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Tinkune-Kathmandu tear-gas, firing and fatalities labelled as a political clash of ideologies. Birgunj stone pelting from mosques, curfew during Hindu festival summed up as communal violence. Are these just standalone events or a wake-up call for Nepal and a Nepali’s identity? Amidst these events, one wonders what a Nepali identity is and who preserves, nurtures and safeguards.

In a mere gap of 15 days, Kathmandu and Birgunj witnessed ideological clashes, violence between two opposing sides, injuries to people, and attacks on public property. However, the coverage and response/reaction to the two events differed. Can these events be pushed under the veil of a “popular narrative” to be shoved away with minimal actions or are these early warning signals for the State and the civil society to pause and reflect with an open mind?

Did anyone make a genuine effort to analyze these events independently without any prejudice or bias? Neither of these events can be analyzed with a background of pro and against-monarchy nor blaming any talk of Hindu rights as Hindutva surge in Nepal. These events should also not be judged through the lens of mere political order change or a coloured view of minority rights. It would also not be fair to judge these events from the lens of Madhes, known for movement for ethnic/caste rights or from Kathmandu where the Western agenda can be seen influencing the decision making.  

Anarchism

The new word in the Nepali discourse during the March 28 event was “Anarchism” for any voice against the establishment on the streets. This reference isn’t a mere fad. Regrettably, the next governments may end up using this term more frequently and term any agitator or opposition as an anarchist and suppress dissent. The self-inflicted fear of dissent for the sitting government was so much so that a curious passerby standing next to demonstrators or expressing an opinion as a witness or sharing one’s free views was also labelled as an anarchist. What could be more brutal in a country’s timeline when a countryman terms a fellow Nepali an anarchist? Is that not a breakdown of social cohesiveness? The use of expletives or character assassination was commonly seen in public discourse. Politicians blamed civil society for downfall in moral character and civil society blamed politicians for going to extremes in curbing opposition or any other political ideology. There has been widespread misuse of the political landscape under democratic systems where power sharing among mainstream parties has given 17 years of asymmetrical and non-performing coalition governments.

Domestic colonization 

Experts say why a Nepali complaint when the country has performed well on indicators of growth and progress. It was a need of the hour to find out more about the state of affairs if that merits attention. The reasoning was an eye-opener:

• Some say they are unhappy when a lifetime cadre of Nepali Congress believing in democratic values has to vote for a communist coalition leader. Nepali people often turn around and ask, “Can you imagine what will happen if BJP and Congress form a two-third majority government in India?” 
• People say their lifestyles have improved over decades, but they cannot comprehend when asked to vote for those who inflicted wounds during the armed conflict. 
• Nepali people talk about the pain of armed conflict, the loss of identity, loved ones and belongings. They say money doesn’t heal the attack on self-respect when forced to flee, abandoning their land in search of security.

The pain of Maoist-led conflict has not healed a common Nepali till date. A fellow Nepali turns away without empathy to others’ pain as one must stand by the political party one is in charge of. Nepali people are divided today as followers of one political party against the other. It is not an angry society, but a lack of social cohesiveness has made them isolated and indifferent to each other.

Nepalis are known globally to be a resilient society. If any reader is thinking about excessive social media outbursts or attacks on each other’s opinion, one will concur that being vocal is a different issue. But being tolerant and waiting for a better tomorrow is natural for a Nepali. The revolt builds up with that inherent silence and perhaps explains the insecurity in their words attacking each other’s identity. 

The conflict gave birth to an insecure and traumatized commoner who couldn’t prevent the rise of misrule across the country since the dethronement of Gyanendra Shah in 2008. The democratic journey started off well but soon turned into the hegemony of a handful of leaders, who shared power by turns. The development agenda over the years was marred by public sector projects tainted with policy level corruption and nepotism. 

Unless the cup of dissatisfaction overflows, Nepali people do not take it to the streets. Once they do, they collectively raise their demands as was seen in a recent teachers’ protest in April 2025. The protest led to the resignation of the Education Minister but the demand for the New Education Bill is still in jeopardy. Sooner or later, these collective protest voices are divided by those with vested interests and the protest starts falling apart. Eventually, another committee or a commission is formed to give them a false sense of hope which may last another decade before any resolution. The stakeholders may feel happy that the protests died, but do not forget that in an inner core of a Nepali teacher, there remains a fire of rejection for their due rights, respect and identity. Occupying streets does not mean change in the short run. They ungroup and group again unless a determined and notable collective emerges firmly to stand up against undue pressures and manipulative tactics of those with vested interests. The same has happened to the case of “Meter Byaj”  (loan shark) victims. Especially, in rural areas, a significant portion of the population relies on informal lenders who extract as high as 30-120 percent or more interest per annum. However, the argument of misuse of microfinance lending is only being used for political vendetta and not for the relief of the victims. A commoner Nepali says, “We have been subjugated as slaves by our leaders. We were never colonized by a foreign state, but today politicians and microfinance companies have been extracting our sweat and blood.” 

The current state of misgovernance has led to a degradation of national public and private institutions and an unchecked surge of foreign education and charitable/development institutions. The reality today is that most Nepali youths want jobs in international non-governmental organizations and leave Nepal for studies abroad. There is also a surge in migrant labor. Ironically, both the government and international organizations were recently seen applauding the increase in remittances as good news for the economy. However, none analyzed how an overly-remittance-dependent economy is a sustainable model. A country populated by old people will lead to lower productivity. Is that “Asal Nepal”? 

It was often said that the Maoist insurgency had the character of impunity where the local administration facilitated the acts of brutality on local people. The role of administration and police during the events of March 28 characterized by fatalities and injuries and lack of government’s willingness to institute an independent inquiry despite direction of the parliamentary committees leads people to compare impunity then and now. With such heavy questions, no Nepali thinks of which political system is good or bad. They do not trust facts and figures even if someone showcases progress under different political ideologies. They simply add up unchecked corruption by constitutional agencies, political vendetta against opposition leaders and interference of the political parties in key appointments. There are no easy answers to today’s anger, helplessness and anxiety among people. 

The events and the open questions

Kathmandu political demonstration (March 28)

On the call of the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), a rally and a janasabha (public gathering) were called at Tinkune, Kathmandu on March 28. Over the last few years, the RPP, the fourth-largest party in the 2022 elections, has been raising voices occasionally for the return of the constitutional monarchy and Hindu Rastra. However, in an unusual development in 2025, former king Gyanendra Shah and former crown princess Himani Shah were suddenly active on social media with their appeal to 30m Nepalis to rebuild the nation, restore governance and uphold Nepal first. Since his dethronement in 2008, the former king had rarely spoken on the national agenda in public and was mostly seen during festivities or public appearances. The change since Feb 2025 was more visible. In hindsight, one can say it was more of form than substance. However, RPP, with the former king’s tacit support, announced a movement to bring back monarchy and Hindu state. Whether this movement will sustain, only time will tell. 

The March 28 events turned out to be ugly and violent and the RPP Janasabha could barely take-off. It has been reported in the media that the crowds went unruly, a section turned into mobs, and the state police had to resort to the use of force and ammunition. Social media posts were full of videos and accounts of violence and injuries. However, the veracity of these videos and claims had to be independently verified. Despite an outcry, the public appeared to be divided on the need for an independent investigation. In a nutshell, the country was divided into multiple identities to counter or defend the events and outcome of March 28. It wasn’t clear what the insecurity was all about. It may be time to conclude that signs of one Nepali against another Nepali’s identity were emerging.

Sadly, the events of March 28 culminated in media and government prejudging, and, without independent and fair investigation, affixing responsibility for violence and vandalism on the former king. 

The number of police personnel deployed, and the amount of arms and ammunition used did not meet a normal eye. What was the real motive behind heavy deployment? 

The question that remains unanswered to date is—does the change in political order, going back to constitutional monarchy bring newer experienced leaders who will uphold national interest and ensure ethics in politics? Or would the same parliamentarians be back in the system? 

Parsa–Birgunj Hanuman Jayanti (April 12)

On April 12, Hindu devotees gathered for Hanuman Jayanti Shobha Yatra (Hindu procession with deity) in Birgunj. The city echoed with spiritual bhajans and rejoicing devotees could be seen on the streets. Eminent persons from society, including the chief district officer and senior police officers joined the Shobha Yatra. Shops, houses, and every nook and corner of the city was decorated. But once the procession reached Idhgah Chowk in the Chappakiya locality, a Muslime neighborhood, they came under a heavy attack. Stones were pelted, injuring several devotees and a senior police officer. Stone pelting from the rooftop of the mosque and neighbouring Muslim houses continued. Hindu devotees retaliated and ran for safety. In a matter of hours, the auspicious and joyous atmosphere turned violent and was given the coverage as clashes between two ideologies followed by curfew orders. Many locals in Birgunj asked when Hindu leaders organize the Iftar for Muslim leaders, why is there no stone pelting on the Iftar celebrations? In one news report, it was said that during the winter, the city mayor had donated warm heaters to mosques, but there was no stone pelting by Muslim youths on the mayor at that time. In one of the videos on social media, an old Muslim resident from Chhapakiya can be seen saying that Hindu processions shouldn’t pass through Muslim-dominant areas. Ironically, Hindus say they have never resorted to such exclusions when the Muslim Daah festival takes on streets. One person remarked, “Has there been any curfew during the Daah? If not, then why does no one speak for Hindus in their land?”

Conclusion

Identity is a fact that doesn’t need a conclusion. Being proud of the civilizational Sanatan identity does not in any way diminish the coexistence of multi-ethnic and multi-religious society of Nepal. Also, the choice of any political system, a democratic republic / Hindu Rashtra / Constitutional Monarchy should also not inhibit dialogue or community conversations. Social cohesiveness enables dialogue and resolution. However, social cohesiveness flows from being proud of one’s roots. The lines of insecurity disappear with openness to hear others’ views and opinions. 

Last but not the least, preserving democracy does not mean abuse of power, misuse of the State’s institutions, laws and regulations to curb dissent or voice of opposition and sending opposition leaders to prison. Currently, Nepal’s two-thirds majority government with the two leading political parties of the 2022 General Elections is running more as political parties than a government. Political polarization has snatched a Nepali identity from a national. They are so polarized and regrettably myopic that the country is running with diffused lines of identity, no long term vision of national priorities and fragile national security. The global powers know very well the strategic importance of the Himalayan state but the Nepali leadership and civil society have lost interest in  safeguarding “Asal Nepal”.

In the meanwhile, if nothing changes, the national leaders will run the country effectively with misgovernment while the foreign powers will contest their dirty games in Nepal.

The author is a financial, security and geopolitical analyst

India and Nepal are deeply connected through natural resources, cultural heritage, and the shared philosophy of Sanatan Dharma. Their integrated people-to-people relations stand as a testament to a living culture and heritage. The significant trade and commerce through open border check posts underscore their economic relationship and its potential for growth via Indian territory.

Despite these factors defining their geo-strategic relationship, the India-Nepal dynamic hasn't seen the bold transformation observed in India-Bangladesh relations. Both Bangladesh and Nepal are set to graduate from Least Developed Country (LDC) status in 2026. Attention is now on their preparedness and ability to leverage opportunities with regional leaders like India, which is on track to become the world’s fourth-largest economy. 

The post-Covid Bangladesh showcases an economic success story, collaborating closely with India. The development of markets, demographic dividends, institutional growth, the Matarbari deep-sea port, and linking industrial value chains with North-East India are testaments to Bangladesh’s political will and strategic alignment with India, garnering support from Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This robust partnership has led to Bangladesh’s thriving supply chains, GDP growth, and overall progress.

In contrast, Nepal’s political instability hampers its potential. Since the general elections of November 2022, the government has been formed three times, with a fourth vote of confidence for the prime minister imminent. Mainstream political parties seem more focused on power struggles than on harnessing Nepal’s economic potential. A pressing concern is the exodus of Nepali youth seeking opportunities abroad, reflecting a domestic business environment marked by stagnation and lack of investment. The phenomenon of "shutter down" businesses indicates widespread disillusionment.

A critical question needs to be asked as to why there is a domestic lull, why the prime minister hasn’t called for an emergency meeting to discuss closure of businesses, up-and-running businesses fear of going bust, and young population leaving the country in droves. 

Despite these challenges, Nepal recently hosted the Third Investment Summit in Kathmandu on April 28-29, featuring over 50 countries, 800 foreign delegates, and 2200 domestic leaders. The summit began with enthusiastic statements from international diplomatic leaders and investment partners. However, domestic business leaders appeared detached, awaiting substantial reforms in domestic laws and regulations. The reliance on ordinances for partial legal amendments undermines sustainable growth and highlights the fragility of Nepal’s business ecosystem.

The Confederation of Nepalese Industries (CNI), one of the chambers of commerce, had called for amendments to 28 laws and regulations to encourage businesses and investors, but the government addressed only a part of their demand through ordinances just ahead of the summit. Ordinance-driven changes mar the momentum of sustainable growth and cannot be seen as a constructive step. 

Despite the three mainstream political leaders—Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Sher Bahadur Deuba and KP Sharma Oli—speaking in one voice about political consensus on Nepal’s readiness to receive foreign investment, the ordinance route amendments betrays the fragility of the country’s business ecosystem.

The summit did showcase success stories, notably India’s steady commitment and investment. Indian Minister Piyush Goyal’s endorsement of global investment in Nepal highlighted the potential for shared progress. Nepali leaders acknowledged India’s role in helping Nepal meet its Net Zero Commitments and assisting with clean energy exports. The potential export of clean energy to Bangladesh via India and the opening of Bangladeshi ports through North East India could be transformative for Nepal. However, realizing these opportunities requires robust connectivity, infrastructural development, a conducive business environment, and unrestricted access to resources and talent.

The question remains how Nepal’s political leadership will capitalize on the trust and strategic partnership with India to foster domestic growth and attract foreign investment. The future of Nepal’s economic and regional integration hinges on its ability to create a stable, business-friendly environment supported by both domestic and regional players.

New Nepal political map 2020 

On 25 April 2024, Nepal’s Cabinet approved printing of the new 100 rupee note with the new Nepal political map. The decision was not made public until 3 May 2024. 

Let’s relook at the recent developments relating to the India-Nepal boundary row: 

1. Nearly 98 percent of the boundary between India and Nepal has already been delineated.

2. In a unilateral move, bypassing the existing bilateral mechanism of boundary resolution with India, Nepal’s Parliament unanimously approved the new Nepal Political Map in June 2020 tabled by then KP Sharma Oli-led government.  

3. The new Nepal Map included the territories of Lipulekh, Limpiyadhura and Kalapani, the point of contention between India and Nepal.

4. When the Lower House of Nepal’s Parliament approved the new Map, India conveyed its readiness to talk and noted “that the onus is on the K P Sharma Oli government in Nepal to create a “positive and conducive atmosphere” for talks to resolve the row over Kalapani-Lipulekh region.”

5. Nepal overlooked Indian Statement of openness to talk after the Lower House approval and went ahead and tabled instead at the Upper House which then approved unanimously.

6. In the same year 2020, Nepal minted new coins Rs 1 and Rs 2 Coins with New Nepal Map. Similarly, there were news updates that the new Map was introduced in the school curriculum.

7. Repeatedly, the Indian Government expressed readiness to discuss the boundary issue under the existing bilateral framework. The results of the progress under the bilateral mechanism on this issue are not evident enough on social media.

8. In the meantime, the boundary issues did not stall both sides from pursuing the shared progress agenda.

9. During the Joint Presser of Prime Minister Dahal and Prime Minister Narendra Modi on 1 June 2023 at the time of Nepal’s Prime Minister Dahal’s visit to India, Prime Minister Modi said, “We will continue to work to take our relations to the height of the Himalayas. And in this spirit, we will resolve all the issues, be it the boundary issue or any other issue. I am happy to share that the partnership between India and Nepal has been a super hit.” The collaborative spirit also led to the mega announcement of Nepal exporting 10,000 MW to India over a period of 10 years. Such a cross-border energy trade partnership is expected to correct the trade deficit between India-Nepal and also foreseen to pave the way for Nepal’s clean energy export to Bangladesh and others in the long term.

10. In March 2024, the third time government post 2022 General Elections formed in Nepal (with five coalition partners namely CPN (Maoist Centre), NCP (UML), RSP, CPN (US), JSP under the prime ministership of Dahal. In specific, the coalition partners announce their “Minimum Policy Priority and Common Program” which includes “to further strengthen the geographical integrity, sovereignty, independence and freedom of Nepal, to advance effective diplomatic efforts to take back Nepali lands such as Limpiyadhura, Lipulekh, Kalapani, Susta, and to effectively manage the border”.

11. On 25 April, 2024, the Cabinet of Nepal Government passed the decision to print new 100 rupees notes with the new Nepal Map. The Cabinet decision was announced on 3 May 2024. 

The week in Nepal-India relations 

Let’s take a closer look at the period April 25–May 3 in Nepal-India relations:

1. The decision of the Cabinet meeting held on April 25 was made public only on May 3.

2. Some of the key events during the period April 25-May 3 included the Third Nepal Investment Summit held on April 28-29 which witnessed mega success stories on Indian Investment into Nepal; official Visit of G Murmu, the Comptroller Auditor General of India and signing of MoU with Toyam Raya, the Auditor General of Nepal on enhancing cooperation between the two Supreme Audit Institutions on May 2; and on May 3, the Chief Justice of India, DY Chandrachud arrived in Kathmandu for a 3-day visit at the invitation of Chief Justice of Nepal, Bishwambhar Prasad Shrestha.

Conclusions

In view of the above developments in India-Nepal relations, including a peek into the key week with announcements demonstrating political will, government decisions, high-level visits, success stories in multifaceted India-Nepal relations leaves me with following 10 conclusions:

1. India remains by the far the most strategic partner for Nepal, be it due to civilizational linkages, integrated People-to-People lives, largest trade partnership and importantly can help Nepal achieve its Net Zero Commitments by facilitating the export of clean energy from Nepal. India is also a key regional leader that can influence, support and navigate any global agenda for securing and safeguarding Mountain, River and Sea economies between Himalayas to Bay of Bengal. The high-level visits from Judiciary, Constitutional Agencies, Business Leaders show the spirit of collaboration and partnership as foreseen by Prime Minister Modi to take the India-Nepal relations to the “height of Himalayas” earlier at the Joint presser with Prime Minister Dahal in June 2023.

2. There is a boundary dispute between Nepal and India which calls for diplomacy and dialogue without any further delay. The Political Statements by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Prime Minister Dahal have set the track in motion which must be followed in letter and spirit.

3. In the wake of the above, the political leadership in Nepal appears vague and unclear as to what they want by changing the goalposts year upon year with their most strategic partner. How does one reconcile the same Prime Minister Dahal at the Presser with Prime Minister Modi in June 2023 speaking of the “solid foundation built on the one hand by rich tradition of civilizational, cultural and socio-economic linkage and on the other by the firm commitment of the two counties to the time-tested principle of sovereign equality, mutual respect, understanding and cooperation”, acknowledging Indian investment in Nepal as a keynote success story at the Nepal Investment Summit on April 2024 while his cabinet then approves new Rupees 100 Banknotes with “unilateral” new Map and announces in May 2024. Is there leadership void to pursue National Issues and development agenda in Nepal? If Bangladesh can achieve both with Neighbourhood First spirit, where does Nepal default and why?

4. One may also question here how effectively did the Nepal Government evaluate India-Nepal partnership potential during the launch of “minimum policy priority and common program” in March 2024. Did Prime Minister Dahal convince his coalition partners of the understanding achieved with India and how he intends to leverage this relationship with Prime Minister Modi for the welfare of the people of Nepal. Prime Minister Dahal could have focused on seeking investment and support in technological sector, engagement with Indian Corporate as Tech Mahindra, TCS, Infosys, Wipro for the youth of Nepal, agreed for Skills related investments along the borders, sought Indian support for three AIIMS level Healthcare Institutions in Nepal (West, Centre and East) and secured a guaranteed seat with prime educational institutions as IITs/ IIMs/ors. for the top brightest students of Nepal.

5. Did Prime Minister Dahal fall for an agenda of “nationalism” for his own survival? Or did the coalition partners like former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, whose national appeal thrives on call for “nationalism”, dissuaded him from the development agenda for the people of Nepal? The two communist leaders of Nepal have taken each other for a ride and still continue to do so at the cost of National Interest. In the frenzy of domestic vote bank scoring and outsmarting each other, both have jeopardized the gains during their respective tenure with India which they could have leveraged for welfare of Nepali people and thus strengthened their foothold in Nepal.

6. Now let’s turn towards India—the Indian media frenzy with Nepal’s Cabinet decision of new banknotes with new Nepal map was dramatic and sensationalism driven. Their overkill of imagination can be seen with two potential conclusions, a) Nepal is hostile towards India and India-Nepal relation at its worst, b) Nepal is in China’s lap and that the communist leaders are being controlled and manipulated by China. Unless and until, the importance of domestic mileage in Nepali politics is understood and appreciated, such hasty conclusions will lead to more provocation and not resolution.

7. To begin with, one shouldn’t forget that Nepal’s Parliament already approved the New Nepal Map in 2020 and thus its implementation is an internal matter of Nepal. Nepal had already minted Nepali Coins of denomination Rs 1 and Rs 2 in 2020. Whether they decide and mint/ print 10/20/100 or more is an internal matter! The issue should have been the timely resolution after the statement of Prime Minister Modi at the Joint Presser in June 2023. Media overaction with China linkages mar dialogue and diplomacy in India as in Nepal. 

8. Indian media and Nepali media should have mentioned about the embarrassment caused to the leadership at the Judiciary and Constitutional Agencies of both India and Nepal when such a Cabinet decision was made public. (Referring to the visits of CAG Murmu and CJI DY Chandrachud to Nepal in May 2024)

9. Last but not least, while India remains focused on people-to-people and economic relations in Nepal and is also well aware of the domestic politics compulsions driving behavior of the Nepali leaders, it must therefore work with rigor to remove the irritants in matters of national consideration to Nepal. It is imperative that India is seen as more indifferent to political constitutions. The pace of developments and economic interventions from India should be driven by welfare and progress of Nepali people. Access to essentials such as electricity, onions, tea or trade and commerce related approvals shouldn’t become a one step forward and two steps back decision. It is also time to upscale the HICDP intervention to move away from school buildings to big ticket investment in skills and vocational institutes, healthcare institutions at the Province level and IIT/IIM at the capital level. It is only timely and relevant that Modi 3.0 has a reinvigorated Nepal policy that takes Nepal along in #Amritkaal and not let domestic politics compulsions of Nepal dent the spirit of Neighbourhood First

10. The two countries are duty bound to preserve and nurture their unique shared heritage of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam where human and nature’s coexistence can be seen as a way of life in a family and society, in the decision making and governance at the State level. It is imperative for both India-Nepal to recognize their richness of Sanatan Dharma and strive together to protect and nurture its core principles of plurality and freedom of expression. Man-made political boundaries do not and cannot split the custodians of Dharma—as seen in the lives of SitaRam or Machendranath and Gorakhnath, or in the journey of Buddha.

It is time to correct the course and revive Kathmandu to Kashi understanding before it’s too late. 

The author is New Delhi-based financial, geopolitical and security analyst. Views are personal

The Vibrant Gujarat is a flagship investment summit of India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi which has drawn the regional leaders and leading countries demonstrating commitment and keenness to share the pie of economic growth opportunity that India offers.

Japan, Australia, the UK, the US, Norway and the Netherlands, among others, were actively seen to showcase their companies, strengths and collaboration projects at the summit where Who’s Who of India’s Business was present. At this perfect platform for networking and striking partnerships for the future, it was clear that countries wanted their share of success in Aatmanirbhar Bharat—Viksit Bharat 2047.

Days ahead leading to the summit, international diplomatic leaders could be seen highlighting their pavilion and promoting their capabilities. X and other social media platforms were full of posts from these countries on how they engaged with Prime Minister Narendra Modi as he visited their pavilions. They were engaging with the media to showcase their partnership, the strengths of their collaborations and where they can make a difference in the future.

Nepal was one of the 35 partner states, who had the opportunity to host a pavilion. The Nepali delegation was led by the Finance Minister Prakash Sharan Mahat together with Ambassador Shankar Sharma. The Indian government website of communication of government policies and outcomes tweeted around seven minutes byte of address by Mahat. Other than that, half day into the first day, there were no signs of Nepali industry, pavilion and business persons. There was no coverage in Nepali media of what Nepal could bring to the summit and in which sector. Automotive, defense, precious stones, energy, industrial innovations, tourism and education were among the country’s presentations.

 For example, Australia’s presentation at Country Seminar is under the title “Australia–your destination for business, industry, study and tourism”. Saudi Arabia, the EU, Malaysia, Singapore, the UK, Germany, Vietnam, Kazakhstan, Oman, the UAE, Ukraine, Korea, Mozambique, and many others presented at the Country Seminar. Nepal’s country presentation was also listed  in the queue of the Country Seminar.

But the big question for now is that does Nepal leverage enough when invited? When the G20 India Summit invited Bangladesh as a special guest, there was an outcry as to why Nepal was not important enough to be invited to G20 India Summit. Perhaps this calls for an assessment in light of Nepal’s participation at Vibrant Gujarat. Does Nepali leadership at PMO, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Industry work in sync to make that difference and have a strategy to reverse the imbalance in the country with higher ODA than FDI? What preparations did they do ahead of “Vibrant Gujarat”?

Today the flagship business summit of India is being attended by world class industry leaders but Nepal’s Minister for Industry, Commerce and Supplies, Ramesh Rizal or Sushil Bhatta, CEO of Office of the Investment Board Nepal or president/leaders from Chambers of Commerce as FNCCI, NICCI, CNI or other leading businesspersons of Nepal are not visible. Interestingly, MoICS Minister Rizal attended the Nepal Country Pavilion at 6th CIIE held in Shanghai (China) toward the end of Nov 2023.  Wasn’t this an opportunity to engage with Indian and global leadership and other country leaders to showcase Nepal as a hub for tourism, service industry, mass manufacturing and winter sports. One of the most evident miss out is on Nepal’s reservoir of hydro energy and traditional medicines and herbs which contribute to green energy to better health.

Nepal will soon host its third International Summit, “Nepal Investment Summit” (NIS2024) in April 2024 and preparations are underway. This was a unique opportunity to promote NIS 2024, what it entails at the Nepal pavilion during VGGS2024. Senior leaders from Chambers of Commerce such as FNCCI, CNI and NICCI should have accompanied Mahat and engaged with international leaders on the margins of VGGS2024. With discussions on “Workforce for Future: Development of Skills for Industry 4.0”, Nepal could have showcased the diverse skill set and plans of Nepal Young Entrepreneurs’ Forum.

Prime Minister Modi visited many pavilions but did his visit to the Nepal Pavilion materialize or not? There were no photos, commentaries, or effort at any level to use as a pre-event marketing material and how it leads to NIS 2024. This shortcoming was evident. At a time when Nepal’s FDI performance in 2022 was bleak with mere $65m and recent exits of International Corporations as Malaysia’s Axiata and Pakistan’s Habib Bank from Nepali market and high level corruption cases have potentially dented the confidence of an international investor, is Nepal not keen to grow FDI and wants to be a donor’s ODA dependent country?

Who is to be held accountable? Did such a lapse occur for the first time? Previously, on many such occasions the business community did not take interest to participate and showcase their vision. Is it merely a political transition problem or to be blamed only on bureaucratic hurdles but the fact remains that there is a lack of sync between leadership in the political and business sectors.

The Nepali Mission led by Ambassador Sharma has made great inroads across industry and sectors. In my discussions from time to time, it appears that stakeholders from Nepal are not enthusiastic or more busy in domestic politics, that they do not prioritize international visibility, dialogue and partnerships. It wouldn’t be wrong to say that Nepali leaders have not leveraged the hard work and network of Ambassador Sharma and his team.

None of the above can happen till the time country leadership takes the reins of growth and the roadmap that leads to it. Vibrant Gujarat is led by Prime Minister Modi and CM Bhupendra Patel. Prime Minister Modi over the last 10 years has worked on the ground and around the world in working out partnerships for the private and public sector to implement. Even if Nepali political leadership succeeds in securing a stage to showcase and get an international commitment of investment, it is for the bureaucratic and business arm to make it happen. This is where investment summits/conferences under the GoN or chambers of commerce become more “check in the box” without actual conversions.

 The ownership, collective leadership and the will at all levels is self-defeating. Today, a Nepali is only concerned with watching his/her own interest and Nepal has been turned into an orphaned state with highest ODA in South Asia or made out as one by inaction and lackadaisical approach where more interpretation and analysis can be seen than action. Nepal had huge potential of high productivity but it has now been reduced as a trading country and treasury full of remittances, where both strategies will drive the workforce to foreign lands in search of work. It is easier said than done that foreign countries erode the richness of Nepal when its own leaders are responsible for the state of affairs. 

The author is a financial, geopolitical and security analyst