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Over the past few weeks, Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and his fellow co-chairman of the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) Pushpa Kamal Dahal have reportedly been drifting apart after Dahal publicized the power-sharing deal with Oli. Dahal maintains that the agreement, whereby the two co-chairs becoming PM for two and half years each, should be implemented in its letter and spirit. But those close to Oli see this as a plot to change the government and push the country into another bout of instability. Kamal Dev Bhattarai talked to senior NCP leader Devendra Poudel, a close confidante of Dahal, for some insights.

There is a lot of public dissatisfaction over the performance of the federal government. How you react to this as a senior leader of the main ruling party?

First, with the formation of the two-third government, people’s expectations were sky-high. But there has not been the expected level of delivery. Second, opposition parties have consistently blown up government weaknesses, which has given the impression that the government is not performing well. Third, the party has failed to complete its unification process on time and there were thus lapses in government performance. Yet it does not mean the government has done nothing at all.

Are you suggesting that there has not been the desired level of coordination between the party and the government?

In some areas, the government has made substantial progress. All three levels of governments have come up with their budgets, which are now being of implemented. The tasks of building roads, highways, and other infrastructures are moving apace. But people had expected a lot in the terms of governance. You do not need huge budgetary support or FDI to change governance. There have been some lapses and we have to correct them immediately. 

There is much talk about the power-sharing agreement between PM Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal after two and half years. What is the reality?

Let me give you an example first. In 2006 the Maoists joined the peace process, and we agreed to invite the United Nations to assist our peace process. We had some differences with Nepal Congress-led government of the time. But we signed some agreements with then Girija Prasad Koirala government and we fully implemented them.

The Maoists had some ideological differences with then CPN-UML. Yet we could agree on party unification. All this could happen because there was a level of trust between the two sides. It is impossible to move ahead in politics if there is no trust on political agreements signed between two sides. 

Most of the Maoist and UML leaders were not there when the power-sharing agreement was signed. There were several issues and the two chairmen settled those through mutual consultations. The two then signed a power-sharing agreement. This is a real document whose implementation is based on trust and honesty. In fact, the very basis of unity was the power-sharing deal. Party unity could be achieved only after this agreement. Until there is new agreement, the agreement signed during party unification stands. Politics will move ahead smoothly only if this agreement is honestly implemented.

Is the agreement about the handover of either PM or party president to Dahal? Or does it deal solely with a change of PM?

We should not sow confusions about the agreement as two parties are now united. We should not provoke top leaders. We should not blow up the issue to the extent of party split; instead we have to work together to keep the party united and effective. We want to unite not just the party. We also want to take the main opposition Nepali Congress into confidence.

For party unification we skipped some core ideological differences, with a view of settling them in the general convention. But the power-sharing agreement clearly mentions that government leadership will be shared on rotational basis. There is no mention of specific date of change of prime minister, but it is again a matter of honesty. Now, KP Oli is the prime minister and no one wants to remove him right now. Even Chairman Dahal has made it clear that there would be no immediate change in government leadership. But we should also remember that the power-sharing deal has a time frame.

The party unification agreement stated that the General Convention would be held within a year of the deal. But is it possible to hold the convention right now?

It is agreed that all things would be settled through mutual understanding until the general convention. The first GC after unification will be held on the basis of understanding between two sides, keeping the spirit of party unification intact. It is not possible to hold general convention within a year so it will be postponed. But all things will move ahead as per the understanding reached during party unification.

In response to the power-sharing deal, some leaders and advisors of PM Oli have publicly spoken of ‘plots’ to derail the Oli government.

I have met friends who are making such remarks. They have one logic and it is justified too .They say talk of power sharing at a time when some forces are trying to weaken the government, including international forces, opposition and bureaucracy, would affect government functioning. But some friends are also publicly saying that there has been no power-sharing agreement and even if there is one, they would not own it. Some leaders say the party would not recognize the agreement between PM Oli and Prachanda. They cannot take such a position and make public speeches. Such irresponsible statements will only lead to a split. We should avoid them to keep the party intact.

What about the ideological differences between the former UML and Maoist cadres?

I think it is clear enough now. There was a lack of clarity over the party’s future course. Two ideological positions have been brought together under the same rubric of ‘Janatako Janabad’.

Oli is concentrating power and his ambition is piling up. What if Oli refuses to hand over government leadership to Dahal?

It is an important question. At the same time, it is very difficult question for us to speak about. KP Oli is the prime minister as well as our chairman. He was elected by the parliament. Even in the party PM Oli is elected. The PM’s success is our success and success of the whole country. So, it is our responsibility to protect him, to support him and help him pursue his projects. I am committed to it.

But I would suggest that he expands his advisory team. Many friends from the party are keen to support him and they should get the opportunity. The leaders who want to support the PM should have an access to him. Even former prime ministers have not been able to properly consult with the PM, and I feel the same. Also, I think the PM is trying to consolidate power in order to smoothen government functioning. But if you concentrate power and yet fail to deliver results, there comes a time when you have to justify such power-concentration. 

How do you evaluate the recent frequency of meetings between your co-chairman Dahal and Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba?

The meetings between Dahal and Deuba are not related to government. Dahal would not engage in such childish games. NC, which is in the opposition, is a signatory to the peace process. A big component of this peace process is transitional justice, which is yet to be settled. To settle it, there is a need for national consensus, which is impossible with Congress support. The two have been meeting to settle this issue.

Similarly, there is a need of collaboration with opposition on the issues of development, peace and prosperity. It is natural that the government is reaching out to opposition parties on common national issues. There is no chance of an immediate government change, unlike what Deuba may have been saying following his meeting with Dahal.

Seldom do movies celebrate fatherhood. At least not in a way where the loving, compassionate, sacrificing, vulnerable and frail side of a father is portrayed on the big screen without glamorizing the stereotypical ‘manliness’ of screen dads. “Appa” is a movie dedicated to all the fathers. By the end credits, the audience agrees that the common perception of fathers is grossly wrong.

Written and directed by Darjeeling-based filmmaker Anmol Gurung, “Appa” has Kollywood’s own Daya Hang Rai playing ‘Birkhey driver’ and ‘appa’ (father) to Siddartha (Siddhant Raj Tamang). Birkhey, a happy-go-lucky driver who ferries tourists around the treacherous Siliguri-Darjeeling road, causes a fatal accident one day, partly because he is drunk. The accident kills a whole family of Bengali tourists with only Sid and Birkhey surviving the crash. Ridden by guilt and with natural protective instincts, Birkhey gets close to Sid, who in turn starts calling him ‘appa’. What follows in their lives is what “Appa” is all about.

The plot is simple and organic, so is the casting and the production. Rai as the loveable Birkhey finally makes an impact he had initially achieved in “Loot” (2012). After a string of movies that had him in repetitive and forgettable roles, Appa provides his fans a breath of fresh air. Birkhey, despite his drinking habits, is an affable chap, someone you’d love to know in real life. Rai has put so much life into the character that you feel every bit of emotion with him.

Also commendable in their roles are the youngsters Lama and Allona Kabo Lepcha as “Kavya,” his high school love interest. The couple look cute together and the best part is that they do not overdo the romantic bits. The innocence around ‘first love’ is rather sweetly maintained. Legendary filmmaker/actor Tulsi Ghimire also makes a comeback on the silver screen as a catholic priest/teacher with suiting dignity. Albeit in a supporting role, Aruna Karki as the friendly “anggie” (auntie, in local dialect)—a Sherpa woman who runs an eatery on the highway—is another kind-hearted, caring and immediately likeable character you’d want to meet for real. She’s a veteran and that’s how veterans should act. (Pun intended post-Dal Bhat Tarkari and Kumva Karan.)  

The best thing about Appa is that the young filmmakers from Darjeeling manage what most seasoned producers and directors in Nepal fail to—capture the essence of their location as well as of the local dialect. The cinematography is amazing and proves why Darjeeling is called the ‘Queen of the Hills.’ But more admirable is the characters in the film internalizing the ‘Daarj lingo’, which is quite popular even in Nepal for its unique diction and embedded humor.

The hills of Darjeeling resonate with music and director Gurung, who also takes credit for the film’s soundtracks along with Saikat Dev, has been able to capture the musicality that nature has given them. The songs in Appa are beautiful and the background score just fitting.

The film is evidently a low-budget production but Gurung has done a commendable job of holding together the screenplay for 1h 40m. The second half does get irritatingly Bollywoodish and at times lacks creativity, but all the good things about the film make up for these minor lapses.

Who should watch it?

Daya Hang Rai’s fans who have never lost their faith in him since “Loot” will definitely be proud of his role in “Appa”. Also, this is a family entertainer with an important message. It’s thus for everybody.

Rating: 3 stars

Genre: Family/Drama

Run time: 1 hr 40 mins

Director: Anmol Gurung

Actors: Daya Hang Rai, Allona Kabo Lepcha, Siddhant Raj Tamang, Tulsi Ghimire, Aruna Karki

Those of us who came of age in the 1990s and 2000s will never forget the unmitigated thrill of popping Orange Balls, those round orange sweets in transparent wrappers with yellow letters. The memories still make us drool. Sujal Foods has now stopped making these delicious delights, spelling an end of an era when the sweet Orange Balls and their close cousins sweet-and-sour Rimjhim Balls (also known as Black Balls) were the undoubted kings of the Nepali sweet market. Cheap too, as four could be had for a rupee. (APEX recently hit the streets in search of these candies but in vain.) There is a Facebook group, with more than 10,000 followers, dedicated to these two candies. People still post on Facebook and Reddit querying about their origin, recipe, and writing their personal stories. We bring to you some old fans of these candies and their incredible memories.

Elena Gurung, Video creator, 19
I and my cousins were very naughty when we were young. Just to make us sit down for a while, my grandmother used to ask us to draw. If the drawing was nice, she would give us 25 paisa each. It was a big deal for us then because we could get one Orange Ball for that money. When our grandma gave us money, all of 75 paisa, the three of us cousins would then run to the store. One of us would get a Black Ball and the other two would get an Orange Ball each. We would divide the spicy Black Ball into three pieces, eat it, and only then eat Orange Balls.

Sabin Karki, Dancer, 23
I still remember getting four Orange Balls for one rupee when I was little. One of my friends had brought like a bunch of Orange Balls to distribute in school on his birthday. I was amazed! He let everyone in the class take as many as we wanted. That day was amazing and remains a fond memory.

Saurav Chaudhary, Actor, 27
Four-for-One: Perhaps the best deal I could have gotten at “Maila uncle ko pasal” for those candies. I vividly remember my friends showing off their colored orange tongues. The funniest part was making ‘colas’ and orange juice out of those candies, which is the best juice I have ever had. I still wish we could get the same candies with same taste and the same type of friends with the same innocence.

Raj Shah, Sarwanam Theater Director, 32
An entire packet of Rimjhim Balls or Orange Balls used to cost Rs 14. We, as children, could not afford it. One candy used to cost Rs 0.25 but for Rs 14, we could get more in quantity. So, my friends and I used to form a group of 5-6 people and each of us would contribute Rs 3 for a packet of that candy. I think it was the cheapest and most famous candy of our generation. We used to take off its wrappers and put the candies in our pockets. Then we would secretly eat it during class hours.

Swoopna Suman, Singer, 23
I was in my hostel back then. One night, I saw a friend of mine take out some candies from his black box. He handed me almost half a packet of Lacto, Orange Balls and Black Balls. I ate them all, at once. Right before I fell asleep, I felt a light sting on my left cheek. The next morning, my left cheek was totally numb. Next thing I realized my left eyelid wouldn’t blink. I don’t know if it were those candies or my body, but I got half of my face paralyzed for the next 3 months.

Kristie Rai Potter, 28
Whoever made Orange Balls is a star. I think at least 60 percent of my childhood body was made out of Orange Balls, haha.

Pratik Dhakal, 26
I used to buy 30 Orange Balls at once and dissolve them in water to make orange juice. And believe me, it tasted great, just like orange juice. That was me when I was just five! Sweet memories, indeed.

Neeru Tharu, 18
Before Orange Balls were 25 paisa a pop and I now hear they are Re 1 per piece. Now this candy is difficult to find. Maybe it is still available at Bhatbhateni. [Ed: No it is not]

In the geopolitical competition between global powers, it is hard to differentiate democracies from dictatorships. The Americans, the supposed global torchbearers of democracy, have repeatedly intervened in other countries to remove democratic governments and install their own puppet rulers. In this they are no different to the totalitarian Soviet Union that in its heyday dotted the world with its own puppet communist regimes, or the modern-day China trying to ‘buy’ influence abroad. By the same token, nor is the democratic India’s desire to maintain its absolute hegemony in South Asia out of place.

This is the central thesis of ‘How They Rule the World: The 22 Secret Strategies of Global Power’, a new book by Pedro Baños, a Spanish army colonel and an ex-member of the EU’s counter-intelligence corps. With the help of his knowledge gained working for various security organizations, Baños says powerful democracies and dictatorships alike use one or many of the same 22 strategies to get a leg-up on their competitors. He argues that on the global stage there are basically two types of countries: “the dominant” and “the dominated”. The first group “exerts control on a regional or global scale” while the second group is “controlled… in various ways—militarily, economically, culturally or technologically”. As the big powers try to get even more powerful, to avoid being devoured by this rivalry, the comparably smaller powers have no option but to fall in behind one of the big powers, or to join an alliance of like-minded countries.

But what are the strategies the big powers use to remain ahead of the pack? They may use the strategy of deterrence (‘winning without fighting’) or the strategy of encirclement (‘outmaneuvering adversaries’). Or they may feign and conceal (‘mastering deception’) or sow seeds of discord (‘defeating enemy from within’). The bottom-line is that these powers have the military and economic strength to compel smaller powers to do their bidding.

Baños says every geopolitical decision, from forging alliances to declarations of war to imposing economic sanctions, has an ulterior motive. “Concepts such as ‘human rights’ may be referred to, but countries will always act out of self interest.” What is ‘good’ or ‘bad’ is highly subjective in international relations, he says, and wants us to know of how we are being systematically manipulated. The author’s end-goal, however utopian the idea, is to build an international order “that strives for and prioritizes human security over national security.”

It’s an interesting, breezy read for anyone interested in big power politics. But the book is also a little disorganized. The 22 strategies comprise just one of the four parts of the book and they don’t always mesh well with the other three parts, each of which analyzes this politics through its own framework. A useful primer on the subject though.

Q. How would you describe yourself in three words?

A. Emotional, observant, and a good listener.

Q. A Nepali actor you want to work opposite to?

A. Anmol KC.

Q. Who inspires you the most?

A. My mother.

Q. What is that one thing you enjoy the most about your profession?

A. Traveling.

Q. What is your superpower?

A. My family’s support.

Q. Your favorite getaway?

A. Greece.

Q. If you had only one day to live, what would you do?

A. Spend the whole day with my family.

Q. If you could wish for anything, what would it be?

A. To be able to read people’s minds.

Q. Which is the project you are proudest to be a part of so far?

A. Pashupati Prasad.

Q. If you were not in the entertainment industry, which industry would you be in?

A. Banking.

 To be honest, we were a little apprehensive about trying a restaurant in Ravibhawan, a place not at all known as an ‘eat out’ zone. But the Perfect Foodland at the Ravibhawan Height managed to prove us wrong with its terrific food, service and ambience. Perfect is a multi-cuisine restaurant housed in a two-storey modern building. The interiors are elegant, pleasing, and again perfect while you relish the food.

There are multiple seating arrangements, a separate family room to host small parties and surprisingly, also a small stage where local artists do acoustic sessions on weekends. Besides the chef’s specials, we wholeheart­edly recommend the whole fish. Oh my, the sauce on that dish is finger-licking good!

THE MENU

Chef’s Special:
- Chicken Ala Que
- Dragon Chicken
- Crispy Prawn
Opening hours: 7:30 am to 10 pm
Location: Ravibhawan
Cards: Accepted
Meal for 2: Rs 2,000
Reservations: 014672076

Ishan Pariyar’s painting exhibition “Reminiscences” at Siddhartha Art Gallery, Babarmahal, highlights the endurance of historical monuments in the fleeting materialistic world.

The exhibition brings together the paintings, each of which represents a certain deity and its everlasting property. Pariyar also decries our indifferent attitude towards the smuggled, damaged and stolen artifacts of great cultural and historical value.

The acrylic paintings have a boat as a common object to represent the voyage of life. Similarly, each artifact has been placed creatively to show its historical importance.

The exhibition will serve those with keen interest in history, culture, religion and a taste for authentic yet modern
artwork.

Each canvas consists of religious sculptures as its basis, supported by earthy materials like sand, pebbles, worn-out boats, waves and tides. Sketch representations of the paintings are also displayed. An added twist is that the entire oeuvre consists of subtle green and blue hues.

The exhibition ends on July 9

Nepali cable TV distributors are being disingenuous when they say end customers will be saddled with extra charges if the federal parliament passes a recently registered Advertisement Bill. The bill bars out-of-country paid TV channels from broadcasting foreign advertisements. As getting clean feed from paid international TV channels will cost them more, the cable operators argue, they will have no option but to pass on the added cost to their viewers. But then Nepali cable TV viewers are already paying high surcharges, which should more than make up for the puny increase in cable distributors’ costs.

With the passage of the bill, foreign ads on cable channels will be replaced by Nepali ones, to the benefit of many constituencies in the country. Nepali advertisers will be buoyant as all TV ads for foreign products will have to be made in Nepal. Nepali ads will also have more slots on international channels. The Nepali ad industry is projected to grow by at least 20 percent as a result. After all, why should foreign products get free advertisements on Nepali TV? Not only does it lead to a loss of market for Nepali advertisers, it also encourages Nepalis to pick foreign advertised products over domestic unadvertised ones, to the determent of the already struggling economy.

While the Nepali ad industry is still in its infancy, its revenues continue to shrink as more and more people move online for news and entertainment. The problem is that there isn’t much money in online advertising. At the same time, with the economy facing a severe liquidity crunch, Nepali producers and industries are cutting back on their advertisement budgets for newspapers and television. On the other hand, the multinationals operating in Nepal have not had to spend a single rupee as their ads are already transmitted through pay TV for free.

The clean feed policy is a boon for all Nepali content creators. The quality of our advertisements will improve as more money enters the industry. Local products will be more competitive. The stagnant Nepali media will see a fresh inflow of cash. Cable operators have no case.