and make room for new political forces emerging from the protest movements.

Meanwhile, the three major parties—NC, UML, and Maoist Center—have announced plans to hold their respective general conventions, which could further complicate their preparations for the polls. Prime Minister Karki’s administration harbors its own suspicions. Branded “unconstitutional” by the UML, Karki fears that major political parties might boycott the polls or demand her resignation, undermining both the election’s legitimacy and her government’s authority.

While Karki’s outreach to political parties is a positive step, her preference for meeting second- and third-tier leaders rather than party chiefs has raised doubts about her sincerity. Ultimately, it is the top leaders—Deuba, Dahal, and Oli—who will decide whether their parties participate in the elections. Karki also faces a delicate balancing act: if she appears too conciliatory toward the established parties, she risks alienating the Gen-Z movement, which remains vocal and politically influential.

Adding yet another layer of volatility, several groups, including businessman turned political activist Durga Prasai, are preparing mass rallies demanding the restoration of the monarchy. Large-scale street protests in Kathmandu in the coming days could further destabilize the already fragile pre-election environment.

A month after the violent Gen-Z protests of Sept 8–9 shook the nation, former prime minister KP Sharma Oli has resurfaced—defiant, unbowed, and unrepentant. In a rare interaction with editors, he dismissed the current interim administration led by Sushila Karki as “unconstitutional,” ruled out any possibility of elections in March, and called for the restoration of parliament as the only legitimate way forward.

“This government was born out of the pressure, not the constitution,” he declared, leaning into his familiar mix of grievance and confidence. What followed was a long and wide-ranging conversation that offered a glimpse into Oli’s political state of mind—part justification, part warning, and part self-assurance that he may yet return to power.

Social media ban that sparked the fire

Oli stood by his government’s decision to ban social media — the very trigger that ignited the youth-led movement. According to him, the step was neither sudden nor authoritarian.

“For a year and a half, we’d been requesting global platforms to register in Nepal,” he said. “TikTok was banned until it complied. Out of 26 platforms, some were processing registration, while others flatly refused to follow our constitution or pay taxes.”

He insisted the ban was meant to be temporary, claiming that discussions were underway with several platforms. But by the time those talks progressed, the streets had already erupted.

Understanding and undermining GenZ’s demands

Oli said he was not opposed to the protesters’ core demands: good governance, anti-corruption, and the restoration of digital freedoms. “Their concerns were genuine,” he said, “and the government was already working to address them.”

But he was quick to add a caveat. “The protests lacked specificity on corruption. Until Sept 7, security agencies reported no major threats. They said the students would protest peacefully and return home.”

On the generational accusation of “nepo baby politics,” he sounded irritated. “I don’t accept that term. Why scare children with such words? It’s not arrogance; it’s about fairness.” Oli said that Gen-Z protestors have not called for his resignation. 

He stated that it is natural for parents to love, care for, and provide opportunities to their children, and accused that portraying this in a negative light has caused mental stress to children and youth.

The three phases of the protests

Oli broke down the Sept 8–9 events into what he called “three distinct stages.” The first, on the morning of Sept 8, involved peaceful student demonstrations that soon spiraled out of control. “Infiltrators provoked the crowd, using students as shields,” he alleged.

The second phase, later that day, was marked by “coordinated violence,” and the third on Sept 9 by widespread unrest. “Students were killed to create a pretext for chaos,” he said, adding that his government had formed a probe panel the same day 19 students died.

‘Cell seized for three days’

For the first time, Oli revealed details of his dramatic exit from power. He said that after resigning at around 1 pm on Sept 9, he was whisked away from Baluwatar by the Nepal Army and taken to a military barrack “for security reasons.”

“My phone was seized for three days,” he said. “I got it back only after Sushila Karki was appointed prime minister on Sept 12.”

Asked whether this amounted to house arrest, Oli replied: “I was under the Army’s security. Call it whatever you want.”

On Karki’s appointment

Oli maintained that he had not nominated anyone as his successor. “Yes, I gave my recommendation, but I didn’t name any individual, including Karki,” he said.

According to him, both President Ramchandra Paudel and Army Chief Ashok Raj Sigdel met him at the barrack before appointing the new prime minister. “I told them a government must be formed within the constitutional and parliamentary framework, and they agreed.”

‘This government is unconstitutional’

The former prime minister remains unwavering in his stance that the Karki-led administration violates the constitution.

“As per the constitution, a former chief justice cannot hold top executive office, except in the National Human Rights Commission,” he said. “Is this how democracy works? Is this how a prime minister is chosen — throught voting and discord ? That’s not democracy; that’s a spectacle.”

He added: “Should I lie because I’m afraid? Should I bow down and speak untruths?”

Rejecting the probe commission

Oli made it clear he would not cooperate with the probe commission headed by former judge, Gauri Bahadur Karki.

“I won’t appear before that commission,” he said. “Just because KP Oli is innocent, does that mean commissions can be formed anywhere and I must go and give statements? KP Oli doesn’t betray himself.”

‘Probe my property’

Responding to reports that government agencies are investigating the assets of major political leaders, including himself, Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Oli sounded unfazed.

“Even journalists can investigate my property,” he said. “There might be around two million rupees in my account — my salary savings. The government can check if I have any bank accounts abroad.”

Talk of a comeback

Asked about his political future, Oli smiled. “If things continue like this, the chances of KP Oli’s return increase,” he said. “People won’t tolerate this disorder for long.”

Environment not conducive for polls

Oli dismissed the idea of elections on March 5, calling them “impossible under the current situation.”

“Over 4,000 prisoners are still on the loose, and 1,200 weapons have been looted. How can elections take place in such an environment?” he asked.

His party, CPN-UML, has since decided to prioritize parliamentary restoration over elections,  a move he says reflects political reality, not opportunism.

‘They want to arrest us’

Oli accused the interim government of planning to arrest him and other senior leaders. “Prime Minister Karki has been meeting with the Attorney General and other officials to find ways to detain us,” he alleged. “It’s a mockery of democracy when leaders can’t move freely in their own country.”

‘I won’t step down’

Oli brushed aside internal calls to resign as UML party chair. “Sher Bahadur Deuba has appointed an acting president because he’s unwell. But I’m fit. So why should I?”

He said the party’s upcoming General Convention in December will be the place to raise questions, not the media. “Leadership is decided by people, not pundits,” he said.

On criticism about his age, Oli turned philosophical and a little playful. “The US president (81) is older than me, Putin is seven months younger, and Bangladesh’s prime minister is 82,” he said. “Leadership isn’t about age; it’s about timing and necessity.”

Oli stated that there are still many who want to see him in the party leadership. If I do not play, another captain will emerge, Oli said, for now, they are still looking to KP Oli as a captain. 

He said: “I have the ability to work, I am physically fit. This is a matter of the needs of the country and the party.” 

A hint at external hands

Toward the end of the conversation, Oli sidestepped questions about “foreign involvement” in the protests, a topic he had previously raised within his party. He offered only a hint: “There are external influences shaping the current situation.” He then turned his attention to the media. “Some outlets played a provocative role during the protests,” he said. “But I urge journalists to not practice self-censorship. Write the truth, without fear.”

  Uncertain time 

KP Oli said that he is loyal to the country and the people. The country has entered a state of uncertainty.  The values and principles I speak are of the matters of my conviction, Oli said.

Following a month of fear driven by GenZ protests, major political parties, primarily the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML, are holding crucial meetings to address issues such as leadership change, elections, and their stance on the Sept 8–9 demonstrations. The main agenda for both parties is leadership transition.

On Oct 14, NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba named Vice-president Purna Bahadur Khadka as acting party president. He also announced that he will not contest for the presidency in the upcoming general convention. For now, the leadership issue within the NC remains on hold, with growing speculation over who will succeed Deuba. Around 53 percent of the party’s general convention representatives have submitted a memo to acting president Khadka demanding a special general convention. As per the party statute, a special convention must be called if 40 percent of representatives make such a demand. Deuba has already instructed party leaders to convene the convention as soon as possible.

Within the UML, KP Sharma Oli said in the party’s central committee meeting on Oct 15 that he is ready to relinquish leadership if the party’s central committee or general convention decides so. He, however, urged leaders not to pressure him to resign through social media.. Oli maintained that he has done nothing wrong and therefore sees no reason to give up power. Before the GenZ protests, Oli had stated that he would either remain party chair or retire altogether, refusing to serve as the party’s “second man.” The UML plans to hold its convention in the second week of December.

In the CPN (Maoist Center), Pushpa Kamal Dahal has taken a strategic step by converting the party’s central committee into a general convention organizing committee, naming himself its convener. Dahal is now forming GenZ wings within the party that support the continuation of his leadership. Publicly, Dahal has stated that he does not intend to retire from active politics.

The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) is expected to retain Rabi Lamichhane as party chairman. However, the party is seeking a popular face to assume a more active leadership role, as Lamichhane’s status remains uncertain. Discussions are reportedly underway with Kul Man Ghising, the current Minister of Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation, to become the party’s deputy chief.

One thing is clear: in the coming months, major political parties will remain occupied with conventions and leadership transitions.

Alongside internal matters, parties are clarifying their positions on the March 5 elections. The UML is emphasizing the restoration of Parliament instead of fresh polls, arguing that the current government is unconstitutional and that a free and fair election is not possible under present circumstances. Speaker Dev Raj Ghimire has been consulting with political parties to solicit their views on parliamentary restoration. In a document presented to the UML’s central committee, Oli proposed launching street protests to press for the revival of Parliament. UML leaders are hopeful about restoration, partly because several senior Supreme Court justices have past affiliations with UML and NC. However, they fear a split among the judges, which could result in a fractured verdict.

There are also doubts over whether parties could manage GenZ protesters if Parliament is revived, since its dissolution was one of the major demands of Prime Minister Sushila Karki when she assumed office. Observers warn that restoring Parliament could lead to another round of political conflict.

At this juncture, the NC’s position remains crucial. For now, it appears the party is keeping both options of Parliament restoration and fresh elections open. The NC has said it is ready for elections, but argues that the government has failed to create a conducive environment. Party leaders claim they continue to receive threats and intimidation from some protesters, while the government has failed to control such activities. NC leaders also assert that, as in the past, they will not be swayed by Oli on national matters. Much will depend on how intra-party dynamics unfold within the party, as senior leaders may struggle to form a unified position in Deuba’s absence.

The Maoist Center was the first to declare that elections are the only way out of the current crisis. The party believes it could gain strength in a new parliament, as NC and UML were the main targets of the GenZ protests. The Maoists were also the first to acknowledge the GenZ movement.

Meanwhile, second-tier leaders of major communist parties are exploring the possibility of left unity. They argue that UML, the Maoists, and smaller communist factions should at least form an electoral alliance if full party unification is not feasible. However, Oli remains central to this process. On Oct 15, Dahal publicly said that left unity could be possible if Oli steps down. Some UML leaders believe unification might happen if former President Bidya Devi Bhandari returns to the party and assumes leadership.

So far, the major political parties have not held a joint meeting to find common ground on elections. Such a meeting could be pivotal in shaping a collective position. The election is still five months away, and if consensus is reached between the government and major parties, polls could be held within three months. Although President Ramchandra Paudel convened the first round of talks between the government and political parties last week, substantive negotiations have yet to begin.

Prime Minister Karki remains hesitant to invite party leaders to Baluwatar, fearing GenZ backlash. There are deep divisions between the government and political parties over how to interpret the Sept 8–9 protests. The government focuses on the Sept 8 incident, when 21 youths were killed in police firing, and is reportedly preparing to arrest then Prime Minister Oli and then Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak for their alleged roles. The parties, however, insist that those responsible for the arson and vandalism of Sept 9 must also be held accountable to ensure a conducive electoral environment. The Home Ministry’s directive to police not to arrest those responsible for the arson has heightened tensions between the government and parties.

While the government views the GenZ protests as a revolution, political parties do not. They acknowledge the legitimacy of some GenZ demands but reject the idea of it being a people’s uprising. The UML and Maoist Center suspect external involvement, with Oli being more vocal about it. Recently, Dahal hinted at a “geopolitical factor” behind the protests, while Oli, in his party document claimed the incident was “a continuation of the so-called color revolutions that various powerful nations have carried out since the Cold War … to undermine the country’s sovereignty, democracy, and constitution.”

Whether elections will take place remains uncertain. 

An NC leader said, “The ball is in the government’s court. If it creates a conducive environment, the parties cannot refuse elections.” After the Tihar festival, the Supreme Court will begin hearings on the petitions against Parliament’s dissolution. At the same time, various political parties and groups are preparing for street demonstrations with their own demands.

A UML leader remarked, “We are not sure whether the government will take a confrontational approach or choose reconciliation.” 

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Karki is under pressure from President Paudel to engage with political parties and create an environment for elections. Earlier, Karki rejected Paudel's suggestion to include party representatives in the cabinet, opting instead for a party-less government. A source close to the President said Karki was appointed the prime minister with a single, specific mandate of holding elections. “She should focus solely on that; otherwise, problems may arise,” the source warned.

Nepal is bracing for heavy to very heavy rainfall across various parts of the country. In response, the government has placed all relevant agencies, including security forces, on high alert due to the increased risk of floods and landslides. Nighttime travel restrictions have been imposed on major highways to prevent accidents and ensure public safety.

Citizens have been advised to remain indoors. Political parties have issued directives to their cadres to stay alert and assist the public in case of emergencies. Foreign tourists currently trekking and mountaineering are returning early due to the deteriorating weather conditions. People are praying that the rains do not cause damage and loss of life, as they did last year. Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal is in constant consultation with security and disaster response agencies to coordinate preparedness and response efforts.

The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has received one complaint related to human rights violations during the Dashain festival. The Commission has also drawn the government’s attention to rising criminal activities and black market practices during the festive season. With the absence of an elected legislature, the NHRC has stressed its vital role in holding the government accountable and safeguarding civil and political rights.

The Nepal Intellectual Council, a sister organization of the CPN-UML, has requested party Chairman KP Sharma Oli to step down from the leadership before the upcoming general convention. A formal letter was submitted to party General Secretary Shankar Pokharel urging for a leadership transition. Despite mounting pressure following the GenZ protests and increasing public criticism, Oli has made it clear he will not resign before the next convention.

The Ministry of Finance has announced that Nepali or foreign nationals entering Nepal may carry up to USD 500 in cash without a customs declaration. However, any amount exceeding USD 5,000 must be declared at customs. Newly appointed Finance Minister Rameshwar Khanal has initiated a series of austerity measures aimed at improving the country’s economic health. He has taken action against unlawful benefits taken by political parties, a move that has garnered public support.

As domestic airlines hike fares due to ongoing highway blockades, the Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN) has issued a list of maximum allowable airfare rates for major domestic routes. CAAN has urged the public to report any airlines charging above the government-set rates. The move comes in response to public complaints and increased pressure on air travel due to restricted road transport.

It has been three weeks since the formation of the interim government led by Sushila Karki, who was appointed by President Ramchandra Poudel with a mandate to hold elections within six months. The Karki-led Cabinet has already announced that the elections for the House of Representatives (HoR) will be held on March 5.

Since taking office, Karki and her ministers have been actively engaging with major international powers. Countries including India, the United States, China, the European Union, and Japan have extended congratulations to the new government and held diplomatic meetings with its leadership.

On Sept 12, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson, responding to a media question, offered a formal congratulatory message: “China and Nepal share a time-honored friendship. China, as always, respects the development path chosen independently by the people of Nepal. We stand ready to work with Nepal to promote the five principles of peaceful coexistence, enhance exchanges and cooperation in various fields, and further advance bilateral relations.”

Six days later, on Sept 18, Chinese Ambassador to Nepal Chen Song met with Prime Minister Karki to formally extend congratulations and reaffirm bilateral cooperation. "We exchanged views and agreed to further promote our friendship and cooperation," Chen noted following the meeting. During this period, the Chinese Ambassador also held discussions with several ministers, focusing on ongoing Chinese projects in Nepal.

Despite these engagements, a notable absence remains: there has been no public congratulatory message from either the Chinese President or Prime Minister. This marks a departure from precedent. For example, in both 2018 and 2024, when KP Sharma Oli became Prime Minister, China’s top leadership extended congratulations within days. Similarly, after Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s appointment on 25 Dec 2022, then Chinese Premier Li Keqiang sent his message by Dec 29.

The muted response has sparked speculation among political observers in Kathmandu. Analysts suggest Beijing may be unsettled by the new political landscape that emerged from the recent GenZ protests—an unexpected movement that sidelined many traditional power brokers, including Nepal’s left-leaning parties that China has historically favored.

Over over a decade, China has primarily relied on Nepal’s communist parties to secure its strategic interests, particularly in matters of regional security. In recent years, however, relations between China and the Nepali Congress had also improved—culminating in the signing of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) framework agreement last year, despite previously strained ties.

However, the GenZ movement has disrupted the traditional political order. According to China watchers in Kathmandu, Beijing is now grappling with two main concerns: Political instability–a volatile Nepal could undermine Chinese interests and security in the region, and Western influence–increased engagement by Western countries with the new government may be viewed as a challenge to China's strategic foothold.

Further complicating the picture is an unusual congratulatory message from the Dalai Lama to Karki on Sept 13—an exceedingly rare gesture that may have further displeased Beijing. Adding to the speculation, Chinese state media has largely remained silent. Apart from brief news reports by Xinhua and China Daily, there has been no commentary, editorials, or opinion pieces—typically a key indicator of the Chinese government’s sentiment on foreign developments.

According to regional analysts, China’s approach to new governments in Nepal typically follows two tracks. If Nepal’s leadership is perceived as favorable—usually under communist parties—Beijing sees it as an opportunity to expand influence. For instance, erstwhile government led by KP Sharma Oli extensively engaged with China. The two notable developments with China were the signing of the BRI framework agreement and Prime Minister Oli’s participation in the Victory Day parade, which helped appeased Beijing. But, soon after his return from Beijing, Oli’s government collapsed.

If the regime is seen as less aligned, China focuses on safeguarding its core interests through cautious engagement while avoiding overt displays of dissatisfaction. So far, China appears to be choosing the latter path with the Karki-led interim government—engaging pragmatically. According to experts, China may support holding the elections as soon as possible, as it would bring political parties to power. 

Nepal’s first and second largest parties in the recently dissolved House of Representatives — the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML — are expected to put forward at least three conditions before agreeing to participate in the elections, which are tentatively scheduled for March 5, if everything goes as planned.

In their initial reactions, these parties have not opposed the elections. After spending ten days under Nepal Army protection, top leaders of major political parties have started returning to their rented apartments, as their personal residences were selectively burned down by protestors. Many leaders are still in hiding due to ongoing threats and an environment of insecurity.

According to cross-party leaders, the first major condition for participating in the election is full-proof security. Parties argue that elections cannot be held in an atmosphere of terror, reminiscent of the 2008 Constituent Assembly elections. They have expressed doubts over the possibility of free and fair elections, especially as the morale of the security forces is reportedly low following widespread attacks on political offices across the country.

Secondly, major political parties have acknowledged the demands of the Zen-Z protestors but are calling for a thorough investigation into what they describe as targeted attacks on select political leaders and the destruction of vital state institutions such as the Parliament, Judiciary, and Singha Durbar. Although the Sushila Karki-led government has pledged to form a high-level investigation committee, no concrete progress has been made so far. A senior UML leader, speaking on condition of anonymity, stressed the need for a transparent investigation and prosecution of those involved in the violence and property destruction. The Nepali Congress has also demanded an investigation into the September 9 attacks, including the assault on its Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba.

However, these demands are expected to face resistance from Zen-Z protestors, making it a challenging balancing act for Prime Minister Sushila Karki. She cannot afford to sideline either the protestors or the political parties if elections are to proceed smoothly. Society remains divided between two extremes — some believe the new government should completely ignore political parties, while certain party leaders continue to downplay the significance of the Zen-Z protests. Finding a reconciliatory path between these opposing views poses a serious challenge for the government.

Moreover, the major political parties — CPN-UML, CPN (Maoist Center), and Nepali Congress — have already declared the dissolution of Parliament unconstitutional. They are likely to file cases in the Supreme Court to determine its legality. These parties may decide to participate in the elections only after a verdict is issued. Past experience suggests that the Supreme Court can take several months to deliver rulings on constitutional matters, and internal disagreements among justices could further delay the process. In 2020 and 2021, the Supreme Court had invalidated the dissolution of Parliament by then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, although the context now is markedly different.

As of now, political parties have yet to resume their usual activities. Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba is undergoing treatment in an army barrack after being seriously injured in an attack on him and his spouse, Arzu Rana Deuba. CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli has returned to a rented residence in Bhaktapur and issued a statement on Constitution Day. The Nepali Congress has held its first meeting of top leaders to discuss current issues. Meanwhile, CPN (Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has publicly supported the Zen-Z protestors’ demand for a directly elected president.

The Karki-led government has only just begun its work, forming a four-member cabinet so far. Prime Minister Karki is facing challenges in expanding the cabinet. President Ram Chandra Poudel had advised her to include representatives from major political parties, but Karki rejected the suggestion, arguing that appointing discredited political leaders could send the wrong message and provoke further protests. This decision, however, may make governance more difficult, as political parties could oppose every move she makes. The possibility of political parties taking to the streets once the situation stabilizes cannot be ruled out. Additionally, tensions between the President and the Prime Minister may escalate. President Poudel has already publicly stated that he will not endorse any ordinances except those related to elections, signaling potential friction between the two offices.

Despite increasing calls from both within and outside their ranks, Nepal’s major political parties — the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center) — are unlikely to witness any immediate changes in their top leadership.

The recent Zen-Z protests have triggered widespread debate about the need for generational leadership change in Nepal’s political landscape. Many argue that in order to remain relevant, party heads should promptly hand over leadership to younger figures. There have been growing demands for the resignation of key leaders: Sher Bahadur Deuba (Nepali Congress), KP Sharma Oli (CPN-UML), and Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ (CPN-Maoist Center), the first, second and third largest party in Parliament. 

While Oli and Dahal have recently emerged from Nepal Army protection to resume public statements, Deuba — who sustained serious injuries during the protests — remains under treatment in army barracks. Despite the pressure, a leadership transition seems unlikely, as second-rung leaders in all three parties strongly oppose the idea. According to its statute, the Nepali Congress is set to hold its general convention next year to elect new leadership. Deuba, who has already served two terms (2016–2021 and 2021–2026), is not eligible to contest again. However, due to the interim government’s announcement of elections on March 5 next year, the chances of holding an early convention appear slim.

It remains uncertain whether the Nepali Congress will participate in the upcoming elections. Deuba and his spouse were severely beaten and their house burned during the protests, which likely strengthens his resolve not to resign before the general convention, regardless of the cost. At its first Central Committee (CC) meeting following the protests, the party chose not to appoint an acting president and instead decided to wait for Deuba’s recovery. Despite internal calls to convene a special general convention, the CC rejected that option. The meeting concluded that the dissolution of Parliament was unconstitutional and emphasized building a consensus with other parties for its revival.

Within the CPN-UML, although there are minor voices opposing Oli’s continued leadership, there is no significant pressure for him to resign. The party’s statute convention, held just before the protests, removed both the 70-year age limit andterm limits, paving the way for Oli to lead the party for a third consecutive term. The UML’s next leadership election is scheduled for next year, but the ongoing constitutional and political crisis may delay the convention. Moreover, there is currently no consensus on a potential successor should Oli step down. Similarly, the CPN (Maoist Center) is preparing for its general convention, but Prachanda is also unlikely to relinquish leadership. At a recent party meeting, senior leader Janardhan Sharma challenged Dahal’s leadership, but he was quickly rebuked and isolated by many within the party.  

Nepal’s interim government head, Sushila Karki, who is mandated to hold elections within six months, is facing domestic and international pressure to adhere strictly to the Constitution of 2015. These concerns emerged after the formation of the Karki-led government, which bypassed certain constitutional provisions, followed by the controversial dissolution of Parliament.

Amid the ongoing crisis, Nepal marked Constitution Day on September 19 by organizing various programs across the country. There are growing fears that failure of the interim government to maintain law and order and successfully conduct elections could push the country into further chaos, threatening the already fragile constitutional framework. Some political groups that have long opposed the 2015 Constitution are now using the unrest among Generation Z protestors to call for its dismantling, claiming it fails to address their demands. Meanwhile, some parties are accused of advancing narrow partisan interests by misinterpreting the protestors’ mandate.

While many political forces are advocating for constitutional amendments, such changes are impossible in the absence of a functioning Parliament. Interim Prime Minister Karki, attending a Constitution Day event in Kathmandu alongside President Ram Chandra Poudel and other constitutional officials, reaffirmed her commitment to the existing constitution. She emphasized that the document was forged through the long sacrifices and struggles of the Nepali people and suggested that no major changes would be made.

The Professional Alliance for Peace and Democracy (PAPAD), a loose coalition of civil society organizations, organized a Constitution Day demonstration on September 19, urging all stakeholders to safeguard the constitution. The alliance had earlier released a statement declaring the dissolution of Parliament as unconstitutional. President Poudel acknowledged that while the constitution was briefly breached during the appointment of the interim government, all other constitutional arrangements remain intact. Speaking to a group of 14 intellectuals, he stated: “As far as the Parliament is concerned, it will be recreated within six months through elections, and the constitution will remain intact.”

Major political parties, professional organizations, and Generation Z protestors are now united in calling for the protection of the constitution. The international community has also voiced support for constitutional adherence. In a message to Nepal on Constitution Day, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the United States supports the aspirations of the Nepali people for a transparent and democratic government that upholds the constitution. “We extend our congratulations to the people of Nepal on this day and look forward to continuing close cooperation in promoting stability in South Asia and contributing to a safer, more secure world,” he said.

Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba also emphasized that the only way out of the current political impasse is through the constitutional framework. “Seeking solutions outside the constitution will only lead to greater instability,” Deuba warned.

Similarly, CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli stated that the country is facing a direct attack on the constitution. “We Nepalis of all generations must unite—to face the attack on our sovereignty and protect our constitution. Sovereignty is our identity, and the constitution is the armor of our freedom,” Oli said.

CPN(Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has called for a constitutional amendment to introduce a directly election president which he says is a major demand of Gen-Z, but he has not clarified how such amendment could take place in the absence of a functioning Parliament.