Submit your Article

CPN (Maoist Center) Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal on Thursday made a pointed statement, accusing Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli of “playing the China card” by choosing to visit China before India. In an interview with The Hindu, former Prime Minister Dahal criticized Oli’s upcoming China visit, calling it a deliberate attempt to court Beijing, which he deemed misguided. Dahal also suggested that India-Nepal relations are strained due to the new government’s policies and cautioned that tensions over border disputes could resurface.

Dahal highlighted his own efforts to strengthen India-Nepal ties during his 18-month tenure, which ended in July. Oli is scheduled to travel to Beijing for an official visit in early December, preceded by a preparatory trip by Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba at the end of this month.

Apparently, the planned visit is no music to the ears of New Delhi and other international observers. . Historically, Indian policymakers and think tanks have accused Nepali leaders of leveraging the ‘China card’ to sidestep India’s influence, a notion dating back to 1950. Although Indian analysts often claim Nepal uses its ties with China strategically, Nepali leaders deny this characterization.

Dahal’s comments have drawn sharp criticism from the ruling CPN-UML. Bishnu Rijal, the party’s Central Committee member, labeled Dahal’s remarks as ‘anti-Nepal’ and damaging to the country’s self-esteem, adding that such statements could provoke tensions with neighboring countries. Rijal further claimed that Dahal’s comments reflect frustration over the fall of his government in July and expose his divisive views on Nepal’s two largest neighbors.

Dahal’s statement is also likely to provoke Prime Minister Oli and his coalition partner, the Nepali Congress. Since the promulgation of the 2015 Constitution, Nepal’s political and diplomatic circles have actively debated the ‘China card’ issue, with leaders reiterating that Nepal aims to maintain balanced relations with both India and China.

As Oli’s administration accelerates preparations for the China visit, the trip has captured the attention of media and experts in both New Delhi and Beijing. Qian Feng, director at Tsinghua University’s National Strategy Institute, told the Global Times that Nepal’s cooperation with China does not necessarily imply a shift away from India, stressing that ties with both neighbors can coexist harmoniously.

Oli’s agenda for the Beijing trip reportedly includes discussions on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the implementation of previous agreements between Nepal and China.

Nepal’s diplomatic balancing act with India and China isn’t new. Nihar Nayak, an expert on Nepal-China relations, describes in his book Strategic Himalayas how King Mahendra effectively leveraged the ‘China card’ in the 1950s and 60s, a policy later continued by his son, King Gyanendra. Nayak notes that Gyanendra’s tilt toward China, including his moves at the 13th SAARC summit and his arms purchases from China and Pakistan, exemplified efforts to reduce Nepal’s reliance on India. According to Nayak, even some Maoist leaders have attempted to play the ‘China card’ in recent years, albeit unsuccessfully.

As Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli prepares for his official visit to China, political and diplomatic circles are actively debating the state of Nepal’s relationship with India. Observers suggest this move reflects Oli’s strained relationship with New Delhi and points to a shift in India’s approach toward Nepal. Many Indian politicians, bureaucrats, think tanks, and media figures often attribute fluctuations in bilateral relations to the Nepali side.

Critics in New Delhi argue that Nepali leaders often make commitments in India but fail to uphold them once back in Kathmandu. Similarly, Indian authorities frequently accuse Nepali politicians of politicizing critical bilateral issues for party or personal gain. Nepal’s internal political instability and lack of consensus on key foreign policy matters are also seen as contributing factors to the inconsistent relationship. A foreign policy expert from New Delhi remarked that India seeks a reliable partner in Kathmandu but finds it challenging to trust Nepali leaders, who are perceived as unpredictable.

While these criticisms may hold some truth, there’s also a need for reflection on India’s approach toward Nepal.

One current debate centers on Prime Minister Oli’s planned visit to China, a departure from the tradition of a new Nepali prime minister making their first official trip to India. However, this tradition has been broken before; in 2011, for instance, India did not invite then-Prime Minister Jhala Nath Khanal, and in 2008, Pushpa Kamal Dahal visited Beijing before later affirming India as his first political visit destination. India’s decision not to invite Oli this time has stirred speculation in political circles that New Delhi is dissatisfied with Nepal’s recent policy moves. At a time when economic cooperation has been progressing, India's hesitation to invite Oli risks undermining bilateral relations, potentially stirring suspicion and impacting other areas of the partnership.

Soon after the formation of the new government, there were talks about a visit from Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Nepal, though this has yet to materialize. There are differing views within India’s bureaucracy and ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), leading to mixed signals that complicate Nepal’s understanding of India’s priorities. Unlike in the past, senior BJP leaders have recently engaged with Nepal’s political parties and bureaucracy, but a lack of alignment between India’s political and bureaucratic circles seems to be creating further challenges. India’s handling of issues around trade and assistance has also contributed to tension, with frequent reports of delays in the movement of goods between the two countries, fueling a trust deficit that affects the broader relationship.

There are other factors that call for reflection in both Kathmandu and New Delhi. Among Indian policymakers, there is often a perception that Nepal is solely responsible for any disturbances in bilateral relations. The case of the Eminent Persons’ Group (EPG) report illustrates this imbalance; India’s reluctance to receive the report has affected  bilateral relations, and the situation will likely remain unresolved unless addressed. Other areas, such as the difficulties faced by Nepali citizens in India and along the border, also deserve more attention from Indian policymakers.

Since 2017–18, New Delhi has maintained a policy of engaging with whichever party leads the Nepali government, a position that should continue. While India may have reservations about Nepal’s growing ties with Washington and Beijing, both sides should openly discuss India’s legitimate security concerns. But for now, a significant trust deficit persists between Nepal and India, which could potentially worsen after Oli’s China visit. Both New Delhi and Kathmandu need to actively work on bridging this gap. Although there was hope for renewed bilateral cooperation after 2014, missteps from both sides since 2016 have strained relations. Only through earnest reflection and engagement can meaningful progress be made.

7:30 am, Nov 5

Thimi, Bhaktapur

There are usually around 10 people in the small tea shop I frequent during my morning walks. I stop by for black tea and to hear what people think about contemporary politics and society. I often encounter my neighbors, who walk nearly the same route. The tea shop regularly witnesses heated debates on political and other issues.

Like yesterday, I ordered my black tea and listened to a man–familiar by face, though we have never been formally introduced–expressing his frustration at the current state of the country. "These old political parties have done nothing in the past three decades except make money for themselves and their families," he says, arguing that today’s politicians don’t care about the problems the country is facing.

Another person says we need new faces in politics to transform the country. An elderly man suddenly interjects, "They (the three parties) have just put one new leader, hinting at Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) President Rabi Lamichhane, in a big hole, and are conspiring against another new face (Balendra Shah, mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City)." Yet another participant questions the political parties' commitment to nationalism.

 A person, seemingly sympathetic to Nepali Congress (NC) or CPN-UML, interrupts to say that while the country needs new leadership, it shouldn’t be like the current crop of self-proclaimed new leaders – apparently referring to Lamichhane, who is currently in the custody of Kaski police for investigation over alleged cooperative fraud.

The conversation suddenly shifts from politics to agriculture when one man, after his second cup of tea, bids farewell, saying he needs to buy vegetables and reach home before 8. This sparks a discussion about vegetables, with everyone agreeing that domestic agricultural production has declined substantially. The group is unanimous in blaming politicians for the skyrocketing vegetable prices.

There is also shared concern about agricultural land turning barren. "Traditionally, we shipped grains and vegetables from villages to cities, but now it’s reversed. You see trucks carrying produce from cities to rural areas," says one participant, a driver by profession. Others recall how rural residents used to earn money by selling food grains and agricultural products. They all reminisce about childhood, when, except for salt and sugar, every household was self-reliant in daily essentials and food grains, barely needing cash. "We need an extreme situation, like a blockade, to force politicians and farmers to rely on agriculture again," another suggests.

The blame returns to the major political parties–NC, UML, and CPN (Maoist Center). The group criticizes their agricultural policies while in government. With successive governments focusing on sending youth abroad for employment, fertile lands lie barren, and the situation may worsen, they say.

They find the dependence on India for food rather worrying. "Some 40-50 years ago, Indian farmers came to Bhaktapur for vegetables and other seeds; now we get our seeds from India. Nepal used to sell seeds along the Nepal-India border," one participant says. The group agrees that without special attention to reviving agriculture nationwide, Nepal faces an impending food crisis. In these tea shop gatherings, I listen more than speak, gaining insight into people's thoughts on contemporary issues.

I have started a weekly column titled ‘Teashop Gossip’, where I will try to share the lively conversations that unfold in local tea shops. For years, tea shops have served as a public place where people from all walks of life meet and discuss contemporary issues. In this column, I will present these discussions just as they are, capturing the voices, views, and insights that arise without any alterations.

Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) chairman and former Deputy Prime Minister Rabi Lamichhane has spent 13 days in police custody in Kaski, sparking street protests from his party members and supporters who argue his arrest is politically motivated. They contend Lamichhane is uninvolved in the alleged misappropriation of cooperative funds and that his detention is intended to weaken RSP. Lamichhane, previously a TV show presenter and managing director of Gorkha Media, which owns Galaxy Television, was arrested based on a parliamentary probe into cooperative fund misuse nationwide.

Some cooperative victims have filed cases against Lamichhane in Pokhara and Lumbini. While the parliamentary panel found no direct evidence linking Lamichhane to cooperative fraud, it noted substantial cooperative funds had flowed into Gorkha Media, where Lamichhane holds a minor share and acted as managing director. Police are investigating him on charges of cooperative fraud, money laundering, and organized crime. Reports indicate JB Rai, a key figure connected to the case, is in communication with state authorities, signaling his willingness to return to Nepal and assist in the investigation.

The Rupandehi court has permitted police to arrest Lamichhane for further inquiry, suggesting that the process may extend, particularly given the money laundering charges. Lamichhane’s lawyers argue that his role as managing director of Gorkha Media does not inherently imply misappropriation, emphasizing that his lack of direct involvement in cooperatives exempts him from fraud charges. Meanwhile, RSP leaders claim Lamichhane’s arrest is part of a broader political agenda to hinder RSP’s influence, which critics view as an attempt to interfere with judicial processes through public protests and pressure on the government. They are also said to be in talks with the ruling parties to make an environment for his release stating that investigation can be continued even after freeing him.

Lamichhane, who transitioned from popular television host to political leader, founded RSP in 2022. His efforts to advocate for Nepali migrant workers and expose corruption earned him substantial public support, propelling his party to become the fourth-largest in the House of Representatives with 21 seats. 

Growing public dissatisfaction against major political parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist Center)—also helped the party. Initially, RSP had few prominent faces aside from Lamichhane, but figures like Swarnim Wagle have since joined, expanding the party's profile.

Lamichhane’s political career was hit by one controversy after another right from the beginning. Soon after he was elected to the House of Representatives and became Minister for Home Affairs, the legality of his citizenship came into question. He was also accused of holding dual passports. He lost his parliament seat over his citizenship controversy and had to re-contest the election from Chitwan, which he won comfortably.  The issue of his citizenship has already been resolved but the one relating to his alleged dual passport still remains.

Lamichhane’s arrest over cooperative fraud has polarized public opinion. Some view it as a necessary legal action following parliamentary recommendations, while others see it as an orchestrated attack by established parties seeking to stymie RSP’s rise. RSP leaders highlight inconsistencies in enforcement, citing the government’s reluctance to arrest figures linked to cooperative fraud within the ruling coalition, such as Dhana Raj Gurung from Nepali Congress and others associated with CPN-UML. Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli noted that 600 arrests have been made in connection with cooperative fraud, though RSP claims selective enforcement targeting Lamichhane alone is politically driven.

The 2022 general elections and subsequent by-elections indicated that RSP could pose a significant threat to the three major parties. But whether Lamichane’s arrest could benefit the party or affect its popularity remains unknown. Already, there are concerns that if Lamichhane gets convicted, the party could face a political setback. RSP is yet to build its organizational structure, particularly at the local level. The party has solely relied on its popularity as an alternative political force against the old parties to win votes. 

Now amid Lamichhane’s prolonged detention, his party is concerned by signals indicating his potential detention until the Chhath festival. RSP leaders say this extension represents systematic harassment and misuse of state resources. The Kaski District Government Attorney's Office will decide whether to formally charge Lamichhane based on the ongoing police investigation. If charged, he would face suspension from his parliamentary seat and trials in Rupandehi and Chitwan for alleged involvement in cooperative fraud.

The RSP has adopted a dual strategy of mobilizing street protests and engaging in dialogues with other political entities to secure Lamichhane’s release. They have organized a protest coordination committee led by Vice-chairman Dol Prasad Aryal, alongside a political-civic dialogue committee headed by Wagle, to build alliances with like-minded parties, civil society, and the public. Although RSP’s constitution allows its vice-chairpersons to manage operations in Lamichhane’s absence, internal confusion over shared responsibilities has prevented the appointment of an acting president.

With RSP claiming retaliatory state actions against their leader, they continue to press for his release, advocating for an investigation that respects due process while cautioning against a selective legal approach that could undermine public trust.

Nearly a decade ago, Baburam Bhattarai broke away from the CPN (Maoist Center) to form a new political party, aiming to provide an alternative to the established parties. His departure was rooted in the belief that, while existing parties had successfully drafted Nepal’s new constitution and ended a prolonged transitional period, they lacked the vision and capability to foster sustainable economic growth and political stability. Bhattarai urged Maoist Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal to abandon Maoism in favor of socialism, but Dahal declined.

Since then, Bhattarai’s vision of creating an alternative force has yet to materialize. His former allies within the Maoist party have returned to support Dahal’s CPN (Maoist Center), and Bhattarai’s influence in national politics has waned, with no parliamentary representation for his party.

In the 2022 elections, Bhattarai had a strong chance of winning in Gorkha-2 but chose to back the CPN (Maoist Center) in exchange for support for his daughter, Manushi Yami Bhattarai, in Kathmandu-7. Despite Bhattarai’s hopes, his party faced heavy defeats in both 2017 and 2022 elections. Nevertheless, he maintains that only a new political force can lead Nepal towards political stability and economic progress, predicting further frustration and potential anarchism if the current major parties continue to dominate.

Bhattarai has suggested a merger of the CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist Center), though he believes even a united party would lose relevance within a decade. Reflecting on the Maoist movement, he sees its historic role as complete, with the remaining task of evolving into an “enhanced and enriched socialism” within a participatory and inclusive democracy. He dismisses the notion of reuniting all Maoist factions as impractical and unnecessary.

Regarding the Nepali Congress (NC), Bhattarai believes it will weaken further but continue to play a moderate role. He argues that Nepal needs a new center-left political alternative, although his efforts to build such a force have so far failed. While several smaller parties, such as Rastriya Swatantra Party, have emerged claiming an alternative stance, they have not yet become formidable players. Figures like Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah and the Bibeksheel Sajha Party also represent this potential but remain largely marginalized in national politics.

Despite these setbacks, Bhattarai remains committed to forming an alternative political front. In 2016, he launched the Naya Shakti Party, although it went through several transformations and mergers, including with Upendra Yadav's party. The recent reversion to the name ‘Naya Shakti Party’ and the reinstatement of its original flag underscore Bhattarai’s determination to revive his initial vision.

Bhattarai’s Nepal Samajbadi Party (NSP) has outlined key priorities: advocating for a directly elected executive president, a fully proportional legislative system, and accelerated action on transitional justice through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Commission on Enforced Disappeared Persons. The party has also called for an investigation into the misuse of funds within the cooperative sector, demanding justice for depositors and impartial prosecution of wrongdoers, regardless of political connections.

On disaster management, NSP urges the government to assess recent flooding and landslide damages, deliver immediate relief, and initiate infrastructure rehabilitation. They emphasize preparedness and resource allocation for disaster response, calling on the state to maintain a robust readiness for any future crises.

In combating corruption, the NSP demands the formation of a Jan-Lokpal commission with the authority to investigate major corruption cases and prosecute offenders from all levels of government. Furthermore, they stress the importance of infrastructure development, urging the government to prioritize highway expansion and transportation improvements.

On international matters, the NSP has condemned Israeli actions against Palestinians and encouraged the Nepalese government to adopt a clear stance on international conflicts. The party has called for diplomatic efforts to secure the release of Nepali citizen Bipin Joshi, reportedly held by Hamas.

As Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli completes his first 100 days in office, public reaction to the government’s performance is mixed. Despite unveiling a long list of accomplishments, criticism from both the ruling party and opposition focuses on allegations of corruption and failures in governance.

Oli claims that 70 percent of the government’s targets have been achieved, but this is part of a routine practice where governments present progress reports during their "honeymoon period" that often fail to impress the public. After forming the government, there was a delay in setting priorities, with a shared policy resolution introduced only after 67 days. As a result, beyond routine matters, the government has made little substantive progress.

In July, the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML formed a coalition government, promising political stability and economic development. They also pledged to amend the Constitution, but there has been little action. After 100 days, there is no visible enthusiasm for the amendments within the ruling parties. NC and UML have yet to initiate discussions within their parties or with others on potential changes, particularly to the electoral system and federalism. Meanwhile, opposition parties, including the CPN (Maoist Center), have started cautioning against regressive changes to the constitution.

Despite the coalition’s promise of government stability, reports of a growing rift between NC and UML have surfaced. Oli has repeatedly reassured the public that his government will last its full term, but there are signs of internal division. Tensions have arisen over issues such as the removal of Kul Man Ghising from Nepal Electricity Authority, changes to party split laws and ambassadorial appointments. Fringe parties have also expressed growing dissatisfaction with the government.

The ruling UML's decision to accept donations from businessman Min Bahadur Gurung for party office construction has also drawn strong criticism, including from within the party. On the external front, the government has made little headway. Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba’s visits and Prime Minister Oli’s meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the UN General Assembly have yielded limited progress. Relations with China have also stagnated.

Meanwhile, tensions between ruling and opposition parties are escalating, with the opposition warning of street protests in the coming months. The arrest of former home minister and Rastriya Swatantra Party Chair Rabi Lamichhane has further strained relations. Opposition leaders, including Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoist Center, claim Lamichhane’s arrest was politically motivated and that the government is targeting opposition figures while neglecting broader governance issues. Dahal has accused the government of selective prosecution in corruption cases.

The Maoist Center is preparing to organize a demonstration in Kathmandu to warn the government against taking any decisions targeting the opposition parties. Dahal is of the view that the government has become too weak in governance and is targeting the opposition parties on the pretext of fighting corruption.

Another contentious issue is Oli’s attempt to introduce an ordinance to lower the threshold for party splits. Under current law, 40 percent of lawmakers are required to split a party, but the proposed ordinance would reduce this to 20 percent, enabling members of CPN (Unified Socialist) to defect to UML. Opposition parties have urged President Ramchandra Paudel to reject the ordinance, warning that it could create a rift between the President and Prime Minister. So far, the President has avoided major controversies.

In its first 100 days, the government has made little progress in addressing the country’s economic challenges, and there have been no visible improvements in governance or service delivery. Dissatisfaction is growing, both within major political parties and among the public, as optimism fades about the government’s ability to deliver meaningful change or stability.

Germany is gradually easing its laws on citizenship, immigration and visas to attract migrant workers to address increasing labor shortages. As a result, the European nation is becoming an appealing destination for youth seeking jobs and education for countries like Nepal. Many Nepali students and migrant workers are currently heading to countries such as the US, Canada, Australia, and the Middle East. 

Germany needs 400,000 foreign workers annually to bridge its labor gap, according to the country’s Federal Employment Office. Recent data shows that 10,670 Nepali workers and students have already chosen Germany. Nepali citizens can apply for a German work visa if they meet any of the following criteria: completion of a recognized training course or study program, a degree equivalent to a German qualification, a degree recognized in Germany, at least five years of professional or academic experience, vocational training, and German language proficiency.

In 2023, the German Parliament passed legislation aimed at attracting workers from non-European countries. Germany is now looking at South Asia and Southeast Asian countries for skilled laborers to keep its economy moving. The new law prioritizes work experience over academic qualifications, allows foreign workers to bring their families, and offers a pathway to citizenship. Germany has also relaxed its citizenship policy—anyone with five years of work experience in Germany and strong German language skills can apply for citizenship. This shift is driven by an aging population, with baby boomers retiring and birth rates steadily declining.

Germany’s population is at risk of long-term decline, with a birth rate of only 1.5 children per woman—below the two children needed to sustain the population. Without immigration, this trend is expected to continue. After a baby boom in the 1960s, birth rates began to decline from the 1980s onward. According to DW, there have been significant changes in birth patterns in a long-term comparison with 2013. In 2013, 49.4 percent of births were first children, 34.4 percent were second children, and 16.1 percent were third or subsequent children. However, between 2013 and 2023, the proportion of first-born children has decreased, while births to third or later children have increased.

According to migration expert Frank Burgdörfer, most women in the 1970s had children in their early 20s, but today, they are more likely to have children in their 30s. Without migration, Germany’s population will continue to shrink, while the number of people requiring care is steadily rising, he added.

Germany’s labor market is now facing multiple challenges. Unemployment is gradually declining, while job vacancies are increasing daily. According to Burgdörfer, sectors with high demand include finishing and dry construction, geriatric care, industrial glass production, metal production and construction, building construction, and vehicle and aircraft manufacturing.

In eastern Germany, 39.7 percent of businesses are struggling with skilled labor shortages, compared to a lower 31.8 percent in Hessen and Rhineland-Palatinate, according to Burgdörfer. Employers in many eastern regions face particular challenges in recruiting highly skilled young workers due to a noticeable decline in the working-age population and low net migration. Structurally weak rural areas and small towns are especially vulnerable, potentially falling behind economically as a result, he added.

Official statistics show that the working-age population is expected to shrink by 1.6m to 4.8m over the next 15 years, while the number of people reaching retirement age (67 or older) will increase significantly throughout the 2020s and 2030s.

Germany plans to attract 400,000 skilled workers annually. But there are various challengers. High taxes and the difficult German language pose major barriers, especially as Germany competes with the USA, Canada and China for talent. Following the Russia-Ukraine war and other global conflicts, Germany has seen an influx of refugees. However, integrating them into the workforce has proven challenging due to language barriers and lack of vocational skills. While humanitarian immigration has increased, it has not translated effectively into meeting Germany's skilled labor demands.

Various German institutions, including the Goethe Institute, are working to support successful integration into the German labor market. According to Schengen News, Germany granted 80,000 work visas in the first half of 2024, with 40,000 issued to skilled workers—3,000 more compared to the same period of 2023.

Ralph Heck, chairperson of the Bertelsmann Foundation, said that population aging is evident across almost all German states. The percentage of people aged 65 and above is projected to increase from 22 percent in 2020 to 28 percent in 2040, while the working-age population will decline from 54 percent to 48 percent.

A March 2024 report by the Federal Institute for Population Research revealed that live births in 2023 fell to their lowest level since 2009. The birth rate dropped from 1.57 per woman in 2021 to approximately 1.36 in autumn 2023. According to the report, West Germany's birth rate has historically remained low, fluctuating between 1.2 and 1.4 children per woman for four decades after 1975.

Germany’s most in-demand professions include green jobs, nursing professionals, physicians, engineers, IT specialists, scientists, craftspeople, and various healthcare roles such as dental assistants, medical assistants, veterinary assistants, physiotherapists, occupational therapists, pharmacists and podiatrists. Nepal and Germany signed an agreement for legal labor migration in October last year. Labor ministry officials say Germany is looking to recruit some 3,000 workers from Nepal.

China has sought Nepal’s support in its bid to maintain peace by ending the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war and growing crisis in the Middle East. 

Chen Gang, a member of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, made such a statement during talks with top leaders of major political parties. Chen, who is also secretary of the CPC Qinghai provincial committee, led a delegation that visited Nepal Oct 19 to 20.

The Chinese delegation discussed the current global crisis, including the ongoing wars, and informed us about Beijing’s attempts to end the war, said a Nepali leader requesting anonymity, asking Nepal for support in its peace bid and hailing Nepal as a land of peace where Gautam Budha was born.

Both in the Russia-Ukraine war and in the Mideast, China is playing the peacemaker by leveraging its clout. Both Russia and Ukraine recognize the importance of including Beijing in their negotiations. The Chinese delegation, during the interaction with Nepal’s communist parties, discussed a range of bilateral issues, including Xi Jinping’s short visit to Nepal in 2019. 

According to Xinhua, during the stay in the Himalayan country, the CPC delegation had exchanges with leaders of Nepal’s political parties and attended a briefing on the spirit of the third plenary session of the 20th CPC Committee, which was focused on sharing the opportunities brought by the Chinese-style modernization and deepening the trans-Himalayan cooperation.

In meetings and exchanges with the CPC delegation, the Nepali side reaffirmed commitment to the one-China policy and expressed the willingness to further strengthen inter-party exchanges with the Chinese side, and to deepen cooperation in various fields, promoting the continuous development of relations between the two countries, Xinhua reports. 

According to Nepali leaders, the Chinese side focused on enhancing ties on multiple fronts, including in the agriculture sector. Of late, the Chinese side is expressing readiness to support Nepal's agriculture sector but Nepal has not come up with any concrete proposal. A few weeks ago, Chinese Ambassador to Nepal Cheng Song had said that his country was ready to lend support to Nepal for establishing a fertilizer plant. Unlike the previous delegation, this delegation did not raise the Belt and Road Initiative, according to a leader. 

Of late, CPC has stepped up engagement with Nepal’s political parties and the government.