Child marriage rampant in Jumla

 

Disclosing age mandatory in wedding invitation cards 

RAJAN GAULE | Sindhuli

 

 Despite much effort to curb child marriage in Sindhuli, a district in the central hills, progress has been limited at best. So the local government has now come up with a new idea: It is now com­pulsory to disclose the ages of the bride and the groom in their wedding invitation cards.

 

Chairperson of the Marin rural municipality Paniraj Bamjan says, “To stop this illegal activity, it is now compulsory to show in the wedding cards that the groom and the bride are both over the age of 20.”

 

The local government hopes that people would not lie about their age in the invitation cards. More than two dozen child mar­riages that were about to take place in the district under parental pressure have been stopped in the past six months.

 

Chairperson of the Har­iharpurgadi rural munici­pality Karsang Lama says that the aim is to end child marriage in the rural municipality within the next two years.

 

Golanjor rural municipal­ity has formed a child mar­riage control committee. Kamalamai municipality has assigned one psycho­logical counselor for seven of its wards in an attempt to stop child marriage (and plans to do the same for the remaining seven wards soon.) Even religious leaders in the district have expressed commit­ment to help end child marriage.

 

 Child marriage remains rampant in the north- western district of Jumla despite the presence of dozens of organizations working to end the social scourge. According to the 2011 census, of the 118,000 people in Jumla, 55,442 are children. A whopping 69 percent of the marriages in the district are child marriages. Among the districts in Karnali Prov­ince, this percentage is the highest in Rukum (79 per­cent), followed by Dailekh (70 percent), Salyan (69 percent), Surkhet (68 percent), Jajar­kot (65 percent), Kalikot (59 percent), Mugu (57 percent), Humla (52 percent) and Dolpa (49 percent). The provincial office of the National Human Rights Com­mission revealed these data at a recent program in Jumla. Due to widespread child marriage, 33 percent of girls in Jumla get pregnant before they turn 19. This has not just affected the health and education of these girls but has also threatened their lives.

 

Local representatives claim their work has been made difficult due to the increas­ing trend of child marriages in Jumla. “Girls under 20 get married, have kids and want birth certificates for their child,” says Ward Chair Min Bahadur Dangi.

 

“If we don’t issue a birth certificate, the child would be deprived of government ser­vices all their life. But many of the mothers do not have a cit­izenship card.” District chief of the National Human Rights Commission Ramesh Kumar Thapa says that polygamy and divorce rates have also gone up due to the increasing frequency of child marriages.

 

Even though child marriages are widespread in the district, complaints are not lodged, says Deputy Superinten­dent of Police Sita Ram Rijal. Chief District Officer Durga Banjade accuses the local representatives of not being serious about ending child marriages. The provincial gov­ernment, on the other hand, says it has introduced various programs and policies to end child marriage

A ‘populist’ budget

 

 On May 29, Minister of Finance Dr Yubaraj Kha­tiwada unveiled a budget of Rs 1.53 trillion for the fiscal 2019/2020. The budget, which exceeds the current fiscal’s value by Rs 217 billion, has been termed ‘populist’ by some financial ana­lysts while others have given it the tags of ‘over-ambitious’ and ‘unrealistic.’ Unveiling the fiscal budget in the federal parliament, Minister Khatiwada announced the government’s aim of achieving the ‘middle-income country’ status by 2030 while the economic growth rate for the coming year has been set at 8.5 percent, 1.5 percent more than the current year’s revised target. The targeted inflation is 6 percent.

 

 

What have become dearer?

 Normally, prices of certain luxury goods increase with the yearly budget and the coming fiscal is no exception. Here’s a list of what will cost you more, and by how much.

Petrol/Diesel (per liter) Rs 1.5
Telephone connection rate Rs 500
Casino royalty 30 percent
Local beer (per liter) Rs 165
All Whisky/Vodka (per liter) Rs 920- Rs 1,325
Imported Wine (per liter) Rs 370- Rs 430
Domestic Wine (per liter) Rs 135
Brandy (per liter) Rs 165
Tobacco (per kg) Rs 95
Chewing tobacco (per kg) Rs 610
Cement (per ton) Rs 220
Mobile Phones 2.5 percent
Cigarette (per carton) Rs 495-Rs 2,715
Juice (per liter) Rs 11
Pan masala (per kg) Rs 610
Kurkure/Lays (per kilo) Rs 17
Betel nut (per kilo) Rs 225
Energy drinks (per liter) Rs 30

 

 Highlights of the budget 2019/2020

  • Rs 60 million for each MP to develop his constituency
  • Elderly allowance increases by Rs 1,000, to Rs 3,000 a month
  • Civil employees’ salaries raised by up to 20 pc
  • Increased the tax threshold on individual income from Rs 350,000 to Rs 400,000
  • Rs 130 billion for provincial and local levels
  • Over Rs 43 billion allocated for drinking water and hygiene
  • Rs 23.6 billion allocated for irrigation programs
  • Rs 163 billion appropriated for Railway and Waterways
  • Rs 400 million appropriated for ‘improvement’ of Bir Hospital

A lesson from New Zealand

 In her address to the World Eco­nomic Forum in Davos in Janu­ary, New Zealand’s Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern announced the need for her government “to address the societal well-being of our nation, not just the economic well-being”. This week, the New Zealand government presented its first “Wellbeing Bud­get”, a progressive document that has the potential to inspire other countries, including Nepal, which also presented its annual budget this week.

 

As trailblazing as it was, Ardern and her Finance Minister Grant Robertson took inspiration from different studies and experiences, including works by economists Jospeh E. Stiglitz, Amartya Sen and Jean Paul Fitoussi who, in the middle of the 2008 financial crisis, led a commission to study possible alternatives to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as a yardstick to assess people’s economic and social progress.

 

Ardern asked herself three questions: Is the “Wellbeing Budget” intergenerational, positively impacting future generations? Does it go beyond the narrow definition of success and take into account other aspects of life? Does it bring government agencies to work closer for achieving common goals?

 

Considered for many years as an economic “rock star” thanks to the previous center-right governments that created successful pathways for businesses to grow and prosper, now the challenge PM Ardern is taking head on is to turn New Zealand into a “rock star” for the well-being of its citizens. While economic indicators have been extremely good for many years, quite a few New Zealanders were falling behind, with youths, especially those from the Maori community and immigrants from South Pacific nations, hit particularly hard. The country also has high rates of homelessness and suicide. In short, many have been left behind despite New Zealand’s overall economic prosperity.

 

The “Wellbeing Budget” has set five priorities: transitioning to a sustainable economy, improving mental health, boosting innovation, lifting disadvantaged youth, and reducing child poverty. What is interesting is the process that led to the selection of these priorities.

 

I am talking not just about standard consultations, but a scientific approach based on a Living Standard Framework, with a baseline of around 60 indicators with complex spider graphs able to analyze and project whether selected population groups are likely to experience high levels of well-being. To be honest, it is complex and it not surprising that it has faced criticism.

 

The LSE, divided into three sections—Our People, Our Country, and Our Future—identifies four capitals (human, social, natural and financial/physical) that must be addressed to meet the aspirations of the citizens of New Zealand.

 

In a recent pre-budget speech addressing the concerns of the business community, Ardern said that “while economic growth is important—and something we will continue to pursue—it alone does not guarantee improvements to New Zealanders’ living standards”. In another pre-budget speech, Finance Minister Robertson affirmed that “Yes, we need prosperity, but we also need to care about how we sustain and maintain that and who gets to share in it”.

 

What is striking is not only the powerful moral rationale, but also the idea of bringing together all the ministries to change the status quo and achieve clear outcomes, each related to the five policy priorities. Going beyond a sectoral approach, getting various ministries to work together on multiple interlinked goals is crucial. In New Zealand, they call this “whole-of-government approach” and it means, in Robertson’ s words, “stepping out of the silos of agencies and working together to assess, develop and implement initiatives to improve wellbeing.”

 

Nepal is in a unique phase. It now has an ambitious constitution that is reinventing the way the government is run. New mechanisms and rules related to the basic functioning of the three tiers of government are being formulated. There is probably the need to identify key policy areas and invest in them strategically.

 

Many Nepalis die each year in road accidents. No matter how many committees have been set up, the frequency of accidents seems to be increasing. On education, while it is good that the concerned ministry wants model community schools around the country, the overall resources allocated to such a key sector are being trimmed. Important social security schemes have been launched, but implementation is patchy at best and really messy in some cases.

 

The right to free healthcare is still not guaranteed, with poor implementation of already weak policies that are supposed to provide free services to the neediest. The country was great at reducing the infant mortality rate, but it is failing its citizens in other health areas. (Part of the blame goes to the donors.)

 

The federal and provincial governments should put ego aside and agree, through talks, on key issues that could truly translate into reality the slogan of “Prosperous Nepal, Happy Nepalis”.

 

We should not forget that for Robertson, New Zealander’s Finance Minister, “Wellbeing means people living lives of purpose, balance and meaning to them, and having the capabilities to do so”.

 

Nepal needs an aspirational, while at the same time, realistic budget with well thought out and well-structured initiatives and programs. While identifying major issues to be addressed strategically over the next fiscal year may have been challenging, the bigger challenge will be to muster the consistency and grit to pursue budgetary goals.

 

The author is Co-Founder of ENGAGE, an NGO partnering with youths living with disabilities.

[email protected]

 

Entire ward without land ownership certificates

By Parmananda Pandey | Tikapur

 

 Setraj Budha’s family moved to Tikapur in Kailali, a district in the western plains, from the hill district of Achham, in 1964. Many from his village had migrated to Tikapur around the same time. Together, they cleared the forest and have been farming and living in the land ever since. Interestingly, none of them have land own­ership certificates.

 

Bhim Mahar lives and does farming in the same ward. His father Gagan Singh Mahar had migrated there from the hills. He had made the area his home after the District Forest Office, Kanchanpur, back in the mid-60s, gave migrants the go-ahead to “clear forest areas and settle”. Gagan Singh then built a house and raised his children there, but passed away without getting a land certificate.

 

Around 2,000 hectares of land in Ward 8 of Tikapur is officially not owned by anybody

 

Settlers in 80 percent of the land in Ward 8 of Tikapur are without a land certificate, even though they have been living there for years. Some have a certificate, but their land cannot be found in offi­cial records. Around 2,000 hectares of land in the ward is officially not owned by any­body.

 

“We made several efforts to solve this problem but to no avail,” says Ammar Bahadur Saud, a local, who does have a land ownership certificate, but his land is not found in official records.

 

Ward chair Dirgha Thakulla says, “Officials from the sur­vey department have visited us multiple times, and taken measurements thrice, but they are yet to issue certifi­cates.”

 

Lack of certificates greatly inconveniences the locals. For instance, they do not get subsidies from the agricul­ture ministry. “We have been unable to split or sell the land that we have had from our grandfather’s time. This has even led to family feuds,” says Sher Bahadur Budha, another local. Tikapur also shares a border with India and dis­putes over border issues erupt from time to time

 

 

‘Land ownership certificates for everyone within the next four years’

 

By Laxman Pokhrel | Butwal

 

 The federal government has expressed its commitment to provide land ownership cer­tificates within the next four years to all landless squatters living haphazardly in various urban settlements across the country. Minister for Land Management, Cooperatives and Poverty Alleviation Padma Aryal promised that the gov­ernment would give priority to squatters who own land but do not have certificates to prove ownership, and to those living in unmanaged settlements.

 

 On May 26, 464 land ownership certificates were distributed in Sainamaina municipality

 

She informed that the gov­ernment’s drive to distribute land ownership certificates has already started. It began on May 26 from Buddhanagar in Sainamaina municipality in Rupendehi district. On that day, as many as 464 land own­ership certificates were dis­tributed. Minister Aryal said the drive would be expanded to other districts as well and reiterated the government’s promise to solve the problem of landless squatters during its tenure.