Three months after GenZ protesters took to the streets demanding accountability, their attention has begun to shift toward the ballot. With elections scheduled for 5 March 2026, at least 28 new political parties have registered, each hoping to lead the country. While the GenZ protest triggered this surge in registrations, most of the new outfits are led not by the protesters themselves but by older, established figures. More than ideology, these parties are driven by individuals. As Nepal heads toward what is likely to be the most crowded election in its history, ideological differences among the new parties remain strikingly narrow.

Although the GenZ protest opened political space, it did not produce a unified political organization of its own. That vacuum has instead been filled largely by established political figures, technocrats, and public personalities who moved quickly to institutionalize protest-era discontent.

Several of the post-protest parties are led by figures with long careers inside the political or state apparatus. Former police chief Sarbendra Khanal, who resigned from CPN-UML, has launched the Samunnat Nepal Party on a platform of “good governance and prosperity,” drawing heavily on his law-and-order credentials. The newly registered Nepali Communist Party, coordinated by Pushpa Kamal Dahal, was formed through the merger of ten parties and groups, including Dahal’s CPN (Maoist Center) and Madhav Kumar Nepal’s CPN (Unified Socialist). Likewise, Netra Bikram Chand, a veteran of the Maoist insurgency who had previously rejected parliamentary politics, has registered the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) to contest elections for the first time, marking a strategic shift rather than a generational rupture.

A second cluster of new parties is driven by technocrats and administrators who present themselves as alternatives to traditional party politics. The Ujyalo Nepal Party, led by former energy secretary Anup Raj Upadhyay, with Nepal Electricity Authority chief Kulman Ghising as a key patron, emphasizes efficient governance and infrastructure delivery. Similarly, the Gatisheel Loktantrik Party, chaired by political sociology professor Dinesh Prasai, frames its agenda around economic growth, employment generation, and institutional reform, while explicitly accepting the existing constitutional order.

Although the GenZ protest opened political space, it did not produce a unified political organization of its own. That vacuum has been filled largely by established political figures, technocrats, and public personalities looking to institutionalize protest-era discontent

Local populists and issue-based leaders form another segment of the post-protest surge. The Shram Sanskriti Party, led by Dharan Mayor Harka Sampang, centers its political identity on “Harkabaad,” an ideology closely tied to Sampang’s personal leadership style and his emphasis on labour dignity and civic mobilization. While such parties draw energy from grassroots popularity, their heavy reliance on individual figures raises questions about internal democracy and long-term sustainability.

Across these diverse formations, a common pattern emerges: party structures have been created rapidly, driven less by clearly differentiated ideologies than by individual leadership, reputation, and visibility. Although the GenZ protest challenged the political status quo, its institutional aftermath has so far reinforced a familiar model of personality-led politics, suggesting that while the banners may be new, the centers of power largely remain unchanged.

Despite the sharp increase in party registrations, ideological distance among most post-protest parties remains limited. Across manifestos and public statements, one notices recurring themes: good governance, anti-corruption, employment generation, and institutional reform. But they offer little clarity on how these goals would be pursued or how they differ meaningfully from one another in practice.

Only a handful of parties articulate distinct ideological positions. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), led by Chand, openly advances scientific socialism and the long-term goal of a proletarian state, marking a rare case of ideological consistency even as the party enters electoral politics for the first time. At the other end of the spectrum, technocratic formations such as the Gatisheel Loktantrik Party explicitly reject constitutional change, defending the existing federal, republican, and parliamentary system while focusing narrowly on economic management and service delivery.

Most other parties occupy a crowded middle ground, blending reformist rhetoric with personality-driven agendas. The Shram Sanskriti Party’s “Harkabaad,” for instance, emphasizes labor dignity and local development but remains closely tied to the political authority of its founder. Similarly, parties such as the Samunnat Nepal Party and the Ujyalo Nepal Party frame their programs around governance efficiency rather than ideological realignment, reinforcing a trend toward managerial politics over structural transformation.

Conspicuously absent from this surge, however, is a broadly unified GenZ political force. Although the protest was driven largely by young citizens frustrated with corruption, unemployment, and political exclusion, youth in most newly registered parties appear primarily as supporters or symbols rather than as decision-makers shaping leadership and policy.

An important exception is the Rastriya Pariwartan Party, led by GenZ activist Rajesh Pratel, who was injured during the protest. Founded with the stated aim of carrying forward the movement’s demands, the party positions itself as a vehicle to translate street-level mobilization into institutional reform. Its leadership and narrative remain closely tied to the protest generation, making it the clearest attempt so far to build a youth-led political organization rather than merely appropriate GenZ rhetoric.

The gap between protest and party reflects deeper constraints facing youth-led politics in Nepal. The decentralized nature of the GenZ movement, combined with distrust of formal political institutions and limited access to resources, has made sustained organization difficult. As a result, the political energy generated on the streets has largely been absorbed into existing leadership frameworks rather than producing a new generation of political leadership.

Taken together, the post-protest party surge has expanded the number of political choices on paper but not necessarily the range of political ideas or voices in practice. While GenZ grievances have entered party rhetoric, their translation into ideology, leadership, and institutional power remains limited, raising questions about whether electoral participation alone can deliver the structural change the movement demanded.

According to the Election Commission, Nepal currently has 143 registered political parties, of which 114 have completed the required process to participate in the upcoming election. Prior to the GenZ protest, the total stood at 122, indicating a sharp rise in registrations during the post-protest period.

The rapid expansion of political parties is expected to reshape the dynamics of the March elections, raising concerns about vote fragmentation and the durability of new entrants. Past elections suggest that a high number of registered parties does not necessarily translate into meaningful competition. In 2017, 91 parties were registered but only 55 contested, while in 2022, 78 of 86 entered the race. Many smaller parties failed to secure seats or sustain organizational activity beyond a single electoral cycle, highlighting the structural challenges faced by new entrants.

The post-GenZ surge risks intensifying vote division, particularly among urban, youth, and protest-oriented voters now courted by multiple parties offering similar reformist agendas. Analysts warn that overlapping constituencies and narrow ideological distinctions could weaken the collective electoral impact of anti-establishment forces, inadvertently benefiting larger, better-organized parties with stable voter bases.

Sustainability remains another major challenge. Several newly registered parties lack nationwide organizational networks, financial resources, and experienced grassroots cadres. Many are concentrated around individual leaders or specific regions, making them vulnerable if early electoral results fall short of expectations. Nepal’s political history shows that without institutional depth, internal democracy, and long-term mobilization strategies, new parties often struggle to survive beyond a single election.

At the same time, even limited electoral success could have indirect consequences. Smaller parties may influence public debate, pressure mainstream parties to adopt reform agendas, or emerge as coalition actors in closely contested constituencies. Whether post-protest parties can move beyond symbolic participation and establish themselves as lasting political forces will depend not only on electoral performance but also on their ability to translate protest-era demands into durable political organization.

The 28 new political parties registered after the GenZ protest include Rastriya Janamukti Party, Shram Sanskriti Party, Gatisheel Loktantrik Party, Nagarik Unmukti Party, Nepali Communist Party, Rastriya Pariwartan Party, Rastriya Janamat Party, Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), Rastra Nirman Dal Nepal, Rastriya Urjasheel Party, People First Party, Ujyalo Nepal Party, Swabhiman Party, Hamro Party Nepal, Nagarik Sarbochatta Party Nepal, Janadesh Party Nepal, Sarbhabhauma Nagarik Party, Nagarik Sewa Party, Jay Matribhumi Party, Pragatisheel Nagarik Party, Sharbodaya Party, Samunnat Nepal Party, Nagarik Bachau Dal, Nepal Janasewa Party, Samabesi Samajbadi Party, Aawaj Party, Janata Loktantrik Party, and Jana Aadhikar Party.

With such a flood of new parties, questions remain about their ideologies, leadership, and the extent to which they represent genuine political alternatives.

Shram Sanskriti Party

The Shram Sanskriti Party was founded and is chaired by Harka Sampang, the mayor of Dharan. Sampang, who holds a Master’s degree in Political Science, has articulated a party ideology he calls “Harkabaad,” which emphasizes the balanced development of nature, culture, and technology alongside fostering a “culture of work.” However, by centering the ideology on his own name, Sampang risks narrowing ideological space within the party and limiting room for internal debate and dissent.

The party stresses both mandatory and voluntary labour as central tools for eliminating poverty and inequality. It also advocates democratic reforms, including a directly elected executive and proportional representation in Parliament. Other key policies include recognition of all indigenous languages, the preservation of a secular state, and an inclusive model of local development focused on villages and sustainable industries.

Sampang first gained national attention during the local elections in Dharan Sub-metropolitan City, where he defeated candidates from the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML by a large margin. He campaigned aggressively against corruption and administrative irregularities within the municipality. After his election, he gained further popularity by organizing citizen-led labor initiatives, including public work programmes that provided water to residents.

Following the GenZ-led protest that toppled the KP Oli government, Sampang traveled to Kathmandu to stake a claim for the interim prime ministership. He later returned home after expressing dissatisfaction with the appointment of Sushila Karki as interim prime minister. He is now leading the Shram Sanskriti Party in an assertive election campaign. The party prioritizes nominating publicly popular figures as candidates and appears disinclined toward electoral alliances.

Gatisheel Loktantrik Party

Led by political sociology professor Dinesh Prasai, the Gatisheel Loktantrik Party places economic transformation and good governance at the center of its agenda. Prasai serves as party chair, with Buddha Air executive Birendra Bahadur Basnet as a key backer.

The party’s platform focuses on job creation and growth through sector-specific initiatives, including tourism development, particularly the operation of Gautam Buddha International Airport, modernizing agriculture through fair crop pricing, improving education, and expanding the IT sector. It pledges “zero corruption, employment, and equitable prosperity,” and notably bars its own office-bearers from contesting elections in order to keep them focused on policy and institutional development.

Importantly, the party explicitly accepts Nepal’s 2015 constitution. It upholds federalism, republicanism, and the parliamentary system, and rejects proposals for a directly elected president or prime minister, which it views as undemocratic.

Rastriya Pariwartan Party

The Rastriya Pariwartan Party is chaired by Rajesh Portel, a young protester who was injured during the GenZ movement. Protel founded the party to carry forward the goals of the GenZ uprising.

The party pledges to honour the martyrs and injured protesters by pursuing reforms that include an immediate anti-corruption drive, constitutional amendments, such as provisions for a directly elected executive, and welfare support for victims of the movement. Pratel and his colleagues frame the party’s mission as translating the sacrifices of street protesters into concrete institutional change.

Ujyalo Nepal Party

The Ujyalo Nepal Party is led by Anup Kumar Upadhyay, a former secretary of energy, with Kulman Ghising, currently Minister for Physical Infrastructure and Transport and Minister of Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation, and former chief of the Nepal Electricity Authority, serving as its patron. After an unsuccessful attempt to merge with the Rastriya Swatantra Party, the party is now in discussions to form an electoral alliance with Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah.

Traditionally centrist in approach, the party’s long-term goal is the establishment of community-based socialism. Upadhyay’s technocratic background, combined with Ghising’s reputation for efficient administration, positions the party as an “alternative” political force focused on good governance, infrastructure development, and effective public service delivery. Media personality Rima Biswokarma is also among its notable figures.

Janadesh Party Nepal

Janadesh Party Nepal is chaired by advocate Raman Kumar Karn, an attorney and secretary of the Supreme Court Bar Association. Media veteran Rishi Dhamala serves as the party’s patron. The party emphasizes the concept of people’s mandate (janadesh) reflected in its name. Karn’s leadership draws on his legal background, while Dhamala’s wife, actress Aliza Gautam, holds an executive position within the party.

Samunnat Nepal Party

The Samunnat Nepal Party is led by Sarbendra Khanal, a former Inspector General of Police. Khanal has described the party’s core agenda as “good governance and prosperity.” After resigning from CPN-UML, he registered his own party to contest elections.

With a long career in public security, Khanal positions the party as a law-and-order–oriented reformist force with a nationalist flavour. Party sources indicate that he aims to introduce bureaucratic discipline and a development-oriented approach to governance.

Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)

Registered with the aim of advancing scientific socialism and achieving a higher stage of communism, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), led by Netra Bikram Chand, is participating in elections for the first time. Drawing on the ideas of Marx, Lenin, Stalin, Mao, and other communist thinkers, Chand has pursued a strategy of building a new communist center by uniting like-minded forces.

The party seeks to establish a people’s government led by the proletariat, workers, laborers, farmers, and patriots, guided by communist principles. After participating in the decade-long Maoist armed revolution, Chand split from the Maoist mainstream during the peace process and formed his own party. Although the party briefly pursued a strategy of unified people’s revolution, it later returned to peaceful politics. Chand had secured central committee approval to reunite with the CPN (Maoist Center), but following the formation of the Nepali Communist Party, he withdrew from the plan and registered his party independently with the Election Commission.

Pragatisheel Loktantrik Party

Following the merger of the Maoist Center with other leftist factions, including the CPN (Unified Socialist), to form the Nepali Communist Party, leaders such as Janardan Sharma, Ram Karki, and Sudan Kirati joined former prime minister Baburam Bhattarai to establish the Pragatisheel Loktantrik Party. The party also includes Santosh Pariyar, who split from the Rastriya Swatantra Party.

The party has formed a five-member presidium and a 151-member central committee and has adopted the election symbol previously used by the Naya Shakti Party, with Bhattarai serving as patron. It is actively seeking alliances with parties such as the Rastriya Swatantra Party, Janamat Party, and various GenZ groups, and emphasizes policies aimed at empowering youth and encouraging their participation in politics.

Hamro Party Nepal

Hamro Party Nepal was founded by activists led by Khagendra Sunar, who gained prominence for campaigning against the atrocities, exploitation, and oppression faced by the Dalit community. Sunar was initially named as a prospective minister in the Karki-led interim government but was prevented from assuming the role after a polygamy case involving another individual with the same name surfaced due to an administrative oversight.

Sunar has stated that the party was established to advocate for the rights and liberation of the Dalit community, which has endured centuries of caste-based discrimination. However, he remains a controversial figure, with several other cases currently pending in court.

Lok Raj Baral, Political analyst

Prior to elections, the number of political parties typically surges, and this time is no different. However, many new entrants fail to consider the foundational principles required to build a lasting party. These are often individual-centric formations created around the election cycle, and they tend to be short-lived and perform poorly. I do not believe most new parties will make a significant impact. While a few may win seats, established parties such as CPN-UML, Nepali Congress, and the Nepali Communist Party will remain dominant due to their extensive grassroots organizations.

That said, GenZ voters, youth, and first-time voters are likely to reject traditional establishments, which will reduce the vote share of major parties. Even so, they are likely to finish on top, while most new parties may forfeit their election deposits.

Ayodhi Prasad Yadav, Former Chief Election Commissioner

In a multi-party democracy, a surge in the number of political parties should not necessarily be viewed negatively. During the election of the second Constituent Assembly, for instance, even more parties contested than today. Such proliferation indicates that people retain faith in the democratic process.

Ultimately, the situation will be resolved through the election itself, as the three-percent threshold for proportional representation helps maintain stability. In a democracy, voting is both a right and a duty, so the right to vote cannot be restricted. Citizens are free to choose their representatives, and it is through elections that winners are determined. As the country remains in a transitional phase, one can hope this process will lead to positive change and transformation.