Tinkune-Kathmandu tear-gas, firing and fatalities labelled as a political clash of ideologies. Birgunj stone pelting from mosques, curfew during Hindu festival summed up as communal violence. Are these just standalone events or a wake-up call for Nepal and a Nepali’s identity? Amidst these events, one wonders what a Nepali identity is and who preserves, nurtures and safeguards.

In a mere gap of 15 days, Kathmandu and Birgunj witnessed ideological clashes, violence between two opposing sides, injuries to people, and attacks on public property. However, the coverage and response/reaction to the two events differed. Can these events be pushed under the veil of a “popular narrative” to be shoved away with minimal actions or are these early warning signals for the State and the civil society to pause and reflect with an open mind?

Did anyone make a genuine effort to analyze these events independently without any prejudice or bias? Neither of these events can be analyzed with a background of pro and against-monarchy nor blaming any talk of Hindu rights as Hindutva surge in Nepal. These events should also not be judged through the lens of mere political order change or a coloured view of minority rights. It would also not be fair to judge these events from the lens of Madhes, known for movement for ethnic/caste rights or from Kathmandu where the Western agenda can be seen influencing the decision making.  

Anarchism

The new word in the Nepali discourse during the March 28 event was “Anarchism” for any voice against the establishment on the streets. This reference isn’t a mere fad. Regrettably, the next governments may end up using this term more frequently and term any agitator or opposition as an anarchist and suppress dissent. The self-inflicted fear of dissent for the sitting government was so much so that a curious passerby standing next to demonstrators or expressing an opinion as a witness or sharing one’s free views was also labelled as an anarchist. What could be more brutal in a country’s timeline when a countryman terms a fellow Nepali an anarchist? Is that not a breakdown of social cohesiveness? The use of expletives or character assassination was commonly seen in public discourse. Politicians blamed civil society for downfall in moral character and civil society blamed politicians for going to extremes in curbing opposition or any other political ideology. There has been widespread misuse of the political landscape under democratic systems where power sharing among mainstream parties has given 17 years of asymmetrical and non-performing coalition governments.

Domestic colonization 

Experts say why a Nepali complaint when the country has performed well on indicators of growth and progress. It was a need of the hour to find out more about the state of affairs if that merits attention. The reasoning was an eye-opener:

 

• Some say they are unhappy when a lifetime cadre of Nepali Congress believing in democratic values has to vote for a communist coalition leader. Nepali people often turn around and ask, “Can you imagine what will happen if BJP and Congress form a two-third majority government in India?” 
• People say their lifestyles have improved over decades, but they cannot comprehend when asked to vote for those who inflicted wounds during the armed conflict. 
• Nepali people talk about the pain of armed conflict, the loss of identity, loved ones and belongings. They say money doesn’t heal the attack on self-respect when forced to flee, abandoning their land in search of security.

 

The pain of Maoist-led conflict has not healed a common Nepali till date. A fellow Nepali turns away without empathy to others’ pain as one must stand by the political party one is in charge of. Nepali people are divided today as followers of one political party against the other. It is not an angry society, but a lack of social cohesiveness has made them isolated and indifferent to each other.

Nepalis are known globally to be a resilient society. If any reader is thinking about excessive social media outbursts or attacks on each other’s opinion, one will concur that being vocal is a different issue. But being tolerant and waiting for a better tomorrow is natural for a Nepali. The revolt builds up with that inherent silence and perhaps explains the insecurity in their words attacking each other’s identity. 

The conflict gave birth to an insecure and traumatized commoner who couldn’t prevent the rise of misrule across the country since the dethronement of Gyanendra Shah in 2008. The democratic journey started off well but soon turned into the hegemony of a handful of leaders, who shared power by turns. The development agenda over the years was marred by public sector projects tainted with policy level corruption and nepotism. 

Unless the cup of dissatisfaction overflows, Nepali people do not take it to the streets. Once they do, they collectively raise their demands as was seen in a recent teachers’ protest in April 2025. The protest led to the resignation of the Education Minister but the demand for the New Education Bill is still in jeopardy. Sooner or later, these collective protest voices are divided by those with vested interests and the protest starts falling apart. Eventually, another committee or a commission is formed to give them a false sense of hope which may last another decade before any resolution. The stakeholders may feel happy that the protests died, but do not forget that in an inner core of a Nepali teacher, there remains a fire of rejection for their due rights, respect and identity. Occupying streets does not mean change in the short run. They ungroup and group again unless a determined and notable collective emerges firmly to stand up against undue pressures and manipulative tactics of those with vested interests. The same has happened to the case of “Meter Byaj”  (loan shark) victims. Especially, in rural areas, a significant portion of the population relies on informal lenders who extract as high as 30-120 percent or more interest per annum. However, the argument of misuse of microfinance lending is only being used for political vendetta and not for the relief of the victims. A commoner Nepali says, “We have been subjugated as slaves by our leaders. We were never colonized by a foreign state, but today politicians and microfinance companies have been extracting our sweat and blood.” 

The current state of misgovernance has led to a degradation of national public and private institutions and an unchecked surge of foreign education and charitable/development institutions. The reality today is that most Nepali youths want jobs in international non-governmental organizations and leave Nepal for studies abroad. There is also a surge in migrant labor. Ironically, both the government and international organizations were recently seen applauding the increase in remittances as good news for the economy. However, none analyzed how an overly-remittance-dependent economy is a sustainable model. A country populated by old people will lead to lower productivity. Is that “Asal Nepal”? 

It was often said that the Maoist insurgency had the character of impunity where the local administration facilitated the acts of brutality on local people. The role of administration and police during the events of March 28 characterized by fatalities and injuries and lack of government’s willingness to institute an independent inquiry despite direction of the parliamentary committees leads people to compare impunity then and now. With such heavy questions, no Nepali thinks of which political system is good or bad. They do not trust facts and figures even if someone showcases progress under different political ideologies. They simply add up unchecked corruption by constitutional agencies, political vendetta against opposition leaders and interference of the political parties in key appointments. There are no easy answers to today’s anger, helplessness and anxiety among people. 

The events and the open questions

Kathmandu political demonstration (March 28)

On the call of the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), a rally and a janasabha (public gathering) were called at Tinkune, Kathmandu on March 28. Over the last few years, the RPP, the fourth-largest party in the 2022 elections, has been raising voices occasionally for the return of the constitutional monarchy and Hindu Rastra. However, in an unusual development in 2025, former king Gyanendra Shah and former crown princess Himani Shah were suddenly active on social media with their appeal to 30m Nepalis to rebuild the nation, restore governance and uphold Nepal first. Since his dethronement in 2008, the former king had rarely spoken on the national agenda in public and was mostly seen during festivities or public appearances. The change since Feb 2025 was more visible. In hindsight, one can say it was more of form than substance. However, RPP, with the former king’s tacit support, announced a movement to bring back monarchy and Hindu state. Whether this movement will sustain, only time will tell. 

The March 28 events turned out to be ugly and violent and the RPP Janasabha could barely take-off. It has been reported in the media that the crowds went unruly, a section turned into mobs, and the state police had to resort to the use of force and ammunition. Social media posts were full of videos and accounts of violence and injuries. However, the veracity of these videos and claims had to be independently verified. Despite an outcry, the public appeared to be divided on the need for an independent investigation. In a nutshell, the country was divided into multiple identities to counter or defend the events and outcome of March 28. It wasn’t clear what the insecurity was all about. It may be time to conclude that signs of one Nepali against another Nepali’s identity were emerging.

Sadly, the events of March 28 culminated in media and government prejudging, and, without independent and fair investigation, affixing responsibility for violence and vandalism on the former king. 

The number of police personnel deployed, and the amount of arms and ammunition used did not meet a normal eye. What was the real motive behind heavy deployment? 

The question that remains unanswered to date is—does the change in political order, going back to constitutional monarchy bring newer experienced leaders who will uphold national interest and ensure ethics in politics? Or would the same parliamentarians be back in the system? 

Parsa–Birgunj Hanuman Jayanti (April 12)

On April 12, Hindu devotees gathered for Hanuman Jayanti Shobha Yatra (Hindu procession with deity) in Birgunj. The city echoed with spiritual bhajans and rejoicing devotees could be seen on the streets. Eminent persons from society, including the chief district officer and senior police officers joined the Shobha Yatra. Shops, houses, and every nook and corner of the city was decorated. But once the procession reached Idhgah Chowk in the Chappakiya locality, a Muslime neighborhood, they came under a heavy attack. Stones were pelted, injuring several devotees and a senior police officer. Stone pelting from the rooftop of the mosque and neighbouring Muslim houses continued. Hindu devotees retaliated and ran for safety. In a matter of hours, the auspicious and joyous atmosphere turned violent and was given the coverage as clashes between two ideologies followed by curfew orders. Many locals in Birgunj asked when Hindu leaders organize the Iftar for Muslim leaders, why is there no stone pelting on the Iftar celebrations? In one news report, it was said that during the winter, the city mayor had donated warm heaters to mosques, but there was no stone pelting by Muslim youths on the mayor at that time. In one of the videos on social media, an old Muslim resident from Chhapakiya can be seen saying that Hindu processions shouldn’t pass through Muslim-dominant areas. Ironically, Hindus say they have never resorted to such exclusions when the Muslim Daah festival takes on streets. One person remarked, “Has there been any curfew during the Daah? If not, then why does no one speak for Hindus in their land?”

Conclusion

Identity is a fact that doesn’t need a conclusion. Being proud of the civilizational Sanatan identity does not in any way diminish the coexistence of multi-ethnic and multi-religious society of Nepal. Also, the choice of any political system, a democratic republic / Hindu Rashtra / Constitutional Monarchy should also not inhibit dialogue or community conversations. Social cohesiveness enables dialogue and resolution. However, social cohesiveness flows from being proud of one’s roots. The lines of insecurity disappear with openness to hear others’ views and opinions. 

Last but not the least, preserving democracy does not mean abuse of power, misuse of the State’s institutions, laws and regulations to curb dissent or voice of opposition and sending opposition leaders to prison. Currently, Nepal’s two-thirds majority government with the two leading political parties of the 2022 General Elections is running more as political parties than a government. Political polarization has snatched a Nepali identity from a national. They are so polarized and regrettably myopic that the country is running with diffused lines of identity, no long term vision of national priorities and fragile national security. The global powers know very well the strategic importance of the Himalayan state but the Nepali leadership and civil society have lost interest in  safeguarding “Asal Nepal”.

In the meanwhile, if nothing changes, the national leaders will run the country effectively with misgovernment while the foreign powers will contest their dirty games in Nepal.

 

The author is a financial, security and geopolitical analyst