In a significant political development following the recent GenZ protests, the CPN (Maoist Center) has dissolved its Central Committee and formed a special General Convention Organizing Committee aimed at electing a new leadership. This marks a bold move by the party to adapt to the shifting political landscape shaped by the youth-led protests on Sept 8–9.
A meeting of the party’s first Central Committee following the protests appointed party Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal as the coordinator of the newly formed convention organizing committee. “From today, I am no more the Chairman of the party but a coordinator of the organizing committee,” Dahal announced after the meeting.
The party plans to organize the general convention between December and January. However, despite the structural changes, Dahal is unlikely to relinquish his leadership position entirely, as second-rung leaders continue to insist there is no viable alternative to his leadership. Notably, Dahal rejected a proposal from senior leaders Narayan Kaji Shrestha and Janardhan Sharma urging him to step down.
In response to the growing demands from GenZ activists, the Maoist Center has become the first major political party to pledge structural reforms, including a decision to ensure 25 percent representation of GenZ members in all party committees—from the central level down to the grassroots. The party has attempted to portray itself as being aligned with the youth, reminding the public that it advocated for a directly elected executive president during the constitution drafting process in 2015.
Some Maoist leaders have expressed that the protests should have concluded after the government agreed to discuss the possibility of a directly elected executive head—an issue long championed by the Maoist party. During the protests, Maoist cadres were visibly active, with some involved in vandalizing private residences of leaders from the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML.
As an opposition force, the Maoist Center—along with the Rastriya Swatantra Party—tacitly supported the GenZ movement, further distinguishing itself from the other two major parties, NC and UML, which have been slower to respond. The party is now strategically attempting to rebrand itself as a responsive and reformist force in contrast to the perceived stagnation of its rivals. In contrast, both NC and UML remain in a state of disarray. Neither has yet convened official meetings in the presence of their top leaders—Sher Bahadur Deuba for NC and KP Sharma Oli for UML. Both parties have expressed conditional support for elections, insisting the government must first create an appropriate environment.
Within the NC, calls for leadership change are growing louder. Party President Deuba, recently discharged from hospital and now staying in a rented apartment, has remained silent on his future plans. Meanwhile, younger leaders like General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma have launched a signature campaign to convene a special general convention to elect new leadership. Thapa is also in discussions with senior leader Shekhar Koirala on charting a course toward party reform.
However, Deuba loyalists such as Purna Bahadur Khadka and Prakash Sharan Mahat have criticized Thapa’s campaign, arguing that it is inappropriate to demand leadership change while the party president is recovering from illness. The NC leadership remains cautious, even skeptical, of the GenZ protests, with some senior leaders viewing the movement as a conspiracy aimed at destabilizing both the party and democracy. This cautious stance may delay any clear decision on elections, leadership transition, or internal restructuring.
Meanwhile, in the CPN-UML, the push for leadership change remains muted. Though there are murmurs among some younger leaders, most senior leaders remain loyal to KP Sharma Oli. After relocating to a rented apartment in Bhaktapur, Oli has been meeting with senior party members and sister organizations. In a recent interaction with party-affiliated journalists, he hinted at an alleged conspiracy against him, citing his "nationalist position" as a possible motive.
Though some youth voices are calling for internal reform, no substantial pressure has been applied on Oli to step aside. A youth-led initiative dubbed the "party reform revolution" has emerged within UML, but it remains to be seen whether it can generate enough momentum to bring about real change. For now, only the Maoist Center appears to be actively adapting to the new political dynamics triggered by the GenZ movement. The other two major parties—NC and UML—remain trapped in internal power struggles and hesitant to embrace reform or acknowledge the political message sent by the youth protests.
