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The recent meeting between Nepali Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the sidelines of the BIMSTEC summit in Thailand has sparked cautious optimism about the trajectory of bilateral relations. The one-on-one discussion, described by observers as potentially ice-breaking, comes against the backdrop of an unusually prolonged delay in arranging an official visit by Oli to New Delhi—a standard diplomatic protocol that typically follows a change of government in Nepal.

Ten months into Oli’s third term, the absence of an official invitation from India has fueled speculation about underlying tensions between the two neighbors. Diplomatic sources suggest several factors may be contributing to the hesitation, including Nepal’s deepening engagement with China through initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) framework agreement, which has reportedly caused discomfort in New Delhi.

Minister for Foreign Affairs Arzu Rana Deuba had previously indicated that preparations were underway for reciprocal visits by both prime ministers, but her recent silence on the matter suggests recalibrated expectations. Prime Minister Oli himself offered an unusually muted explanation upon returning from Thailand, stating simply that his India visit wasn’t happening due to his busy schedule and might occur “if time permits.” This contrasts with his more enthusiastic pronouncements about bilateral relations during previous terms.

Historical context suggests such delays aren’t unprecedented—former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba waited nine months after taking office in 2021 before visiting India. However, the current situation appears more complex, with Indian officials privately emphasizing their desire for any high-level visit to yield substantive outcomes, possibly including the inauguration of joint infrastructure projects. “There’s no major obstacle,” one senior Indian official noted, “but we want the visit to demonstrate tangible progress in the relationship.”

The delay in the prime minister’s visit to India does not mean that there is a lack of communication between the two governments. Oli and Modi first met on the sidelines of the 78th General Assembly of the United Nations in September last year. Since then, Foreign Minister Deuba has also held meetings with Indian Prime Minister Modi and her Indian counterpart S Jaishankar.

Officials say though there hasn’t been a prime ministerial-level exchange between Nepal and India,  meetings of all bilateral mechanisms have been taking place to address mutual concerns and issues. There have also been ministerial level visit exchanges and more are lined up in the imminent future. 

A senior official at the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers said, “The delay in the prime minister’s India visit doesn’t mean that the ties between Nepal and India have stalled, because all bilateral engagements are sailing in a smooth manner.”

Following the Thailand meeting between Oli and Modi, India’s Ministry of External Affairs released a carefully worded statement emphasizing continued cooperation in connectivity, energy and people-to-people ties, while conspicuously avoiding mention of more sensitive issues. The statement reaffirmed Nepal’s importance under India’s ‘Neighborhood First’ policy, suggesting an effort to project normalcy despite the evident diplomatic awkwardness.

The aborted plan for Modi to attend Nepal’s Sagarmatha Sambaad dialogue in May—ostensibly due to scheduling conflicts with a European trip—highlighted some of the coordination challenges for high-level exchanges. Nepali officials acknowledge the late invitation may have been a logistical misstep, but some analysts see it as emblematic of broader communication gaps.

India has reaffirmed its commitment to strengthening ties with neighboring countries through a consultative, non-reciprocal, and results-oriented approach. Pabitra Margherita, Minister of State for External Affairs, emphasized in a statement to the Lok Sabha that India’s neighborhood policy is guided by the core principles of Samman (respect), Samvad (dialogue), Shanti (peace), and Samriddhi (prosperity). These principles shape India’s engagements, ensuring that partnerships are built on mutual trust and shared progress.

India’s development assistance and capacity-building initiatives are tailored to the specific needs and aspirations of neighboring nations, supporting their long-term economic growth. The minister highlighted that India’s contributions range from large-scale infrastructure projects to community-driven development, including financial, technical, and humanitarian aid. This multifaceted approach underscores India’s role as a reliable partner in fostering regional stability and prosperity.

In Nepal, India’s cooperation focuses on enhancing connectivity, economic collaboration, and energy and digital infrastructure, alongside cultural exchanges. A key component of this partnership is the High Impact Community Development Projects (HICDP), which have delivered critical infrastructure such as hospitals, schools, and water and sanitation facilities. While the initiative faced some challenges last year, it has since moved forward smoothly. Originally launched in 2003 as a modest program, HICDP was expanded and rebranded in 2024 to maximize its developmental impact.

With the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) remaining inactive, India has prioritized the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) as a more dynamic platform for regional collaboration. Margherita described BIMSTEC as a strategic convergence of India’s Neighbourhood First policy, Act East policy, and the SAGAR vision, which emphasizes security and sustainable growth in the Indo-Pacific. Through BIMSTEC, India is deepening cooperation in areas such as trade, security, connectivity, and digital innovation, while also promoting partnerships in health, education, and people-to-people ties. 

The upcoming BIMSTEC Summit, scheduled for April 3-4 in Thailand, is expected to produce a vision statement outlining future regional cooperation. Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has already left for Thailand to attend the summit, while Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is also set to participate.

Margherita reiterated that India’s Neighborhood First policy is widely appreciated by partner countries, ensuring the continuity of assistance programs even amid political changes. She stressed that India’s relationships with its neighbors stand independently of their ties with other nations, reflecting the depth and resilience of these bilateral connections.

On national security, the minister affirmed that India remains vigilant, closely monitoring regional developments to safeguard its interests. He expressed confidence in the enduring strength of India’s partnerships and reaffirmed the country’s commitment to advancing mutual benefits while protecting its strategic priorities in the region.

The government’s decision to dismiss Kulman Ghising, the managing director of Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA), has triggered widespread public anger. Opposition parties—and even senior leaders from ruling coalition partners—have condemned the move, with only the CPN-UML standing firmly behind the unpopular decision. Protests have erupted both in the Parliament, where opposition lawmakers voiced dissent, and on the streets, where Ghising’s supporters gathered in solidarity.

Ghising has now approached the Supreme Court, seeking an interim order for his reinstatement. Over the past decade, he gained recognition for his role in ending Nepal’s chronic power cuts, though critics argue that increased electricity imports from India were the real solution—a point echoed by Energy Minister Deepak Khadka in the parliament last week.

Meanwhile, royalist forces are rallying for the restoration of the monarchy and the Hindu state, with a major protest planned in Kathmandu’s Tinkune area. Initially led by businessman Durga Prasai, the movement has since gained backing from various royalist groups, including the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), which had initially hesitated. RPP Chairman Rajendra Lingden has announced plans for an indefinite nationwide protest starting in April. Former King Gyanendra Shah, offering tacit support, recently visited Gorkha, where he was greeted by enthusiastic crowds. In response, opposition groups, including the CPN (Maoist Center)-led Samajbadi Morcha, are preparing counter-demonstrations, raising concerns of potential clashes.

In diplomatic developments, Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli is set to make a historic visit to Thailand—the first by a Nepali head of government since the two nations established diplomatic ties in 1959. Oli will attend the 6th BIMSTEC Summit (April 1-5), where leaders are expected to adopt the BIMSTEC Vision 2030, a blueprint for regional cooperation. On the sidelines, he is likely to meet Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, their first encounter since last year’s UN General Assembly. Notably, there has been little discussion in Kathmandu about Oli’s long-pending official visit to India, with Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba remaining silent on the matter.

On the development front, the US government has permitted a partial resumption of Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) projects in Nepal, which had been paused during a review of foreign assistance under the Trump administration. While the review remains ongoing, select activities under the Nepal Compact can proceed, though officials caution that this does not guarantee full approval. Nepali authorities remain hopeful, citing bipartisan US support for the MCC.

The government has also renewed its demand for social media companies to register in Nepal or face bans, requiring them to appoint local representatives, grievance officers and compliance monitors. So far, only TikTok and Viber have complied.

Economically, Nepal has made notable progress in reducing poverty, nearly eradicating extreme poverty—a success largely driven by remittances, according to a recent World Bank report. However, the country’s economic growth remains sluggish, averaging just 4.2 percent since 1996, lagging behind regional peers due to low productivity, declining exports, and industrial stagnation. With limited domestic job opportunities, youth migration for foreign employment continues unabated.

In international forums, Nepal’s presence at China’s Boao Forum for Asia (March 25-28) will be low-key, with Ambassador Krishna Prasad Oli representing the country instead of high-level officials. Meanwhile, the Trump administration has signaled a tougher stance against Chinese influence in the Indo-Pacific, with US Defense Secretary Pete Herseth outlining an updated strategy that builds on the 2017 Indo-Pacific framework while adapting to current geopolitical realities.

The Donald Trump administration has sent a clear signal that it intends to pursue an aggressive strategy to counter Chinese influence across the Indo-Pacific region. In a significant policy address on March 25, US Secretary of Defense Pete Herseth outlined the administration’s vision for the region, marking the first comprehensive articulation of its Indo-Pacific strategy after assuming office in January. Herseth’s remarks built upon the Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) introduced during Trump's first presidency in 2017, while introducing new elements reflecting the current geopolitical landscape.

Speaking at an event hosted by the Daniel K Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawaii, Herseth emphasized the critical importance of US alliances in the region, stating: “Our alliances and partnerships in the Indo-Pacific matter a great deal to the United States. They matter because the Indo-Pacific is the region of consequences.” 

He reaffirmed the administration’s commitment to Trump's original vision of a “free and open Indo-Pacific,” first articulated during a 2017 speech in Vietnam, describing it as a framework where nations can prosper as sovereign and independent states.

The defense secretary’s remarks come amid already strained US-China relations, exacerbated by Trump's imposition of sweeping tariffs on Chinese goods. Herseth’s speech made clear that the administration intends to extend this tougher approach to military and security matters, declaring that “no one should question the United States' resolve to defend its interests in the Indo-Pacific and beyond.” He emphasized America's military superiority, vowing to maintain “the strongest, most effective and most lethal force in the world” to deter potential adversaries.

This renewed focus on the Indo-Pacific revives a strategy that has previously caused diplomatic complications for some regional partners. The original 2017 IPS identified Nepal as a US partner in its 2019 document, sparking significant domestic criticism in Kathmandu where the strategy was widely perceived as an anti-China military alliance. In 2022, the Joe Biden administration subsequently recalibrated the approach, emphasizing economic cooperation over military alignment and deliberately avoiding references to the IPS in official communications with Nepal to prevent controversy. This shift was particularly important following the backlash against the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) compact after US defense officials publicly linked it to the IPS in 2018.

Herseth’s address placed particular emphasis on strengthening military-to-military relationships across the region, suggesting that the Trump administration may seek to expand defense cooperation with countries like Nepal. This could include renewed pressure to finalize the long-pending State Partnership Program (SPP) agreement, which has been on hold due to Nepal’s concerns about upsetting its delicate balance between China and India. The US Indo-Pacific Command has maintained consistent engagement with Nepal’s military, and this cooperation is expected to intensify under the current administration.

The defense secretary framed the administration's approach as seeking “peace through strength” while attempting to reassure allies that “America First does not mean America only or America alone.” However, he acknowledged the need to reassess existing military partnerships, stating: “It means our military-to-military relationship must make sense for America and our partners. If there are imbalances, we will find them and we will fix those imbalances. We will right-size the obligations and responsibilities needed.”

Herseth’s current tour of the region, including stops in Guam, the Philippines, and Japan for high-level meetings with both military and civilian leaders, has drawn particular attention from Beijing. Analysts note that the Philippines holds special strategic significance in US planning, with Chinese commentator Shi Hong pointing out in Global Times that Manila’s geographic position—with its northern islands near Taiwan and western coastline facing the South China Sea—makes it particularly valuable for countering Chinese influence.

The administration’s strategy appears to involve pressuring wealthier regional nations to increase their defense spending while potentially boosting military assistance to smaller partners like Nepal. This approach presents Kathmandu with a complex diplomatic challenge, as accepting greater US military support could strain its relationships with both China and India. The key question for Nepalese policymakers will be how to navigate potential US pressure to enter into strategic agreements without compromising the country’s traditional non-aligned stance or its vital relationships with neighboring powers.

As the Trump administration moves to implement this more assertive Indo-Pacific strategy, the coming months will likely see increased US engagement across the region, with particular focus on strengthening military partnerships and countering Chinese influence. The extent to which smaller nations like Nepal can maintain their balancing act between major powers while responding to these new strategic pressures remains to be seen.

The sixth summit of the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC), taking place from April 1 to 5 in Thailand, is set to be a defining moment for the regional bloc. At the heart of the discussions will be the adoption of BIMSTEC Vision 2030, a strategic roadmap aimed at expanding and strengthening collaboration among member-states.

Adding to the summit’s significance, leaders are expected to approve a comprehensive report by the Eminent Persons’ Group (EPG), which proposes sweeping reforms to reinvigorate and redefine the organization’s role in the region. Indra Mani Pandey, Secretary-General of BIMSTEC, underscored the importance of this gathering in an interview with ANI, highlighting that it will be the first in-person summit since Kathmandu hosted the event in 2018.

One of the key outcomes will be the formalization of BIMSTEC Vision 2030, a forward-looking framework designed to guide future cooperation. Additionally, leaders will adopt rules of procedure, building on the momentum of the BIMSTEC Charter’s enforcement in May 2023. The summit will also witness the signing of a Maritime Transport Cooperation Agreement, a crucial step toward enhancing regional connectivity. Another major highlight will be the virtual inauguration of the BIMSTEC Energy Centre in Bengaluru, an initiative aimed at fostering knowledge-sharing in energy sector reforms, regulations, and best practices among member nations.

Despite being established in 1997, BIMSTEC only adopted its foundational charter in 2022, reflecting its historically slow progress. However, with the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) remaining inactive due to persistent India-Pakistan tensions, BIMSTEC has emerged as a potential alternative for regional collaboration. India, in particular, has been actively working to elevate BIMSTEC’s role, though officials maintain that SAARC could still be revived in the future.

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli will lead Nepal’s delegation to the summit, reiterating the country’s support for BIMSTEC while emphasizing that it should not be seen as a replacement for SAARC. The 2018 Kathmandu Summit, held during Oli’s previous term, produced an 18-point declaration, setting a precedent for ambitious outcomes this year.

On the sidelines of the summit, Prime Minister Oli is scheduled to hold bilateral meetings, including with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, raising prospects for progress on regional diplomacy.

As BIMSTEC seeks to move beyond years of sluggish progress, this summit could mark the beginning of a new chapter in regional cooperation, one that bridges South Asia and Southeast Asia more effectively than ever before.

It has been nearly two weeks since former King Gyanendra Shah re-emerged into the spotlight of national politics. His resurgence has sparked a wave of criticism and aggressive rhetoric from leaders of major political parties, including former prime ministers, who have resorted to harsh and uncivil language to discredit him. Meanwhile, some politicians have taken to the streets to counter potential royalist protests in the Kathmandu Valley.

On March 9, approximately 13,000 people escorted Shah from the airport to his private residence, marking a significant show of support. Since then, two distinct narratives have emerged in national politics. First, the former king appears to be attempting to establish a unified command to launch Kathmandu-centric protests, appointing Nava Raj Subedi, a veteran of the Panchayat era, to lead the campaign. However, despite Subedi’s broad acceptance, pro-monarchy forces have refused to rally under his leadership. Subedi, previously associated with the Rastriya Prajatantra Party, resigned from his position to take on this new role.

Shah’s immediate challenge is to unite all monarchy supporters under a single banner. Encouraged by the March 9 turnout, he is preparing to tour other parts of the country to garner further support for the monarchy. However, there are indications that the government may restrict his activities if he becomes more politically active, potentially infringing on his constitutional right to free movement.

On the other hand, major political parties are mobilizing their cadres to demonstrate their strength in the streets. The CPN-UML has been engaged in serious deliberations about Gyanendra’s plans to return to power, with senior leaders discussing the potential backing of royalist forces by external actors. The CPN (Maoist Center) and other fringe parties are also preparing to counter royalist movements, signaling that Kathmandu is likely to witness increased protests in the coming days. Nepal’s highly politicized civil society has aligned with mainstream political parties to oppose any potential revival of the monarchy.

Amidst this political tension, pro-monarchy groups have spread misinformation suggesting that the Nepali Army supports the restoration of the monarchy. In response, the army has reaffirmed its commitment to safeguarding Nepal’s independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, and national unity in accordance with the constitution. The army’s statement comes amid growing calls from royalist factions for the military to play a role in reinstating the monarchy.

There are also murmurs within political and diplomatic circles that certain forces are fueling pro-monarchy protests not to restore the king but to destabilize Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s government. Analysts suggest that increased street protests could pave the way for a national unity government, potentially forcing Oli to step down. Reports indicate that Nepali Congress (NC) and Maoist leaders are already discussing the formation of such a government, arguing that only a strong administration can preserve the current political system. Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal is reportedly working to remove Oli from power.

Meanwhile, the coalition government formed by the NC and UML had pledged to amend the constitution, but progress has stalled. However, the NC has taken some steps in this direction. The party’s Professional and Intellectual Department conducted consultations across all seven provinces on constitutional amendments and submitted its report to Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba. The report recommends declaring Nepal a Hindu state in the constitution’s preamble, a move that contradicts the party’s current stance. While support for a Hindu state is growing within the party, there is no significant backing for the monarchy. The report also suggests reducing administrative costs associated with the federal structure, ensuring 50 percent representation of women in state mechanisms, and prioritizing geographical factors over population in electoral constituency delimitation, including reducing the number of constituencies.

In international developments, Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba visited New Delhi to participate in the Raisina Dialogue, where she held bilateral talks with foreign ministers from several countries, including India’s External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar. Nepal is preparing to invite Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the Sagarmatha Dialogue, and Deuba was expected to extend the invitation during her visit. The Nepali government is focused on attracting high-level dignitaries from both India and China.

In another development, the United States has reaffirmed its commitment to strengthening its partnership with Nepal. A State Department spokesperson stated, “While programs that do not align with American interests have been terminated, the United States remains committed to strengthening its partnership with the Government of Nepal.” The spokesperson emphasized that the US is dedicated to supporting Nepal’s sovereignty by bolstering democratic resilience and promoting economic opportunities. However, negotiations between Nepal and the US have yet to resume following the withdrawal of US support. Additionally, Nepal’s embassy in Washington remains vacant, as Ambassador Lok Darshan Regmi has yet to assume office five months after his appointment. Experts suggest that due to Nepal’s strategic geopolitical location, the Trump administration is likely to continue its aid to counterbalance the influence of India and China.

On the economic front, Nepal’s public debt has increased by 9.93 percent to Rs 2,676.03bn over the first eight months of the current fiscal year, according to the Public Debt Management Office (PDMO). This represents an increase of Rs 241.93bn since mid-July 2023.

There is some positive news as well. Policy reforms introduced by the government through ordinances are beginning to yield results. Nepal recorded its highest foreign investment commitments in the current fiscal year during the eighth month (mid-February to mid-March), with the Department of Industry approving Rs 17.79bn for 40 projects. These projects are expected to create 833 new jobs, bringing the total foreign investment commitments for the fiscal year to Rs 44.66bn across 427 projects. A recent study by the department identified policy shortcomings as the primary obstacle to higher foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows, prompting the government to address these issues through recent ordinances.

In Nepal-China relations, Sichuan Airlines has launched its first international flight to Pokhara International Airport under regular commercial operations. Since its inauguration in January 2023, the airport has struggled financially, and the weekly flights by Sichuan Airlines are expected to provide some relief. Additionally, a business delegation from Sichuan has reached agreements with Pokhara, potentially fostering further economic collaboration.

The United States has reaffirmed its commitment to strengthening its partnership with the Government of Nepal.

 In response to inquiries from ApEx, a State Department spokesperson stated, “While programs that do not align with American interests have been terminated, the United States remains committed to strengthening its partnership with the Government of Nepal.”

Building on 77 years of successful collaboration, the United States is dedicated to supporting Nepal’s sovereignty by bolstering democratic resilience and promoting economic opportunities, the spokesperson added. When asked about the list of canceled projects under the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the spokesperson noted, “The US Government's review of all foreign assistance is ongoing.”

Recently, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced that the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) had terminated 83 percent of USAID-run programs globally, amounting to the cancellation of 5,200 projects. While reports suggest that dozens of USAID-funded projects in Nepal have also been affected, there has been no official confirmation. Officials indicate that not only are ongoing projects at risk, but several American institutions in Nepal are also on the verge of closure. Regarding specific projects, the spokesperson said, “We do not have additional information to share on specific program awards at this time.”

On March 18, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Arzu Rana Deuba, met with Ricky Gill, Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs and National Security Council Senior Director for South and Central Asia, on the sidelines of the Raisina Dialogue in New Delhi. Gill assured Minister Deuba that the US would continue to support Nepal. “Gill and I also discussed Nepal-US ties, which are rooted in shared democratic and human rights values,” Rana said. “I am confident that our cooperation will continue to grow over the years.”

In a related development, a federal judge ruled that the dismantling of USAID likely violated the US Constitution. The court order requires the Trump Administration to restore email and computer access to all USAID employees, including those placed on administrative leave.

In his verdict, Judge Theodore Chung wrote, “The court finds that defendants’ actions to shut down USAID on an accelerated basis, including the apparent decision to permanently close USAID headquarters without the approval of a duly appointed USAID office, likely violated the United States Constitution in multiple ways.”

Just two weeks ago, a palpable tension existed between Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and CPN (Maoist Center) Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal. However, they have now begun to align in defense of the 2015 constitution, citing an increasing threat from pro-monarchy forces. Despite this newfound unity, critics argue that the poor governance and misrule under Dahal’s leadership have inadvertently strengthened the monarchy's resurgence. In response, both ruling and opposition parties are joining forces to counter the growing influence of pro-monarchy factions. Prime Minister Oli and Dahal have adopted a more conciliatory approach toward each other in light of these developments.

As pro-monarchy forces work to establish a unified front to mobilize supporters, mainstream political parties are preparing to rally their own cadres to safeguard the current federal republican system. Leaders from major political parties, with the exception of the Nepali Congress (NC), have publicly accused former King Gyanendra Shah of attempting a comeback with external backing, though they have not provided detailed evidence to support these claims.

During a recent CPN-UML internal meeting, senior leaders expressed concerns that Shah is engaging in destabilizing activities under the influence of certain powers. They emphasized the need for republican forces to unite despite their differences. Some leaders have even proposed the idea of a national unity government—a vaguely defined concept that has remained unrealized since 2008—to counter potential protests by royalist forces. While leaders from the NC and Maoist Center have discussed this possibility, it is unlikely to materialize soon. Maoist Chairman Dahal has publicly denied any ongoing discussions about his party joining the government, stating that while they are prepared to offer solutions in the event of a crisis, no such talks are currently taking place.

Both pro-monarchy forces and mainstream political parties are gearing up for potential street protests, signaling that Kathmandu may soon witness significant demonstrations. The government is expected to face challenges in managing the situation. The Samajbadi Morcha (Socialist Front), a coalition of communist parties including the Maoist Center, CPN (Unified Socialist) and two smaller factions, is planning a mass demonstration on March 19. Similarly, the ruling UML is preparing to mobilize millions of its cadres to defend the republican system.

Pro-monarchy groups have been staging protests for some time, but recent efforts suggest a push for greater unity. Navaraj Subedi, a leader from the Panchayat era, has launched a campaign titled the “People’s Movement Committee for the Restoration of Monarchy.” Former King Shah has reportedly chosen Subedi as a unifying figure to bridge divides among pro-monarchist factions. However, it remains uncertain whether parties like the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) and Rastriya Prajatantra Party Nepal will fully unite under this banner. RPP Chair Rajendra Lingden has asserted that his party should lead the movement, given its longstanding advocacy for the monarchy. Subedi has issued a public appeal for support, outlining three key demands: the restoration of the monarchy, the reinstatement of Nepal as a Hindu state and the abolition of federal structures.

Despite these efforts, Shah faces challenges in uniting all pro-monarchy supporters under a single command. For instance, while RPP Chair Lingden has expressed support for pro-monarchy campaigns, he has distanced his party from the Subedi-led committee. Nevertheless, senior RPP members Rabindra Mishra and Dhawal Shumsher Rana have joined the mobilization committee.

Leaders close to the former king describe this as a critical moment and possibly his final attempt to gauge public support for a return to the throne. Unlike previous fragmented efforts, this marks the first time Shah has taken a proactive role in forming a unified structure under Subedi's leadership. According to sources close to the former king, he believes this is an opportune time to rally public backing, as future opportunities may be limited. However, the success of this endeavor remains uncertain, given the internal divisions among pro-monarchy factions and the broader political landscape.