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Nepal has formulated six strategies to address the challenges that it is set to face once it graduates from the Least Developed Country (LDC) status. Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli informed the National Assembly on Wednesday that all six strategies are in place.

These plans are to be implemented by various committees established to carry out these strategies: a high-level steering committee under the PM, an implementation and coordination committee under the Vice-chairperson of the National Planning Commission, a federal evaluation committee under Chief Secretary, and provincial-level implementation committees under Chief Ministers.

The government plans to reenact and lower a few laws while legislating new ones in a way that will move in harmony and sustainably, Oli said, responding to queries during a discussion in the National Assembly on the post-graduation scenario.

According to Oli, Nepal is working to make its external relations robust by effective diplomatic efforts internationally, strengthening the enforcement of international treaties and gaining international solidarity through bilateral and multilateral relations. He also stated that opportunities are opening for more investment and concessionary credit.

The state government is also geared toward overhauling legislation on public procurement and construction policy, institutional and personal capacity building, and infrastructure and connectivity upgrade to transform Nepal from a landlocked country into a land-linked country. In addition, there are attempts to stimulate value chains through multinational companies.

Oli said that measures have been devised to mitigate the impacts of graduation in the private sector, labor and employment, and trade. All sectors, he added, will be facilitated by the government in making the transition sustainable.

Oli expressed confidence that Nepal’s graduation would raise the nation’s global standing and herald efforts toward self-reliance. “It’s a point of happiness. This shows that Nepal is becoming self-sufficient. Our country rating index will also be better, and the investment climate will be strengthened further,” he added.

He also went on to say that LDC graduation would enhance Nepal’s economic diplomacy by hosting events such as Sagarmatha Sambaad and investment forums. Since bilateral trade and cooperation of Nepal are dominant, the direct impact of the graduation in this sector will be minimal in the short term, he said.

Nepal has been on the UN list of Least Developed Countries since 18 Nov 1971. It has taken 55 years, and the country is graduating in the year 2026. Nepal, the LDC group chair of 45 countries at present, has been undertaking a process for graduation from the LDC status since 2010 through regular plans and programs.

Oli explained that Nepal had progressed in the Economic and Environmental Vulnerability Index and Human Assets Index, as assessed by the UN in 2015, 2018, and 2021. 

He noted that some benefits Nepal derives as an LDC—such as preferential trade from the World Trade Organization, UN special facilities and concessions from bilateral partners such as the EU and World Bank—could be restricted after graduation. The same could be true in the sectors of health and education also.

Referring to challenges such as global warming and natural disasters, Oli said the government has already embarked on diplomacy through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and initiated a transition plan smoothly through the National Planning Commission. Emphasizing the commitment of the government, he said: “Some claim the government is doing nothing, but this is not true. We are already making significant strides.”

Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari is desperately trying to join CPN-UML, vowing to uphold the ideology of her late husband, Madan Bhandari, who advocated for Nepal’s communists to adapt to multiparty democracy. Some argue that Bhandari’s re-entry is justified, while others say it is inappropriate for a former head of state to rejoin party politics.

The UML has officially refused to renew the party membership of Bhandari, blocking her from rejoining active politics. The party clarified that as per the party statute, only the Central Committee can decide on membership renewal. Since the committee has established that there is no requirement for Bhandari to return to active politics, the question of membership does not arise.

Party chair and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has long maintained that it is against the constitution for an ex-head of state to resume partisan politics. He contends that the Constitution of Nepal 2015 does not envision the active political stances taken by a ceremonial head of state, a symbol of national unity and neutrality, even after retirement.

Bhandari, who approved two unconstitutional decisions of the Oli-led cabinet to dissolve the parliament, recently said she is aware that this incident will continue to follow her. She, who endorsed the controversial recommendations for parliament dissolution at Oli’s recommendation, however, says that she was not under any pressure while endorsing it. According to her, she just implemented what the cabinet decided, and followed the constitutional provisions.

Once seen as close political allies—supporting his ambitions and him advancing her profile—the Oli-Bhandari alliance is decidedly over. 

Bhandari’s election in 2015 as Nepal’s first female president presented an image of a neutral head of state in line with Nepal’s constitution. But behind the mask of impartiality lay a fraught relationship with the ruling communist force—and its most dominant leader, Oli.

Let’s revisit the principal flashpoints of the contentious choices of Bhandari while she served as president: the National Assembly process delays, the controversial swearing in of her second term, the two dissolutions of Parliament, and the citizenship and financial-governance ordinance standoffs that pulled her further into partisan controversy. It leads up to the present standoff over UML leadership, explaining how the erstwhile united front has since fragmented under pressures of constitutional interpretation, personal ambition, and shifting political norms.

Shortly after the 2017 general elections, the outgoing government led by Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba presented an ordinance for calling the first National Assembly elections. Pursuant to Article 129, these elections had to be held within certain timeframes, yet Bhandari left the ordinance hanging for weeks, delaying the formation of the upper house. She was accused by critics of succumbing to UML pressure to slow a process that was Congress-skewed; Prime Minister Deuba condemned openly ‘undue influence’, and the debate ignited a national uproar over government paralysis.

In a surprising twist, Bhandari ratified the ordinance on 29 Dec 2017—but only after retracting the original proposal and replacing it with the Congress‑sponsored version. This abrupt volte‑face cleared the way for a new government, but did little to assuage concerns about her impartiality. The episode hinted at an emerging modus vivendi: Bhandari would delay until political pressure reached fever pitch, then step in to resolve crises on terms that often advantaged Oli’s party.

Barely weeks into Oli’s premiership, a second test of Bhandari’s resolve emerged. In Feb 2018, Deuba’s government nominated three members to the upper house. Bhandari refused to endorse them, deferring action even after Oli replaced Deuba on Feb 15. Once Oli sent his own slate of nominees, she approved them immediately—effectively dismissing Deuba’s choices without public explanation.

By then, crucial weeks had slipped by, delaying the assembly’s functioning. Legal scholars denounced the move as a violation of Article 79, arguing that the president’s discretion must not be wielded as a partisan weapon. Though no formal penalties followed, the episode further eroded Bhandari’s reputation for neutrality—and cemented her reputation within UML circles as a loyal ally.

When Bhandari took office again in March 2018, she was faced with another constitutional impediment. Her swearing-in by Chief Justice Gopal Parajuli took place just a few minutes after a Judicial Council notification had ostensibly retired Parajuli on the basis of having exceeded the retirement age. Legal appeals soon challenged the validity of the presidency as well, arguing that the oath taken unlawfully invalidated her mandate.

Though the Supreme Court ultimately allowed the challenge to proceed, the controversy underscored the delicate interplay between executive and judicial branches. Critics argued that Bhandari’s eagerness to proceed with the ceremony—despite clear legal questions—revealed a willingness to ignore procedural safeguards whenever political expedience demanded.

The apex of Bhandari and Oli’s controversial partnership came in late 2020. After losing a confidence vote on Dec 20, Prime Minister Oli advised dissolution of the House of Representatives under Article 76 (1), and Bhandari issued the proclamation that same night. The suddenness of the move—announced at midnight, without parliamentary debate—triggered nationwide protests and mass legal challenges. Seven ministers resigned in protest, and constitutional lawyers decried the act as a blatant usurpation of popular mandate.

The Supreme Court in Feb 2021 invalidated the dissolution as unconstitutional, ordering the House to convene. Unfazed, Oli instructed—and Bhandari sanctioned—a second one in May 2021, this time under Article 76 (5). Protests and petitions again followed. On July 12, the court nullified the second proclamation and named Deuba prime minister, rebuking the president for serially signing off on acts unconstitutional.

These back‑to‑back decisions—rubber‑stamped with minimal scrutiny—fractured public trust. Observers chastised the president for sacrificing constitutional fidelity to prop up Oli’s political fortunes, and for ignoring warnings about the humanitarian costs amid a surging pandemic.

Beyond parliamentary maneuvers, Bhandari’s role in citizenship law reforms sparked further debate. In May 2021, during the Covid-19 pandemic and political crisis, she promulgated a citizenship amendment ordinance at Oli’s behest, only to see the Supreme Court stay its implementation as “colourable legislation” bypassing parliament. Oli did so to please his coalition partners.

The turning point was in Aug 2022, when a gender‑equitable Citizenship Amendment Bill passed both houses. Bhandari vetoed it with fifteen recommendations, but when parliament flared up at the unchanged text, she let it lapse by failing to sign it within the 15‑day constitutional deadline. Deuba was the prime minister.  Tens of thousands of children, especially those born to Nepali women and foreign men, remained stateless. Opponents branded the move as a ‘pocket veto’ legally equal to constitutional violation; five top ruling-party officials publicly criticized the move and threatened impeachment.

Bhandari defended her action as maintaining the sanctity of the constitution. Nevertheless, her denial of assent to a democratically passed bill involved her in further charges of abusing presidential discretion for political ends while disguising it with ceremonial facade.

Several additional controversies have marked Bhandari’s presidency, painting a portrait of a head of state who often blurred the line between ceremonial duty and political involvement.

In Oct 2017, when then–Prime Minister Deuba had presented an ordinance on medical education to the House of Representatives, President Bhandari retained it in her custody for nearly three weeks. Her delay had come under widespread public backlash, particularly from civil society and activist Dr Govinda KC. She signed the ordinance only on Nov 10—much beyond executive standards—drawing charges that she had exercised presidential discretion for political reasons.

In Nov 2020, Bhandari once more courted controversy by wading directly into the internal struggle of the then-ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP). She met with factional leaders such as Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Madhav Kumar Nepal, Bamdev Gautam, and Oli to attempt to mediate a solution to the party’s internal crisis. This was seen as a grave breach of presidential impartiality by analysts, some of whom stated that she behaved more like a political patron than as a constitutional head of state.

In Dec 2020, the Oli Cabinet pushed through an ordinance amending the Constitutional Council Act to allow council decisions with minimal quorum. President Bhandari swiftly approved it, enabling controversial appointments across constitutional bodies bypassing parliamentary hearings. Critics saw this as unchecked rubber-stamping of executive excess.

On 21 Sept 2022, Bhandari made a pre-recorded address to a Chinese-funded Global Security Initiative forum in Beijing in contravention of reportedly advised by Deuba government’s Foreign Ministry. Her presence was strongly condemned for being a breach of diplomatic etiquette and risking Nepal’s tenuous foreign policy balance.

Again in Oct 2022, Deuba was the prime minister and President Bhandari refused to promulgate a government ordinance presented to amend several laws—including the Money Laundering Prevention Act and Foreign Investment Act—that were necessary for Nepal’s compliance with Financial Action Task Force (FATF) deadlines. Her inaction was condemned for suppressing vital anti–money laundering reforms and for exacerbating Nepal’s slowing efforts to deliver international obligations. She is also blamed by critics for Nepal’s Feb 2025 gray‑listing, which affected foreign investment and bank costs.

Finally, in March 2023, she was faulted for allegedly renaming the formal Twitter identity of the President’s Office (@PresidentofNP) to her name (@BidyaDBhandari), stripping it of official verification. The move raised public and institutional ire, as her replacement was barred from occupying the verified cyberspace, which was condemned as misuse of official facilities for individual purposes.

Every episode has eroded the myth of politically neutral presidency and strengthened the image of Bhandari as a partisan official instead of a fair-minded umpire above factional turmoil. The same controversies that plagued her government now fuel suspicions regarding the true motives for her actions. In UML ranks, there is skepticism as to whether her ascent predicts yet another cycle of internal civil strife.

Bhandari’s eight‑year tenure was marked by contradictions: sworn to uphold Nepal’s constitution, yet accused of stretching its limits; cast as the ultimate ceremonial figure, yet wielding real—and often decisive—discretion. Her partnership with Oli brought the promise of stable governance but delivered repeated constitutional crises. Now, as she lays claim to lead the very party she served from the ceremonial chair earlier, Bhandari has to face the record of those standoffs: the dead ordinances, the contested oaths, the dissolutions abhorred by the judiciary, and the citizenship reforms balancing.

The United States has completed a review of foreign aid for the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) portfolio as part of alignment with the Trump administration’s ‘America First’ foreign policy. The new strategy, MCC explained in a press statement, will make the US ‘safer, stronger and more prosperous’. Further details are to follow after the MCC Board decision-making process and other consultations with the US Congress and partner countries.

The $500m MCC Compact is being implemented in collaboration with the government. The government has agreed to add another $197m, making the project’s total cost stand at $747m. The compact will develop Nepal’s transmission network for electricity and highways, promoting national prosperity and regional energy integration.

Earlier, Millennium Challenge Account Nepal (MCA-Nepal) appreciated the US government’s decision to allow continuation of the project under a special exception with the ongoing suspension of larger foreign aid programs.

On Jan 20, US President Donald Trump issued an executive order directing a review of all US foreign aid in accordance with the ‘America First’ policy. This led to a halt in the disbursement of aid from organizations like USAID and MCC for 90 days. Although MCC was exempted at first, its funding was eventually included in the suspension.

However, in March, MCC granted permission for Nepal to continue with essential procurement and office operations. Since then, project implementation has resumed. The MCC Board has already approved an additional $50m in Jan 2025 to address cost overruns in the transmission line component, although both the Nepal cabinet and US Congress are yet to confirm the release of these funds.

Contracts for three substations of Tanahun (Damauli), Nuwakot (Ratmate) and Nawalparasi, as well as for an 18-kilometer transmission line between the New Butwal substation and the Indian border, have been issued. Physical work has already begun in most places.

MCA-Nepal has also tendered for the remaining 297 km of transmission lines and bid evaluations are in the final phase. An earlier tender for 315 km had to be cancelled after bids received were over 60 percent higher than estimated costs.

Implementation of the five-year compact began on 30 Aug 2023. Any unspent money at the close date will be returned to the US government. To date, during fiscal years 2023 and 2024, $471.3m in obligations have been incurred under the MCC Nepal Compact, states ForeignAssistance.gov.

Signed in Sept 2017, the MCC-Nepal Compact took years of politicking, parliamentary ratification finally happening on 27 Feb 2022. At last, after a six-year break since the signing of the agreement, the project was launched officially in Aug 2023.

Though Nepal has already increased its share from the originally agreed $130m to $197m, the additional $50m MCC aid remains uncertain. Whether or not the Trump administration will approve the additional funds and whether or not Nepal’s cabinet will endorse it remains unknown.

Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) is a US government agency established by the Congress in 2004 as an independent entity to reduce global poverty through granting time-limited programs of economic growth, poverty reduction and institution building. While the agency’s top priority is development in partner countries, its mission is also designed to promote American interests abroad.

Nepal was eligible for MCC assistance in 2014 and obtained the $500m grant following persistent dialogue. The compact is one of the biggest bundles of US assistance to Nepal ever and is being implemented under MCA-Nepal, an office established under Development Board Act, 2013.

The CPN-UML has stated that the issue of former President Bidya Devi Bhandari’s party membership renewal has become ‘automatically inactive’. Speaking at a press conference held at the party’s central office in Chyasal on Wednesday, UML General Secretary Shankar Pokharel clarified that as per the party statute, only the Central Committee can decide on membership renewal. Since the committee has established that there is no requirement for Bhandari to return to active politics, the question of membership does not arise.

“We decided that the ex-president should not return to politics. So, the issue of renewing her membership in her party is no longer relevant. We have shelved it,” Pokharel said. He said that Bhandari had submitted her membership renewal application and fee a year ago, but the matter was not disclosed but was kept secret until the internal debate took place. It became known only after Bhandari herself disclosed it.

“Since her honored previous position, it was viewed as a delicate issue. We did not wish to expose it without due deliberation. But as she publicly disclosed it, the party was forced to react,” Pokharel explained.

The UML has also contended that it is against the constitution for an ex-head of state to resume partisan politics. The party contends that Constitution of Nepal 2015 does not envision the active political stances taken by a ceremonial head of state, a symbol of national unity and neutrality, after retirement. “The Nepali democratic system envisions the President as a constitutional, not an executive head. So, returning to party politics after serving as President cheapens the office,” wrote a UML release.

The statement pointed out that Bhandari is a highly respected figure in Nepali politics and had behaved with dignity—both as a party member and as the President. She was even honored during UML’s Diamond Jubilee as a ‘Pride of the Republic’. But, citing constitutional values and precedence, the party concluded that allowing an ex-president to engage in partisan politics would cast doubt on their previous decisions and impartiality.

At the same time, General Secretary Pokharel claimed that the UML has not excluded anyone from running for leadership in the coming party convention. In reply to the rumors that recent amendments of the statutes—removing two-term and age-70 limitations—were made so as to provide KP Sharma Oli with uncontested leadership, Pokharel claimed the amendments were debated from an institutional point of view. “Anyone who fulfills the party’s requirements can run.” “The offer is open and democratic,” he said, adding that most members of the Central Committee consider Oli to be the most suitable to take the party through the next general elections.

The party’s ninth Central Committee meeting had concluded late Tuesday night after passing eight resolutions. The debate over Bhandari’s political role took up much of the meeting, and a minimal dissent was voiced. However, Oli concluded the meeting by announcing that Bhandari’s party membership issue had not been endorsed. The UML leaders warned that allowing a former president to return to party politics could set a negative precedent, potentially politicizing the constitutional office of the President.

The Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation has obtained the final investigation report on the fatal accident of a Saurya Airlines CRJ-200 aircraft (tail number 9N–AME) that crashed shortly after departure from Tribhuvan International Airport on 24 July 2024 claiming the lives of 18 people.

The report was formally presented to Minister Badri Prasad Pandey by Ratish Chandra Lal Suman, chairman of the government-appointed inquiry commission. Minister Pandey, at the handing-over ceremony, assured that the ministry would take action based on the report’s findings and confirmed that the inquiry was conducted independently and without the influence of any external party.

What, when and where?

On July 24 morning, a Saurya Airlines Bombardier CRJ-200, on a non-commercial ferry flight to Pokhara for routine maintenance, crashed seconds after lifting off from runway 02 of Tribhuvan International Airport. There were 19 people on board, including cockpit and engineering staff.

Shortly after takeoff at 11:11 am, the plane made a sudden rightward bank and plunged near runway 20, bursting into flames upon impact. Emergency responders—including airport firefighters, police, and the military—were deployed swiftly. The accident claimed 18 lives and temporarily shut down airport operations, delaying multiple domestic and international flights. Only the captain survived.

The incident prompted an immediate government response, and a five-member investigation commission was formed in an emergency Cabinet meeting. The team, which was headed by Ratish Chandra Lal Suman, former director general of the Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN), also included Captain Dipu Jwarchan, engineering professors Kuldip Bhattarai and Sanjay Adhikari, and CAAN air traffic controller Mukesh Dangol.

Their finished report outlines the crash’s causes and provides recommendations for preventing such an incident from recurring.

What went wrong?

Preliminary reports suggest a number of operational failures. One of the most significant was incorrect weight distribution; bags were not properly stowed and may have shifted on takeoff. The crew also used takeoff speeds that did not match guide figures from the plane manual, resulting in unstable flight dynamics.

The report highlights that the pitch rate during takeoff was as high as 8.6° per second—nearly three times higher than that specified by the manufacturer—making the aircraft uncontrollable seconds after rotation. Furthermore, the ferry flight had been cleared without due supervision from CAAN, bypassing critical safety checks.

The aircraft had not been operated for over a month and was heading to Pokhara for base maintenance. Despite holding a valid airworthiness certificate and having undergone minimum return-to-service inspections, the report states that more thorough maintenance tasks had been deferred.

The captain, with over 6,000 hours of flight time—much of it on the CRJ-200—was accompanied by a far less experienced co-pilot. The technically competent crew, it is reported, failed to take into account critical parameters like proper trim settings, load balancing, and correct speed selection.

The aircraft was full of 19 individuals and approximately 600 kg of baggage, bringing its total takeoff weight to over 18 tons. The investigators found that proper load-securing measures, such as cargo nets and straps outlined in the airline’s Ground Handling Manual, were not followed.

It is estimated that the unsecured load created an aft center of gravity, which, in combination with an improper stabilizer setting, might have led to an uncontrollable nose-up pitch during climb-out—aerodynamically stalling.

The investigation also revealed procedural deficiencies at CAAN. The ferry flight was approved despite missing or incomplete documentation, contrary to the requirements of CAAN’s own 2015 Flight Permission Manual. The regulator was chastised by investigators for allowing a potentially non-compliant aircraft to fly without invoking appropriate safety checks.

The commission called for urgent overhaul of CAAN procedures for approving non-scheduled and ferry flights.

Both Flight Data Recorder (FDR) and Cockpit Voice Recorder (CVR) were recovered and analyzed in Singapore with international help. Data revealed that both engines were functioning normally throughout the flight.

However, pitch rate data and audio transcripts revealed a series of stall warnings (stick shaker activations) seconds into the takeoff. The plane rolled uncontrollably as the pilot fought to regain control—first to the right, then left, and once again right—before the crash. It all took place in under 20 seconds, which reflected the rapidity with which events unfolded.

The investigation commission also issued a series of interim safety recommendations directed to airline operators and the CAAN. Among the significant directives was the revision and updating of takeoff speed charts and Reduced Takeoff Weight (RTOW) data with immediate effect so that they align with the aircraft manufacturer’s official manuals.

The commission demanded rigorous enforcement of baggage and cargo handling rules, with proper weight distribution and load securing using nets or straps to prevent load shifts during flight. It also called for the complete overhaul of CAAN’s flight authorization process, particularly ferry and chartered flights, to close oversight loopholes and improve compliance with established safety procedures.

In 2013 the European Union, citing safety issues, banned airlines licensed in Nepal from flying the European airspace.

Saurya Airlines will do “everything possible” to implement and adhere to the recommendations, operation manager Bivechan Khanal told Reuters. The crash highlighted the poor air safety record of landlocked Nepal, which depends greatly on air connectivity.

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has once again stated his claim that Lord Ram was born in Nepal and made another new claim—that Lord Shiva could have been of the Chamling community from eastern Nepal.

Speaking at a national seminar on ‘Tourism in Nepal: Status, Challenges and Possibilities’ by CPN-UML’s Tourism Department at Kathmandu on Monday, Oli called for greater trust in selling Nepal as the birthplace of such revered spiritual figures as Ram and Shiva. “We keep talking a lot about how to develop tourism but don’t have the courage to say that Ram was born in Nepal,” Oli stated. “Why would we let people say he was born somewhere else by just making up things? We shouldn’t be afraid to speak the truth just because others would get angry.”

Repeating what he had said before, Oli said that Lord Ram was born in Thori, Madi area of Chitwan, which is currently a part of Nepal. “I am not saying it was Nepal then, but today the land is in Nepal. Whether it was a Tharu settlement or something else at that time, we have to accept the present situation,” he said.

He criticized the reluctance of Nepalis to assert such things, reasoning that fear of controversy should not stifle facts. “If speaking the truth makes you angry, then what are we living for?” he questioned. “We can’t even assert Ram was born here. That shows how afraid we have become.”

Oli also suggested Lord Shiva might have been a Chamling boy, referring to the sacred caves of Halesi in eastern Nepal that are connected to Shiva and are located in a region normally inhabited by Chamling people.

“Sometimes I wonder if perhaps Shiva might have been Chamling. The caves we call Halesi, where it’s believed that Shiva meditated, are located around the Chamling community. Perhaps he was Chamling,” Oli said. “But I’m not claiming anything—just making an educated guess. Through the years, different histories may have converged, but geography doesn’t alter.”

He also said that other great religious personalities like Vedvyas, Kapil Muni and Gautam Buddha were born in Nepal. Quoting the Valmiki Ramayan, he said sage Vishwamitra taught Ram and Lakshman west of the Koshi river, which means the incident took place within what is today’s Nepal. “I did not write the Ramayan—it explicitly states that Vishwamitra went across the Koshi and taught Ram and Lakshman. It is also obvious that Vishwamitra was from Chatara,” he stated.

Oli’s remarks are part of a broader initiative to try to put Nepal on the map as a nation of extreme historical and spiritual significance, though his statements continue to receive praise and criticism in equal measure. While some appreciate his attempts to unveil Nepal’s ancient heritage, others fault the historic validity and political motive behind doing so.

While these remarks may appeal to Oli’s nationalist base, they are likely to provoke unease in India, where Lord Ram and Shiva are deeply revered and closely tied to cultural identity. His comments could complicate his efforts to improve bilateral ties and may jeopardize his official visit to India which was supposed to happen soon, diplomatic sources suggest.

Oli’s statements echo similar claims made during his earlier term as prime minister, when he said Ram was not born in Ayodhya, India, but in Chitwan. That assertion had drawn sharp responses from Indian media and political circles.

The Nepali Army has completed five decades of service to the conservation of nature and environment across Nepal, marking a milestone in the country’s fight to protect its fragile biodiversity and natural heritage. Over the years, the Army has played a critical role in safeguarding national parks, wildlife, forests, and Himalayan ecosystems.

Nepal’s formal conservation journey took a major step in 1961 when the Army began rhino patrols in response to the declining population of the endangered one-horned rhinoceros, which had dropped from 800 to around 100. In 1973, Chitwan was declared the country’s first national park, and two years later, the government officially tasked the Nepali Army with park security.

Today, around 8,000 army personnel are deployed across 14 protected areas—including 12 national parks, one wildlife reserve, and one hunting reserve—through eight battalions, seven independent units, and one dedicated conservation training school.

Operating under National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act (1973) and the ‘Permanent Operating Procedure’ endorsed by the Council of Ministers in 2010, the Army has worked closely with government bodies, local communities, and international partners to implement large-scale operations like ‘Operation Conservation’, now in its 11th edition, says the Nepali Army Spokesperson Brigadier General Raja Ram Basnet who also is the director of Directorate of National Park and Wildlife Reserve.

The Army’s protection duties include patrolling inside national parks and wildlife reserves, preventing encroachment, combating illegal poaching, and controlling deforestation. In support of nature conservation research, the Army provides human resources for wildlife censuses, offers essential information related to conservation efforts, and assists in the rehabilitation of wild species.

As part of its social services, the Army aims to raise awareness about environmental protection. These efforts include large-scale afforestation programs, repairing and renovating schools and shrines, supporting health centers in buffer zones and protected areas, providing medical care and water supply, and contributing to the construction of bridges and short stretches of road.

According to the Army website, in disaster management, the Army’s strategic locations and organizational structure enable it to respond swiftly to natural calamities and assist victims effectively. Furthermore, the Army contributes to human resource development by preparing and providing trained personnel for conservation education and training programs within buffer zones, national parks, and wildlife reserves.

Forests occupy 25.4 percent of the land area of Nepal, but deforestation is rampant. FAO estimates that Nepal lost about 2,640 sq km of forest cover between 2000 and 2005. In this bleak scenario, the protection of forests and their biodiversity is a great challenge to Nepal. The Army’s 12 battalions and independent companies protect forest areas measuring some 9,767 sq km.

This effort has yielded remarkable results. The number of Bengal tigers in Nepal increased from 121 in 2009 to 355 in 2022, making Nepal the first country to more than double its tiger population ahead of the 2022 global commitment timeline. Similarly, the one-horned rhino population, once near extinction, rose to 752 as of the 2021 census.

In 2019, the Army launched the ‘Clean Himalaya Campaign’ in coordination with various stakeholders to address rising pollution in the mountain regions. So far, the campaign has collected over 119 tons of waste, recovered 12 dead bodies, and managed four human skeletons from Sagarmatha and other peaks.

Despite budgetary constraints halting this year’s campaign, the Army carried out the ‘Exercise Shikhar Yatra’ to collect 500 kilograms of waste from Pangboche and Dingboche under the Sagarmatha National Park and raised awareness among locals and trekkers, says Basnet.

Deployed across the country’s diverse geography—from the +42°C heat of the Tarai to the -20°C cold of the Himalayas—the Army conducts daily patrols on foot, bicycles, vehicles, boats, and even elephants to prevent illegal activities like poaching and encroachment. “The Army also runs awareness campaigns in local communities and schools to ensure people are part of the solution.

Technological advancements such as drones, CCTV surveillance, Smart Eye, Vehicle Tracking, and the Real-Time Patrol Monitoring System have been incorporated to modernize conservation efforts,” says Basnet. However, the Army emphasizes the need for further technological upgrades to meet evolving challenges.

The Army notes that despite strong efforts, numerous challenges persist. These include climate change impacts, illegal wildlife trade, human-wildlife conflict, habitat encroachment, and limited access to cutting-edge technology. Nepal also faces external pressures, such as international demand for wildlife products and its role as a transit country in global trafficking networks.

Nonetheless, Nepal’s integrated conservation model—combining military deployment, community involvement, and governmental cooperation—has earned international acclaim. Nepal celebrated several years (2011, 2013, 2015, 2016, 2018, and 2019) as ‘Zero Poaching Years’. Multiple army units have received the Abraham Conservation Award, and Bardiya National Park won the prestigious Tx2 Award for tiger conservation.

According to Basnet, the Army’s 50-year conservation journey is not just about protection, but also about ensuring sustainable development and responsible tourism. The preservation of Nepal’s unique biodiversity contributes significantly to global climate goals, especially in light of the Paris Agreement’s Article 6 and 9 provisions for climate finance.

Moreover, the Himalayas, which are crucial to the water supply for nearly 1.5bn people, are under increasing threat due to global warming and tourism-related pollution. “The Army’s clean-up campaigns and high-altitude patrols aim to safeguard these ecosystems for future generations,” says the Army.

Lieutenant Colonel Gajendra Rawal, operation officer at the Directorate of National Park and Wildlife Reserve, says that the Army is continuously enhancing its efforts through School of Nature Conversation. The school, operated by the Army for about a decade now, trains security personnel in nature conservation practices, particularly for those deployed within the park. The school also functions as a joint conservation institution, involving park officials, conservation partners, and other stakeholders.  

There are 12 different regulations related to national parks and wildlife conservation. The government is currently working to consolidate them into a single umbrella regulation, which is expected to address the existing gaps and community concerns.

The United States government has granted a special exemption to allow the continuation of the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Compact in Nepal, permitting ongoing development projects to proceed despite a broader freeze on American foreign aid programs.

Millennium Challenge Account-Nepal (MCA-Nepal), the agency responsible for implementing the compact, issued a statement on Wednesday confirming and welcoming the US decision. The $500m American grant aims to upgrade Nepal’s electricity transmission infrastructure and improve key sections of the East-West Highway.

According to MCA-Nepal, the exemption allows for the full implementation of the compact’s critical components, including the construction of 297 kilometers of 400 kV electricity transmission lines and essential road maintenance activities. Contracts have already been awarded for three major 400 kV substations and an 18-kilometer cross-border transmission segment.

While the exact date of the US decision has not been disclosed, the MCC had formally informed Nepal in March that procurement and operational work could not proceed amid an ongoing review of American foreign assistance programs.

The temporary suspension stemmed from a directive issued by former US President Donald Trump, calling for a pause and reassessment of several foreign aid initiatives. The MCC Nepal Compact was among the projects temporarily halted under a 90-day review. Despite the pause, both the US Embassy in Nepal and MCC headquarters had reiterated their continued commitment to the Nepal Compact. Wednesday’s announcement reaffirms that commitment and ensures that key infrastructure projects—seen as crucial for Nepal’s energy security and economic development—will continue without interruption.

Of the total $500m grant, $398m is allocated for transmission line construction, while $52m is designated for road upgrades, particularly along the Dhankhola–Bhaluwang–Lamahi–Shivakhola section of the East-West Highway. MCA-Nepal stated it is working closely with the MCC to finalize procurement processes and accelerate the implementation of all planned components under the compact.