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​The Constitution of Nepal deserves recognition for its role in dismantling the age-old chains of caste-based hierarchy, which historically concentrated power within specific groups. In a landmark move, the government led by Balen Shah has appointed a representative from the Badi community to the cabinet for the very first time. At 30 years old, Sita Badi of Karnali Province has been selected as the Minister for Women, Children, and Senior Citizens.

​The Badi community of Nepal is one of the most ‘double-marginalized’ Dalit groups in society. Often described as the ‘untouchables among the untouchables’, they have long occupied the lowest rung of Nepal’s socio-economic ladder. Historically known as nomadic entertainers, the community has faced systemic landlessness and extreme poverty, with many families still living in temporary settlements on riverbanks.

​According to Badi elders, the community is naturally gifted in art and music. History reveals that they were once assigned to entertain the royalty and feudal lords of the era. Their role was comparable to that of modern-day actors and artists who perform for the public. During that period, their earnings and living standards were relatively high compared to others, as they received rewards from feudal patrons based on their performances. In fact, the Badi were once close to the aristocratic circles. However, as social structures shifted, they were gradually sidelined and forced into the extreme margins of society.

​The bitter truth remains that the Badi are the most deprived and oppressed group within Nepali society. Data and research support this; even when compared to Hill Dalits and Madhesi Dalits, the Badi remain the most excluded group from every societal perspective. Therefore, it is imperative that the state addresses their issues with urgency. The Badi community should be provided with dedicated reservations in key sectors. While upholding these progressive principles, the state must also counter the rhetoric of anti-reservation groups.

​In contemporary Nepal, there is frequent discussion regarding meritocracy and equality. While these concepts sound justifiable to those who have enjoyed ‘structural dividends’ for generations due to their caste, gender, or religion, they ignore the reality of the ‘caste syndicate’. For instance, the traditional Hindu Varna system pre-assigned jobs based on birth—a form of reservation that anti-inclusion groups often ignore. Furthermore, Dalits are not the only ones who benefit from reservation policies; other groups receive significant portions of these quotas. Yet, critics often target the tiny fraction of support allocated to the most oppressed. When one compares the current reservation facilities to the centuries of social, economic, and political trauma Dalits have endured, the current support is negligible. The state must refine these policies, as the current provisions remain insufficient for communities like the Badi.

In a society shaped by caste-based stereotypes, the Constitution of Nepal provides a vital mechanism to break the monopoly of the high-caste syndicate. The principles of proportional representation and inclusion are finally paving the way for the reformation and transformation of oppressed groups. This framework is successfully fulfilling its motive: providing opportunity to those in the margins and bringing them into the mainstream of the state.

Badi’s entry into the cabinet is the embodiment of what the Constitution and progressive thought aimed to achieve. Today, a representative from the most marginalized community has successfully claimed space in the federal cabinet. Before the promulgation of the Constitution in 2015, it was almost unimaginable for a common person to see a member of the Badi community in such a high office. Fortunately, the Constituent Assembly established inclusive norms to uplift the marginalized, resulting in this historic moment for Sita Badi and her people. The true beauty of proportional representation lies in its ability to grant power to those who need it most.

​The appointment of Badi is a symbolic and historic milestone for a community that has faced systemic neglect and social humiliation. In her role as Minister, society hopes to see a future where children from every community no longer suffer from exclusion and poverty. Moving forward, the state must meticulously implement reservation and inclusion policies. These constitutional provisions should not exist merely as words on paper; the public demands proper, practical action and implementation. The state must continue to give the highest priority to those at the margins of society. Indeed, ensuring their presence in the halls of power is the crowning achievement of proportional representation, turning a constitutional vision into a lived reality.

The ‘One Man Army’ of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), Balendra ‘Balen’ Shah, has breathed new life and energy into both the party and its chairman, Rabi Lamichhane. The results and the popular vote in the March 5 election have once again proven the power of this ‘magical’ figure. While his popularity in Kathmandu was well-known—evidenced by the massive crowds that gathered whenever he appeared—few could have speculated that the ‘Balen craze’ would sweep the entire nation. By leaving traditional parties in a state of political turmoil, his popularity has fundamentally altered the political landscape and the status of the RSP.

​The bitter truth is that before Balen’s formal alignment with the RSP, the party’s standing under Rabi Lamichhane was precarious. Critics claimed the RSP was facing its darkest hour. Lamichhane’s alleged involvement in cooperative fraud, money laundering, and other legal issues had pushed the party onto the defensive. Even during the GenZ movement, the RSP chair was held in Nakhu prison, with several cases registered against him in various district courts. Despite these hurdles, RSP cadres and leaders leveraged the momentum of the GenZ movement to help Lamichhane secure his release. Following his exit from jail, Lamichhane and his supporters hoped the youth movement would propel him to the Prime Minister’s office. Surprisingly, leading GenZ activists began criticizing his actions on social media, even starting trends against him. Amidst this friction, high-profile leaders Sumana Shrestha and Santosh Pariyar left the party, dealing a significant setback.

​However, the tide turned suddenly. Sudan Gurung emerged to unite Balen, the RSP, and other forces. This strategic move revitalized the party and successfully captured public sentiment. Balen became the center of attraction; his ‘face value’ alone significantly enhanced the party’s ability to garner votes.
​The election results proved the power of this alliance. Despite political fluctuations, the RSP led by Lamichhane secured nearly a two-thirds majority. While journalists and analysts had predicted RSP gains due to the GenZ movement and the negligence of old parties, the sheer scale of the landslide victory was unexpected. Even RSP leaders were surprised by the outcome. Beyond the victory itself, several crucial factors shifted the electoral scenario and the public’s mentality toward traditional parties.

​The primary factor behind the shift was undoubtedly Balen. The public’s trust in him is near-total. While some argue he hasn’t yet achieved results that match the party’s current standing, one cannot deny that Balen is the ‘Midas’ of Nepali politics. His charm and aura prove he is a man of the masses. His recent political campaigns silenced those who questioned his fame; everywhere he went, massive crowds gathered just to catch a glimpse of him. Human chains lined the roads to greet him, a spectacle that directly translated into votes for the ‘Bell’ (the RSP electoral symbol).

Another key driver was Balen’s strategic alliance with the RSP. Although Balen presents as an individual, he is backed by a powerful network of GenZ activists, celebrities, content creators, and influential social media groups like Routine of Nepal band (RONB) and Men’s Room Reloaded (MRR). The names ‘Balen’ and ‘Ganti’ (the Bell) became synonymous. Even citizens not yet eligible to vote were swept up in the fervor. During the election, the common refrain was simply, ‘Vote for the Bell’. Voters often prioritized the symbol and Balen’s endorsement over the actual quality of individual candidates. Viral social media clips even showed voters outside Jhapa-5 claiming they ‘voted for Balen and the Bell’, cementing his role as the architect of this victory.

Furthermore, the RSP’s tactical move to project Balen as the upcoming Prime Minister played a significant role in capturing the public’s desire for youthful leadership. Had the RSP proposed any name other than Balen for the premiership, the strategy likely would have failed. Conversely, the repetitive rhetoric and perceived failures of veteran leaders paved the way for this ‘Balen and Bell’ victory. The election even transformed the Madhes region—traditionally a stronghold for regional Madhes-based parties. In a stunning shift, the RSP secured 30 out of 32 seats in the region. This was largely due to Balen’s influence; the Madhesi community sought a representative who could lead the government, and the RSP’s move to elevate a figure with Madheshi roots resonated deeply.

Despite this unbelievable victory, the RSP must remain alert. To maintain this favor, they must address public needs and navigate complex geopolitics. Balen and the RSP leadership must realize that this mandate is a cry for change from a public fed up with traditional politics. This is a golden opportunity for Balen and the RSP to succeed where old leaders failed—specifically in governance, economic development, and loyalty to the people. They must prioritize equality, equity, and social emancipation. If they fail, the Nepali electorate has shown time and again that they are not afraid to change their leaders once more.

What do the Nepalis in general think of Karnali? Rather than answering this question outright, let’s explore the roots of the word ‘Karnali’. Epistemologically speaking, Karnali, a region named after the river with the same name, derives its name from Karnal, a musical instrument of the Damai people.

Indeed, Dalit settlements dot the banks of the Karnali, suggesting a historic link between the river and these peoples, their customs and traditions. Most importantly, in Khas language, Karnali is synonymous with a big river. 

Undoubtedly, city dwellers see Karnali as the land of pain, poverty and problems. Aligning with this prevailing mentality, the Nepali media and I/NGOs often portray Karnali as a land of suffering and problems. 

Looking through a different lens, Karnali is very unique, diverse and prosperous. 

Karnali is quite different from images that the media and development agencies often portray, describing the region as poor and backward. It is the land of hope and happiness. The word ‘Karnali’ itself symbolizes musical heritage, culture and civilization. From very early on, Karnali is showing and inviting the state to utilize its resources believing that its rivers, rivulets, lakes, hills, Himalayas, trekking trails, herbs, cultural heritages, Patans (expansive grasslands) have the potential to transform the national economy as a whole. 

Pratap Pariyar, a senior citizen from Sinja-Simpati, Jumla district, observes: By nature, Karnali is very multi-colored. Indeed, the region has different specialities that can give the region a turnaround. It has Yarsagumba, a precious herb and Nepal’s longest river—the Karnali—that can generate thousands of megawatts of green energy. Its pastures, waterfalls, Himalayas and other attractions beckon tourists from far and wide. But the general understanding of Nepalis regarding Karnali is very old and immature.
People compare Karnali with a pathetic picture of poverty. Our identification with the pathetic picture, where a child’s face is covered with flies, is condemnable. Indeed, if people investigate or study Karnali, it’s a boon and blessing of nature.  Hydro, herbs and heritage are the gems of Karnali. The region probably has the most unique cultural and religious practices in Nepal. Lama Vishnu is one of the several unique cultural practices whereas Masto is another religious sect that worships Nature only. These are some of the glimpses of the diversity of the region. 

Undoubtedly, Karnali is the land of a boundless potential and myriad possibilities. This is not a subjective statement coming from Nepalis, including the people of Karnali; this is a unanimous voice from international scholars, experts and tourists. But “concerned authorities” of the state have failed to recognize the true potential of Karnali and their activities show a deep-rooted indifference toward the development of the region. 

A case in point: The state has not bothered to conduct proper research on the potential of Karnali and invest in it. The ministers and commissioner of the planning commission are busy seeing only poverty, showing the state’s unwillingness to find out the root cause of poverty and backwardness. In fact, Karnali is not poor; leaders and states make it look so. 

Generally, leaders and stakeholders point to the geography of Karnali as a major barrier to development. If so, why are some of the districts of the Tarai plains suffering from poverty? Why is the economic status of the people living in Namche so high compared to Kathmandu? Situation, mentality and investment matter more than geography. In the context of Karnali, topography is not the cause of poverty as the region has the natural resources necessary to bring prosperity to the entire nation. 

Another aspect that allows the state and the media to label Karnali as a downtrodden region is the sociopolitical aspect marked by impunity, corruption and social disharmony. These factors give the media the content to disclose the dark side and hide the very bright side of Karnali. As a watchdog of the society, the media should write both ‘bad news’ and ‘good news’ about Karnali by monitoring each and every activity with the main focus on the local people’s wellbeing. In this process, it should not spare leaders, who harm Karnali.

Besides these two major components, leaders, cadres, bureaucracy and citizen behavior are responsible for stereotyping Karnali, which they need to shun. From now on, the political representatives of Karnali must act as the voice of the region. Only if they work as the backbone of Karnali will the whole nation be able to see the region in a different light.

Summing up, far from an old and prevailing perception, Karnali is brimming with hope, hydro, herbs and heritage. These resources can surely help Karnali rid itself of its stereotyped image. As for the media, it should change the angle from which it sees and writes about Karnali. The media should explore the real potential of Karnali and inform the people about it. Then only the state and the people will get to know the real Karnali and its potential. 

Nepal is famous not only as the Himalayan Shangri-La but also as a country with distinct tangible and intangible heritages. Within a relatively small terrain, Nepali communities have preserved these heritages for centuries despite adversities. 

For example, the Damai community has been preserving its musical heritage for ages—without getting the respect it deserves.

Historians believe that the word ‘Damai’ comes from the musical instrument called ‘Damaha’ (a large drum). This musical instrument is made using refined leather and molded by a copper or brass strip into an oval shape. Music is produced through this instrument by beating on its either side with a pair of sticks called gaja. The primary role of a Damai is to play Damaha and other musical instruments like the Sanai for the society on social occasions like weddings.  

In many remote villages of Nepal, people from this community have been performing for the society at homes and temples for extremely low returns, for ages.

Anthropologist Carol Tingey says, “The Damais occupy a unique place within this immense cultural diversity. They are thought to be an auspicious caste in Nepal who are professional musicians while their supplementary caste occupation is tailoring.” 

The cateist mentality prevalent in the society has sidelined this important role of the community, raising a wall between the ‘Dalits’ and ‘non-Dalits’ by undermining their devotion, emotion and contributions and their musical heritage.

This, despite the fact that the Damai musical heritage constitutes the very soul of the Khas culture in Nepal where Damai Baja (musical instruments) are compulsory in every cultural and religious rite or ritual of the Khas community. So much so that puja (obeisance) offered to divinities at their abodes is considered incomplete and in vain without their music.

On different sociocultural and religious occasions, the traditional musicians from this community play three different types of music—the Mangal Dhun, Ramkali Dhun and Malshree Dhun. Their music forms an inalienable part of marriage, Vratavandha (sacred thread ceremony) and other sacred rituals. In Karnali and Far-West regions, their music is essential for invoking Devata (the deities) in fairs, something that points toward the richness, beauty and importance of Damai music in our society.

Delving into their musical heritage, Panche Baja and Naumati Baja—two sets of musical instruments, comprising five and nine instruments—come to mind. Panche Baja consists of Damaha, Tyamko, Jhyali, Sanai and Dholaki whereas Naumati Baja is an ensemble of Panche Baja along with Karnaal/Narsinga and a pair of Damaha and Sanai. According to scholar Ramsaran Darnal, “Panche Baja used to be taken as a symbol of luck and fortune before the Vedic era. In Nepal’s temples, Nagara and other musical components of Panche Baja are played during puja. Due to this religious aspect, the Panche Baja is known as Dev Baja (God’s Band)”.

But the ‘caste system’ has ruined the divinity of this musical heritage, including Panche Baja and Naumati Baja, and its importance in society. Foreign scholars have done their PhD in Damaha, Panche Baja and Naumati Baja while we the Nepalis have failed to study our own musical heritage and realize its importance, thanks to this evil system.

Music is a boon for the whole of humanity, it is something that transcends religions, languages and territories. But in our society, music also signifies a particular community. For instance, we take the Dhime Baja as a heritage of the Newars, associate Dhamphu-Tunguna with the Tamangs and Damaha-Sanai with the Damais. Our ethnocentric thoughts contradict with universal values of music, making us incapable of embracing all these heritages as Nepali music and prompting coming generations to disrespect this heritage of ours. For instance, we do not see parents buying a Damaha for their children nor do we see a child playing the Sanai. Thanks to our mindset, youngsters are playing Western musical instruments like the guitar, drum set and the piano instead of native musical instruments.

Music has that healing effect: it gives humanity immense pleasure, helping it forget pain and sorrow. But for musicians from Dalit communities like Damai and Gandharva, music ends up inflicting torture to a people as it comes with a ‘tag’ and a stereotyped identity. In many villages, Damai musicians have to sit at the corner of the host’s house as the ‘tradition’ forbids them from going inside and eating with others. Even the so-called ‘high-caste’ people dance to the tune of Damai musicians, but they do not bother to show respect to the latter. All that these gifted musicians get as rewards are life-long wounds, disrespect, discrimination and disgust.

Our musical heritage particularly carries casteist flavor and vibes. The so-called non-Dalits give the tags of ‘touchable’ and ‘untouchable’ on the basis of music people play. The Damai and the Gandarva communities of our country are classed among the ‘untouchables’. The sole reason is the profession they hold—the musical instruments they play. Though the scenario has slightly changed, the casteist mentality has not changed much. 

For public consumption, people say, “We all are equal; there is no discrimination at all.” 

But the truth is different. News reports on caste-based discrimination and its consequences feature almost on a daily basis. 

Murder, physical torture, social boycott, segregation, extortion and other forms of punishment against the Dalits are going on unchecked even in an era where an increasing number of Nepali people are getting academic degrees from prestigious universities like the Oxford and TU. 

National development becomes possible with factors like cooperation, equality and social emancipation even when there’s a lack of cultural and natural resources.

Though the Constitution of Nepal has provisions against caste-based discrimination, the old, stereotyped caste system still prevails, ruining Nepal’s cultural and musical heritage, and destroying the beauty of our ethnic diversity. If we do not take caste-based discrimination seriously, this evil will fragment our society into various pieces like in Rwanda.

Every year, the academic results of SEE/SLC, graduate and postgraduate studies bring a momentous problem for the state as a significant percentage of students fail the exams.

While around 50 percent of students fail SEE exams every year, university exams also do not yield satisfactory results, indicating that there are holes in our education system that need fixing.

Stakeholders are well aware of some of the reasons behind poor results at school and university levels—political interference, poor management, infrastructure, pedagogy, etc—and they can give hours-long lectures on these reasons.

Apart from visible issues, there are other issues also behind poor results. One of the most important factors behind a poor result at the individual level is the “lack of interest” on the part of the student in studies. 

On the contrary, if the student devotes time in studies, chances of him/her getting good results are quite high.

Our education system and society give high priority to education and for them, getting an academic degree is very important regardless of the individual’s interest (or lack thereof) in the endeavor. 

This mindset of the society and the state, which undermines the lack of individuals’ interest in studies, is mainly to blame for poor results year after year after year. 

This mindset ignores the fact that the individual interested in his/her chosen field, whether it’s education or some other sector, will surely put in extra efforts to get the best result. 

It’s a given that someone who wants to be an ace sportsperson will give it all to his/her chosen sport instead of burning the midnight oil for an academic degree. 

For example. football is life’s true calling for Ronaldo. Imagine what will happen if he is not allowed to play football. 

But this does not mean that getting an education is not important. Even those individuals who have no interest in studies would do well to get an education, a state-prescribed education at least, given the importance of education in this day and age. After completing basic education (my opinion is that it should be made mandatory), the individuals can follow their passion and make their dreams come true. 

The main premise of this writeup is based on my observation of students’ behavior in the Kathmandu Valley. Early in the morning, I see myriad students donning uniforms heading to their respective educational institutions. On the surface, it seems they all are marching with the same purpose but their body language reveals otherwise. 

It is not difficult to observe that each student has their own sets of dreams, desires and aspirations; even those with basic knowledge of psychology can read this much.

Some of these students look fresh and energetic, indicating that they want to study and do something significant in academia. 

Some others, through gestures and facial expressions, give the impression that they have no desire to study, that their hearts lie in other fields like music and sports.

They are physically present in the classroom, not mentally. They are taking classes because their parents want them to study at all costs, even at the expense of their chosen fields.

This is a sheer waste of time and resources, and this lack of interest in studies is one of the major reasons behind poor academic results.

As part of this study, I even asked some students “How do you feel while going to school?”

Their responses matched with my reading of their body language.

Parents, teachers and the government are focusing only on imparting education by taking it as the only means to get success in life, ignoring the dreams, aspirations and aptitude of the individuals concerned. On their part, these students are trying to make their parents happy by obeying them physically, though their hearts lie elsewhere.

Given this context, parents, teachers and state authorities should encourage students to pursue their dreams instead of forcing their will onto them. This way, our society will, in all likelihood, get Ronaldo, Mahabir Pun and many other wonders. 

A few months ago, I had a meeting with one of my friends doing a PhD in America. He said that in the US, most of the education institutions have a student debate club. Once a week, students discuss various issues with a critical lens. Mainly, the students of the social science stream create discourse on burning issues in society. For instance, racial discrimination is one of the major problems in American society. White people have historically discriminated against black people. 

Similarly, the diaspora living in the US is also facing problems regarding socio-political aspects. In such   burning issues and problems, students present papers, debate with critical thinking, creative thinking, literary theories like White Man’s Burden, race theory, postcolonial studies, race discrimination, gender discrimination, LGBTIQA+ rights, etc. Beside this, there is no hard-and-fast rule for participation. It is like a loose forum where interested parties can discuss and give their opinions.

The culture of these critical discourses has changed  the level of students’ understanding as well as upgraded them critically. Recently ,the students are seeing issues from multiple perspectives. In fact, they are lamenting the racist history where an individual is oppressed just because of a certain race or color. During the discussion, students questioned themselves about human rationality. Even they themselves criticized the irrationality of their ancestors. But sadly, the educational institutions of Nepal have almost failed to create such discourse.

Last time I got an opportunity to attend a debate program on ‘caste system struggle or compulsion’ organized by progressive students of RR Campus . It is a nice gesture, at least  it shows some avenues of change for students. But the opinion of some participants is so casteist. They are students holding a degree in hand. They have seen the fragmentation of society by caste. Still they are proud of the caste and they want to continue it as their parents. In addition they also give irrelevant logic to support the caste system. These are some representative voices only.  Our universities are filled With these sorts of casteist minds.

These practices and understanding of students  that our students and universities are almost unknown about Dalits problems. Meanwhile, the caste system is the major headache in society. Around 13 percent of the population is facing problems because of caste. Each day, Dalits are being victimized by the caste system. Mainly in temples, taps, relationships, etc., dalits are tortured.

In such a society, why are students and educational institutions not showing the same interest as in American universities? In Nepal, state-owned educational institutions seem to be politically trained. The wall painting on college premises and hanging political flags on the gate proved it. The student union is very active in political matters. They obeyed political  leaders, and t designed programmes according to the road map of parties. The rallies, protests, cleaning, blood donation, etc. programmes are the major work of the students union. Unfortunately, social issues like caste discrimination seem to be unknown to students.

Caste is the burning and bursting issue of the Hindu Varna system. Especially in Nepal, each day people belonging to the Dalit community are facing inhumane behavior from so-called on-Dalits. Contrary to this, the mainstream of Nepali society regards caste as a cultural phenomenon. They don’t see any fault in the caste system. Even they argued that caste discrimination will not be removed immediately from society. It takes time, and Dalits have to tolerate it to maintain harmony in society. These hypocritic thoughts of non-Dalits have been protecting the caste system as their tradition and culture for ages. Meanwhile, the constitution of Nepal has strictly prohibited any sort of discrimination that is punishable. The Articles 17, 18, 24 43 and 40 of the Constitution clearly advocate for human rights and freedom.

On the other side, including students, non-Dalits act as if nothing is happening in society regarding caste issues. However, some progressive students’ efforts can’t be denied. Still, they stand with Dalit issues. But the majority belongs to a hypocritically stereotyped group. In fact, the hypocrisy of non-Daltis is violating the law of a state. Which result in torture, murder, social trauma for Dalits. By seeing this scenario, the non-Dalit faction is digging a pit for its own people and system. Therefore, to change such inhuman practices, the students and educational institutions of the state have to take a leading role in developing equity and equality in society. In fact, most educational institutions have huge numbers of non-Dalit students. 

Knowing and seeing such situations in society, educational institutions and their students can’t remain neutral. They must react critically and creatively, as in the Western world. After knowing our educational institutional roles on social issues like caste, one might raise questions. Why are our students remaining silent on the caste system? The obvious answer is that our students are also guided by the Manu Simiriti caste system, and most of them, both teachers and students, are non-Dalits. That’s why they remain silent. But while saying this, how can we deny the magnanimity of students? How can we avoid the Western students' activism on race and color?

Aside from all the lapses, Students should self-criticize themselves and take these mistakes as lessons to rebuild their progressive image for the overall development of society. In fact, by nature, students are progressive. So they should play a vital role in resolving the problem. In addition, students and educational institutions are known for hope, progress, and the future of the state. Therefore, the law, social norms, and values also asked the student to take responsibility for creating a forum for unity against the inhuman system and caste system. In the US, when George Floyd, a black man, was killed, the entire nation came out in protest against racism. Students actively participate in rallies. This shows the maturity of American society regarding racism. Though racism still exists in society, at the same time, voices are being raised and hands are joining to fight against inhumanity.

Thus, Nepali educational institutions and students need to be strong to counter such a heinous system. The Curriculum Department Center (CDC) should include chapters on the caste system. This way, the students will know the dark sides of the caste system. After studying such ill practices, students will organize discourses. They will be aware that their family society does not practice the caste system. Then only will society transform from stereotypes to progressives. Otherwise, the literate actors will be involved in drama, and society will remain irrational forever.

The verdict delivered by the Rukum West District Court in the Navaraj BK murder case has rekindled public faith in the judiciary. The esteemed court handed down life sentences to 24 individuals involved in the lynching of six youths, including Navaraj BK, in Chaurjahari Municipality-8, Rukum West three years ago.

Why were Navaraj and his friends killed?

The root cause of this tragic incident was caste, as confirmed by the district court’s verdict. Navaraj, a young man from Ranagaon in Bheri Municipality-4 of Jajarkot, was in a relationship with a non-Dalit Malla girl from Rukum West. Both were happy in their relationship and wanted to get married.

 On May 23, 2020, Navaraj and his friends reached the girl’s village in Soti to escort her to his home for the marriage ceremony. Despite the shared happiness of the involved couples and their desire for marriage, the caste divide shattered their dreams. 

A mob from the non-Dalit community in Soti village violently attacked Navaraj and his friends, resulting in six deaths and injuring 12 others. The bodies were discovered along the banks of the Bheri River after a long search. Along with Navaraj, his friends Sandeep Bishwakarma, Tikaram Sunar, Ganesh Budha, Lokendra Sunar and Govinda Shahi were killed in the incident.

Caste discrimination remains a pressing issue in Nepal, with Dalits enduring centuries of oppression and violence solely based on their caste. Navaraj’s case is just a representative case. Sayte Damai of Dailekh was murdered by non-Dalit people just because he married a non-Dalit girl. There are many such incidents of discrimination against Dalits. Many reports of INGOs, NGOs and even government offices show Dalits face discrimination in various aspects of life, including access to public spaces, places of worship, and relationships.

 A few Dalits muster the courage to pursue legal action in cases of caste discrimination, while the majority remain unheard and suppressed. Local leaders and influential figures often try to settle caste discrimination cases locally.

 Non-Dalits caution victims against speaking out, creating an environment of intimidation. Instead of aiding the marginalized majority, whether educated or not, there is a tendency to threaten those who attempt to raise their voice against discrimination. In such a challenging context and prevailing social norms, how can a Dalit hope to attain justice in a case of caste discrimination?

The caste system has persistently denied justice to Dalits throughout history, manifesting in loss of life, property, and enduring inhumane treatment. Despite constitutional provisions such as Articles 17, 18, 24, and 40 explicitly advocating for equality, human rights, and freedom, the prevalence of caste conflicts persists among non-Dalits who disregard these laws.

While there are ongoing caste discrimination cases in the courts, Dalits rarely find justice in such matters. Deepa Nepali’s case in Kailali, where she faced eviction from a rented room based on her caste, exemplifies the challenges encountered by those seeking legal redress. Despite initial threats, Deepa, a university student, courageously pursued legal action. Unfortunately, the verdicts from the Kathmandu District Court and Patan High Court were not in her favor. There are many examples of systemic challenges faced by Dalits in securing justice.

Landmark verdict

The history of Dalit justice has not been favorable, with the caste system often overshadowing legal proceedings. In this instance, however, the Rukum West District Court has demonstrated a commitment to breaking this pattern. This landmark verdict is not only a victory for the grieving families of the victims but also a triumph for the entire Dalit community. This groundbreaking decision sets a legal precedent that may pave the way for justice in future caste-related cases. The court's acknowledgment of the caste-based motivations behind the violence sends a powerful message that justice can prevail even in the face of deeply entrenched discrimination.

The caste system, inherently discriminatory and illegal, stands against the principles of humanity and the law. It perpetuates division, imposing arbitrary rules and restrictions. It is imperative for Nepali society to reconsider its stance on this inhumane system. Without a collective effort to eradicate caste-based discrimination, incidents like the Rukum massacre may continue to plague our society. Authorities, civil society, and the public must unite to eliminate this systemic injustice from our midst.

Europe is regarded as the most literate, civilized, and developed continent in the universe. Sadly, this narrative is getting weaker, thanks to recent instances of inhuman behavior on the part of some Europeans, to say the least. Recently, the white supporters of Valencia racially abused the famous footballer, Vini Jr, by chanting monkey slogans against him. This is not the first time the footballer has faced racial discrimination on the pitch. Time and time again, Europe is showing hatred toward black players. Mario Balletoli, Samuel Eto, Drogba, and even Mollato players like Danie Alves have been the victims of racial discrimination in different European leagues. Why are the Europeans or the whites abusing black players? Is the ghost of racial superiority still haunting the whites? Quite long ago, Rudyard Kipling wrote the poem titled ‘White Man’s Burden’. Kipling, through his poem, has glorified the magnanimity of white skin. The poet’s sole motive was to show the whole world that the whites were born to civilize the non-whites. The whites also assumed that people outside Europe were barbaric, savage, irrational, and uncivilized. They have even designed fake narratives about the color ‘black’ and Africa. From the colonial era to date, the same racist mindset is at work, on the football stadium and beyond. Like White Man’s Burden, Brahmanism in South Asia has debased cultural practices that divide people into different castes and sub-castes. The castes determine the cultural and social values of people. For instance, people born into thread-wearing castes (high castes) get certain privileges, whereas the lower castes or the Sudras (Untouchables) have to face caste-based discrimination throughout their lives. People have even lost lives or faced torture over caste matters.  Few years ago in Nepal, some ‘high-caste’ people killed Navaraj BK along with his five friends in west Rukum for BK’s attempt to marry a ‘high-caste’ girl. This caste superiority of the Hindus has started its journeys abroad. In particular, the Hindus of Nepal and India are showing casteist colors in Europe, America, and Australia by following in the footsteps of their ancestors’ ‘ill-conceived’ Brahmanism, which states that only the thread-wearing (Thagadhari) caste is rational and pure whereas other castes, especially the Sudars, are ‘impure and irrational’. The Dalits based abroad are finding it hard to get into relationships, get rooms, land jobs and attend social gatherings, mainly due to a casteist system and Brahmanism prevailing in Nepali and Indian diasporas. In its 2016 survey report, Equality Lab, a US-based NGO, stated that at least one in four Dalits in the USA has faced verbal or physical assault, and two out of every three said they have faced discrimination at work. A case in point: In early 2020, Prem Pariyar was almost at a breaking point over targeted harassment, discrimination, and exclusion by the dominant caste group’s students at his alma mater, the California State University in East Bay, the United States (Al-jazeera). Increasing cases of caste-based discrimination abroad show that the so-called Hindu high castes are taking caste supremacy with them out of the Indian subcontinent. This is a matter of serious concern for Dalit communities and people working for Dalits rights. Aware of the tendencies of the ‘high castes, the Seattle City Council recently passed laws against discrimination, becoming the first US city to ban caste discrimination and the first in the world to pass such a law outside South Asia. Both the White Man's burden and Brahmanism stand for superiority of certain races. The international civil society should work to prohibit these kinds of racist and discriminatory thoughts as part of global efforts to end discrimination of all sorts.