Submit your Article

Except for India and Bhutan, all South Asian countries have become a part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a mega infrastructure project launched by Xi Jinping in 2013. Nepal has been adopting a cautious approach ever since it signed a BRI framework agreement with China in 2017. The agreement talks about various areas of cooperation including policy exchanges, trade connectivity, financial integration and people connectivity. Initially, Nepal, haphazardly and without knowledge, proposed 35 projects to be developed under the BRI. The project numbers were later reduced to nine following the advice from Beijing that Nepal should come up with fewer but commercially viable development projects. But there has not been any progress on any of those projects, as the two countries are yet to finalize the BRI implementation plan. Some hydropower projects proposed under the BRI scheme have been awarded to Indian companies. It appears that the implementation of President Xi’s flagship program is becoming a difficult task for the Nepal government. Even Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoist party is not so keen about taking the BRI projects forward, lest it should divide his fragile10-party coalition. A powerful communist government, which was led by KP Sharma Oli from 2018 to 2021, had also not taken any concrete steps on the BRI. The BRI’s reputation as a potential ‘debt trap’ through which Beijing could establish its hegemony is one of the chief reasons why the Nepal government and political parties are lacking in motivation and commitment to the program. Many commercially unfeasible projects under the BRI in Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and Kenya, among other countries, may have alarmed Nepali leaders. The controversy over China-funded Pokhara International Airport has further tainted the BRI’s image in Nepal.  On January 1 this year, Nepal inaugurated the airport, which was built under Chinese loan but not under the BRI. The loan agreement was inked in 2016, a year before Nepal formally became part of BRI.  But a senior official from the Chinese Embassy prompted the Nepal government’s rebuttal. A senior  Chinese told this writer that since the BRI was launched in 2013, all the projects implemented thereafter, which include the Pokhara airport, automatically fall under the initiative. The official says China does not wish to make it a big issue if Nepal does not want the airport project to be listed under the BRI. The airport has already come into operation, but so far it has failed to attract international flights. If the Rs 22bn airport fails to make income, the government is sure to face a burden to pay off the loan. In an interview with this journalist, Bikram Raj Gautam, the airport chief, says as it is a long-term investment, it could take some time for the airport to generate income. So there is no debt worry among government officials as they say that the airport was constructed keeping in mind that the government can repay the loans. One major project under the BRI is the cross-border Kathmandu Kerung Railway, for which the Chinese side is conducting a feasibility study. Though the project construction may not take place immediately, China has put it in its long-term plan as a gateway to South Asia. A joint communiqué issued after the second Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation in 2018 included Nepal-China Trans-Himalayan Multi-Dimensional Connectivity and Nepal-China cross-border railway. If the trans-border railway moves ahead, it will become one of the major BRI flagship projects in South Asia. But Nepal and China are yet to discuss its investment modality. China has agreed to bear the cost of both pre-feasibility study and feasibility study. Nepal has proposed developing the project under grant assistance, but the Chinese side is mum on it. Nepal’s major political parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist Center)—are on the same page when it comes to the BRI. They are of the view that Nepal cannot afford to take high-interest Chinese loans to finance its development projects. However, the communist parties continue to speak positively on the BRI in order to appease China. Mainly communist leaders even blame non-communist parties of taking a rigid position on the BRI to spoil the relationship with China. In 2022, Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba reportedly told the visiting Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi that considering the looming economic crisis, Nepal cannot take loans under BRI to finance projects. Many took this statement as anti-BRI posture. But this is exactly what communist party leaders are saying to the Chinese side in private meetings. In Nepal, the BRI is perceived as an exclusive infrastructure project, but there are other components as well, such as policy cooperation, unimpeded trade, financial integration and people-to-people connectivity. Lately, the Chinese side has been insisting that whatever they cooperate on or provide assistance to bilaterally is under the BRI framework. Such a position has only made Nepal’s bilateral engagements with China more difficult. More recently, China has come up with new programs such as Global Development Initiative (GDI), Global Security Initiative (GSI) and Global Civilizational Initiative (GCI), which are aimed at building an alternative global order to counter the West, particularly the US. These initiatives aim to promote Chinese values, development models and security issues mainly in the Global South. For a country like Nepal, so strategically placed between China and India, taking positions on these initiatives are going to be challenging to say the least. Our political leadership has a limited and often misleading understanding about these projects, and our academia is heavily influenced by either Western or Chinese narratives. Taking an objective and impartial position under such conditions will be difficult. This is exactly what had happened regarding the American MCC project in Nepal. Dealing with China is going to be more complex in the days to come. It will do well for our political leadership to come up with a unified position.

The past few weeks have seen China’s formidable presence on the world stage, with domestic politics keeping the sole superpower, the United States, busy. The footprints of Beijing were clearly visible on the global diplomatic front as it sought to broker peace between arch rivals Russia and Ukraine, mediated a diplomatic concord in the Middle East, and hosted some top global leaders. While Chinese President Xi Zinping was having a meeting with his French counterpart Emanuel Macron along with European Commission Chief Ursula von der Leyen in Beijing, the former US President Donald Trump was in the dock in connection with dozens of felonies. Trump, while addressing his close supporters in Florida right after a Manhattan Court hearing, said: “America is on the verge of division and most likely to witness a crucial threat to democracy.” Trump expressed his fury and worry against his own nation and revealed that the US is currently focused on a few limited stories such as Russia, Ukraine, Trump himself, and China and Taiwan. In any case, whatever precedent the indictment of Donald Trump sets in domestic politics, the American credibility is likely to suffer. Immediately after President Xi returned to Beijing from the Kremlin by brokering a peace deal in the Russia-Ukraine war, European leaders visited Beijing to pursuade China to maturely conciliate the peace compact. Macron, on his way home, accentuated Europe's “diplomatic autonomy” by saying: “Europe should not always be an admirer of the US and be dragged into the Sino-US dispute on the issue of Taiwan.” This signifies that Europe is likely to remain silent on the Taiwan issue, which further indicates that Europe wants to ‘reset’ relations and remain close to China. After the EU leaders' return, Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva visited China, while German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock was also on a visit to the same country. All these diplomatic developments point toward China’s rise as a global leader. Looking back, the 9/11 terror attack on the US brought nations together. Then came the 2003 Iraq war for global power balancing. But the coronavirus crisis pushed the worldwide balance to the brink. China’s rising clout in the global stage and the magnitude of the Russia-Ukraine war are about to further test this balance. As China is getting stronger—economically, militarily, technologically, strategically and diplomatically—and expanding its influence globally, the world is most likely to witness a much tougher and terrific global balance of power than ever before. The author’s intention, however, is neither to overestimate China nor to underrate the US, but to assess the prospects of both the nations in various domains–technology, macroeconomics, defense structure and spending, and soft potentials based on data, facts and inferences, and explore whether China is decently prepared for Global leadership?   China on world stage   China’s sensible engagement in diverse affairs–economic, development and diplomatic–through multilateralism is making it a resilient and more responsible emergent leader not only in the region, but also in the global sphere. It has maintained substantial membership cum leadership in different supranational organizations and institutions such as BRICS, SCO, APEC, ASEAN (dialogue partner), AIIB and NDB (New Development Bank under the BRICS framework), South-South Cooperation Fund, and China Silk Road Fund (project under the BRI framework). AIIB is said to be the World Bank of “Chinese characteristics” that has 57 member countries, including four of the G7 nations (Britain, Germany, France, and Italy), Australia, India and South Korea, among others. This shows that China has been rationally successful in influencing the developing and developed economies as well and bringing them under its pragmatic economic leadership. AIIB was reportedly established to defy the US-dominated ADB and WB, and to “contend the US at the global economic table”. NDB is perhaps established to make an arrangement of direct currency exchange of Yuan with the respective currencies of BRICS members in the long run, besides its said objectives. Recently, China and Brazil have announced a new agreement for direct exchange of Yuan (Chinese currency) with Reals (Brazilian currency) without converting into the US dollar, which is likely to challenge the financial hegemony of the “elite currency”.  Notably, the two emerging developing economies—China and Brazil—had a trade volume of more than $154bn in 2022 (CGTN). Meanwhile, former Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff has been elected the new head of NDB, whereas current Brazilian President Lula attended the inauguration of Rousseff in China. This signifies that China-Brazil relations are going to be renewed and strengthened as Lula is an ardent supporter of “One China Policy”. Arguably, China earned one more strategic partner in Latin America since Brazil, under Lula, is said to prefer a multipolar world, especially a China-led world order. Likewise, Malaysia is said to have proposed to China to establish the Asian Monetary Fund (AMF), which is expected to counter the IMF. The establishment of AIIB and AMF would indeed help China to “extend its sphere of economic and political influence” that would further help it to “take a leadership role in the global economy” (The New York Times). China has made significant economic advancement and diplomatic influence over the past three years despite the Covid-19 pandemic and heavy sanctions on its tech and trade from the US and its allies. Realizing the urgency of emergency medical response, China made remarkable cooperation in many countries in Asia, Europe, Latin America and Africa, irrespective of political ideology. China executed a pragmatic ‘Medical Diplomacy’ as part of humanity without any political prejudice, which helped achieve some of its global strategic objectives. China has been passionately expanding its diplomatic sphere in recent years. As a result, it has been successful in influencing countries in every continent. China is emerging as a global leader as it has received tremendous praise for its patience and comprehensive measures in handling the coronavirus crisis. It has a strong diplomatic grip in Europe through the “Medical Silk-Road” initiated when the pandemic was at its peak. The ‘Medical Diplomacy’ adopted during the global medical emergency has certainly helped strengthen and widen the sphere of BRI prospects in Europe and beyond. China has been successful enough to influence about 149 countries (44 in sub-Saharan Africa, 35 in Europe and Central Asia, 25 in East Asia and Pacific, 21 in Latina America and Caribbean, 18 in the Middle East and North Africa, 6 in South East Asia; out of which, 18 are EU countries and 9 are G20 countries) around the world through infrastructure development under the BRI (OECD). Earlier, the US dominated most parts of the world to pursue its strategic interests. China must have understood that it cannot leverage by “making others uncertain and miraculous” unlike the US. China has been apparently overshadowing the US influence in many parts of the world, including the Middle East, Asia, Africa, Latin America and Europe. Following the China-brokered diplomatic deal between Saudi Arabia and Iran, the erstwhile rivals in the Gulf have come to a common ground of state relations such as agreeing to resume flights, bilateral visits and making diplomatic missions functional. Meanwhile, Arab Foreign Ministers held talks on the Syrian crisis and bringing Syria back to the Arab League. Also, Saudi Arabia mediated peace talks with Houthi rebels in Yemen. Arguably, the US played multiple roles for mediation between different rivals in the Gulf, to little avail, while the recent China-led mediation has resulted in perceptible outcomes. China not only brokered diplomatic deals and promoted unity in the Gulf region, but also encouraged Islamic nations for peace, harmony and sustainable security architecture, which makes sense in the political sphere in the region and beyond. Eventually, the more cohesive the Arab World, the higher credit China would get. The US pull-out from Afghanistan following its foreign policy fiasco in Iraq and Afghanistan in the past has not only left an evil reputation behind in the Middle East and South Asia, but has also unlocked and widened the door for its nearest rival China to consolidate its presence in both the regions. Earlier, the US struggled hard to make inroads into Venezuela, Iran, North Korea, Russia and China, while it is detrimentally concentrating on Russia, Ukraine and Taiwan at the present. America had been smart enough in winning hearts, minds and spirits in each continent of the globe in the past. Conversely, it is now applicable and functional to China. Donald Trump’s plank of “Make America Great Again”, has been propelled to make China and Russia great, while India is in the waiting line. American emphasis on democracy, human rights, international law, multiculturalism and multilateralism were the key constituents of its security and legacy in the past, while American critics within are questioning them now. The US’ withdrawal from the Iran Nuclear Deal- 2015, under the Trump administration in 2018, perhaps has prompted Iran to align with China and deliberately rejuvenate its relations with Saudi Arabia. When we see China’s political march, tech and AI mastery, economic growth patterns, diplomatic influence, soft power enhancement, military achievements and global diplomatic influence, it has become clear that Beijing is preparing for a global leadership role. To materialize the ambition of such a scale, China should take its immediate neighbors, including Nepal and India, into confidence, and resolve all the misunderstandings by being honest, pragmatic, and responsible. Taiwan, Hong Kong, Xinjiang, the South China Sea, and the border dispute with India are China’s major domestic and bilateral issues right now. How it handles these issues will determine China’s prospective path to Global leadership. How China maintains its relations with East Asian countries, including Japan and South Korea, and what role it would play to bring peace in the Korean Peninsula would make China’s global march more comfortable. According to the Wall Street Journal (April 2, 2023), Japan is breaking with the US allies and buying Russian oil despite sanctions on Russia by the Western nations, including the US and its allies. Japan is said to be the only G7 nation that did not send lethal weapons to Ukraine against Russia. South Korea has also been reluctant in directly sending weapons to Ukraine, as South Korean law restricts supply of arms that would “affect” international peace. This signifies that Japan and South Korea could warm up to the China-Russia-led world order. Recently, Chinese Defense Minister Li Shangfu, during a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow, agreed to start joint “military” and “military-technical cooperation” (Reuters). As part of “no limit” friendship, China and Russia have deepened relations not only in economic and political cooperation, but also in military collaboration. Likewise, China, Russia and Iran are reportedly in a new “missile mission”, whereas they are said to be engaged in supplying Iran a key chemical compound used in propelling ballistic missiles (Politico). China, Russia, Pakistan and Iran also recently held foreign minister-level meetings on the issue of Afghanistan. Perhaps, they want to take optimum advantage of American troops leaving Afghanistan. All these events and developments suggest the global world order is headed for more intense rivalry between the great power and the superpower. The second part of this article will be published next week  

In 2007, the Supreme Court of Nepal ordered the government to recognize same-sex marriages. But there still are no laws for it. Despite introducing a ‘third gender’ or ‘other’ category in our citizenship and passport, the truth remains that Nepal’s LGBTIQA+ community faces discrimination on a daily basis. Our society is limited by its narrow mindset. I believe stories can change that. It can tweak people’s thinking and how they see things. Here I’m recommending three books that will give you the nudge you need to try and be more open about gender and understand that it’s just a man-made construct. The Heartstopper Series by Alice Oseman There are four volumes in this graphic novel series and each book is so short that you can breeze through one in a day. The story, which is cute and heartwarming, tackles crucial issues like abuse and homophobia. The artwork gets considerably better from the second book onwards but the story grips you right from the start. We are introduced to Nick Nelson and Charlie Spring. The two first meet at a British all-boys grammar school. They fall in love. Charlie is high-strung and an overthinker. Nick is cheerful and soft-hearted. Though they are polar opposites, they come together quite beautifully, balancing out each other’s flaws. It’s such a great representation of a queer relationship and of people coming to terms with their gender identities. Much of the series is available online and you won’t have to buy the books if you don’t feel like it. But you will definitely enjoy this lovely tale of friendship and love. The House in the Cerulean Sea by T J Klune This is the book I want to reread this year because I remember feeling really happy while reading it. A queer himself, the author has weaved a nuanced queer love story into the main plot which is mostly fantasy. Klune is a great writer and an empathetic one at that. He doesn’t force his ideas on you but still manages to jostle you a bit into changing your mind about things. That’s the power of his writing. ‘The House in the Cerulean Sea’ is about a world with magical creatures. Linus Baker is a caseworker at the Department in Charge of Magical Youths, a ministry much like any other ministry in our world. He lives alone in a tiny house with a cat for company. He is assigned to go to an orphanage on a remote island where there are six magical children to determine whether these children are as dangerous as the ministry thinks they are. But as Linus gets to know these mysterious children and the person who runs the orphanage, Arthur Parnassus, he might have finally found a place to call home. A Very, Very Bad Thing by Jeffery Self Seventeen-year-old Marley is a “snarky gay kid from Winston-Salem, North Carolina, watching life through the disconnected Instagram filter of my generation and judging every minute of it.” His parents support him and his best friend is amazing. He meets Christopher and falls in love. But Christopher’s father is the famed televangelist Reverend Jim Anderson who is involved in the movement called “pray-the-gay-away”. He and his wife will never accept Christopher for who he is. The story is about two gay boys trying to be themselves and enjoy life in a hostile environment. It also depicts how societal expectations and limitations can lead to mistakes and horrors that can’t be undone.

I have been a fan of the Fast and Furious movie series since the beginning. But as time progressed, I found the movie’s action sequences over-the-top and the storytelling repetitive, following the same cliches and tropes. So, when I saw the trailer of the latest installment F9 a couple of years ago, I wasn’t very excited. However, when it was recently released on Netflix, I decided to give it a go, just for the sake of the good old times. F9 is just another road rage of a movie with the same people doing the same things, but this time taking the action sequences over the top. The stunts are so ridiculous that even my six-year-old son can’t conceive them when playing with his Hot Wheels collection. But none of the directors of the Fast and Furious franchise believe so, and director Justin Lin takes the car chases and action sequences to another level with an ensemble cast of some of the biggest names in Hollywood, and WWE. Vin Diesel reprises his iconic role as Dominic Toretto in this movie that showcases his family drama and history. Wrestling legend John Cena plays Jakob, his estranged brother, and arch nemesis in the movie. The plot follows Dom and his team as they try to retrieve a powerful device named Project Aries that can hack into any computer-controlled system, while also dealing with Jakob and a private army. There is not much to write about the movie besides its action sequences, cinematography, and visual effects. Despite having an ensemble cast of actors and a family drama to portray, there’s not much feeling put into any of the characters. Their dialogues just fly by at high speed while the audience is taken for a spin through traffic every once in a while. Maybe as a fan of the first few movies in the series, I was expecting a bit too much. But I’m just sad to see that I grew up emotionally while the movie series kicks out every bit of emotion from it. Still, it’s not a bad watch at all if you love all-out action movies. F9 is just an action-packed film that will satisfy fans of the franchise with its over-the-top stunts and action sequences. However, if you’re looking for an emotionally engaging and character-driven story, you might be disappointed. But if you are a die-hard fan of the Fast and Furious franchise, then F9 is a must-watch for you. The movie delivers on the over-the-top action, fast cars, and the ensemble cast that has become synonymous with the series. If you are a fan of action movies in general and don’t mind some moments of disbelief, then F9 can be an entertaining watch. The action sequences are impressive and there’s never a dull moment in the film. However, if you are looking for a well-rounded and emotionally engaging story, then F9 might not be for you. The plot is paper-thin, and the characters lack depth, making it difficult to invest in their struggles. Who should watch it? Overall, F9 is a mindless action movie that delivers on its promise of high-octane entertainment. If that’s what you’re looking for, then grab some popcorn and buckle up for a wild ride. Genre: Action Rating: 2.5 stars Actors: Vin Diesel, John Cena, Charlize Theron Director: Justin Lin Run time: 2hrs 23mins