Shaping politico-diplomatic perceptions
Toward the end of the first quarter of the 21st century, the world witnessed unparalleled transfiguration in global economy, health, social order, security, geopolitics and international relations. Meanwhile, the pandemic hit the whole world; religious radicalism influenced parts of it; tech bipolarity and digital cold war intensified between tech superpowers—the US and China; one-directional Russian invasion of Ukraine compelled the western world, including the US and EU to be feverishly engaged in Ukraine; the rising Asian giants—China and India—made considerable headway in economy, technology and geopolitics; North Korea threatened the west, including the US, by ramping-up nuke and Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) tests. Amid all this, Nepal has been witnessing colossal political mayhem under shrewd domestic power-game followed by international diplomatic gimmicks. The “War on Westphalian Sovereignty”, “Peace of Westphalia”, the World War-I to the “Treaty of Versailles” (that ended WW-I) and the “League of Nations” (the first global intergovernmental organization), WW-II to the formation of the United Nations, inducing of Cold War-I to the US supremacy in world politics followed by disintegration of Soviet Union and the fall of Berlin Wall, waning of American credibility followed by the 9/11 attacks and corresponding debacle in Iraq and Afghanistan to the splendid rise of China following the emergence of President Xi Jinping, Donald Trump’s fluke presidency to the appealing of Cold War-II, and relentless domestic political power-struggle to the antagonistic manipulations of international powers in Nepal, we find that the politics of emotions or “emotional displays” have played a ‘vexing role’ in pervading every practice of domestic and international relations. The entire world has witnessed watersheds like the “War on Westphalian Sovereignty”, “Peace of Westphalia”, the World War-I, “Treaty of Versailles”, the “League of Nations” (the first global intergovernmental organization), WW-II, the formation of the United Nations, the US supremacy in world politics after the disintegration of Soviet Union and the fall of Berlin Wall, waning of American credibility after the 9/11 attacks, a splendid rise of China and Cold War 2.0. On the domestic front, relentless domestic political power-struggle to the antagonistic manipulations of international powers suggests that the politics of emotions or “emotional displays” have played a ‘vexing role’ in pervading every practice of domestic and international relations. The world is now under multiple international threats such as threats to humanity, digital and cyber space, maritime security, sovereignty (physical, tech and digital), and AI and nuke threats, whereas two emotions—“fear” and “hate”—are dominating policy discourse, resources, cooperation, and public diplomacy. The intensifying conflict in Ukraine and corresponding international inducements are perhaps the result of “over-rationalized emotions”, rather than a solemn act of balancing between soft and hard power. The power, resources, thought, feelings, ideas or ideologies are the crucial aspects that the political actors usually fight for, while there is a modest connection between “political functioning of history” and “politics of emotions”—that is shaping the political and diplomatic perceptions, argue IR scholars. In Nepal, a number of envoys of different foreign diplomatic missions have been recurrently visiting heads of staff of almost all agencies, leaders, ministers and chief ministers of main political parties. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal inappropriately undermined the essence of diplomacy by asking the then Foreign Minister Bimala Rai Poudyal, who stepped down later, not to attend the pre-scheduled UNHRC meeting in Geneva at the last minute. The PM also canceled his own visit to Doha for participation in the Fifth Conference of the LDCs, which shows a poor diplomatic vision. This is, however, high time for Nepal to contribute to the international community-- both technically and logically–and leverage from every transnational opportunity, but the shameful domestic power game is dogging down Nepal’s diplomacy. Also, PM Dahal reportedly stepped in for halting the Nepal visit of William Joseph Burn, the director of CIA, scheduled for February 15. Why was the CIA director planning to visit Nepal, and then why was his visit not approved later? This is a crucial concern. This decision could possibly bring indignation in US-Nepal relations. It’s a sheer right of every Nepali citizen to know about political and diplomatic developments in a country situated at a very sensitive geostrategic location. The Dahal-led government has, apparently, stopped a proposal from the Ministry of Agriculture to test Indian vegetables for pesticides, citing that such tests could ‘harm’ Nepal’s relations with India. How can the executive head of a nation opt for “emotional politics” on such sensitive issues in the name of “emotional deference” or making others’ “comfortable”, instead of safeguarding the health and wellbeing of citizens? This is, perhaps, nothing but a thundered emotion by the psyche of “India Factor” or a “bug diplomacy” incited by hangover of fear-psychosis of “Big Brother Syndrome”, instead of believing in ‘friendship’, ‘trust’, ‘truth’ and ‘respect’ as the pillars of Nepal-India relations. Meanwhile, some foreign commercial and political predators would like to dominate Nepali products, market, economy and diplomacy at a time when Nepal’s economy is heading toward a pathetic condition, argue the economists. In 2019, Dahal, one of the co-chairs of the then ruling party—NCP—came into shame-light by issuing an undiplomatic statement in the Venezuelan crisis, which hit US-Nepal relations. Ensuing this issue, the US ambassador, reportedly, showed his reluctance to participate in a briefing called by the then government in Kathmandu, while Nepal’s ambassador in Washington was also grilled. Following the unexpected result of 2022 general elections, the senior leaders of CPN-Maoist and CPN-UML, whose party (the CPN) disintegrated in 2021 due to the ‘clash of emotions’ despite having nearly a two-third majority in the parliament, again joined hands to form a government under the leadership of Dahal, while it could not last more than two months and the alliance collapsed yet again due to Dahal’s ill will. Dahal often deploys emotional stunts to (re)shape the perception of others in domestic politics, and sometimes executes emotional diplomacy, blaming the critics. The parties started lambasting each other by using uncivil words all over again. Once they get a little closer, they make atypical attachment. When they become slightly different, they start cursing each other. Whenever they encounter a crisis within the party, they try rejuvenating the relations. But magic does not work in the socialization process. The “over-rationalized emotions” of Nepali political leaders are likely to prove costlier not only for themselves, but also for their respective parties and the nation. Emotions such as “anger”, “fear” and “happiness” can correspondingly affect the socialization process as they are passed down from generations to generations, which takes place not only because we propagate our genes but because brain of subsequent generations are wired by those genes, writes Lisa Feldman Barrett in “How Emotions are Made- The Secret Life of the Brain”. The incivility and disgracing behavior against others not only replicates one’s own pity sense of emotional intelligence, but also fosters a huge gap in human to human connection that largely disrupts affection, enthusiasm, and affects the brain; which subsequently challenges the ‘present vitality’, ‘mutual trust’ and ‘future prosperity’ of society, writes Christine Porath in “Mastering Civility: A Manifesto for the Workplace”. Seemingly, numerous political leaders in Nepal are typically groomed with “destructive emotions” whereby anger, fear, pride, sympathy, guilt or shame are rooted deep inside their mind, while they hardly exude “constructive emotions” such as empathy (compassion), praise and passion. The main reason behind this kind of “emotional inequality” is, perhaps, the lack of “emotional stability”, which affects their personal and political life as “inequality begets negative moral emotions”. Emotions, however, themselves are not constructive or destructive, while their nature depends upon the response of the particular individual who interprets that specific situation, argue psychologists. Accordingly, the realists usually make ‘risky and unusual’ decisions that are based on two emotions- fear and hate, while constructivists more likely make rational decisions based on empathy and passion. They are mostly governed by disruptive emotions such as anger and fear that are linked with security concerns, while empathy is associated with mutual cooperation, harmony and peacefulness in diplomacy and international relations, writes Yohan Ariffi in “Assessing the Role of Emotives in International Relations”. The general public, however, have high expectations on the political side of a society as they believe that the political leaders are icons of the guild, whereby their every role should depict a sense of integration, social harmony, stability (political, economic and societal), innovation and nation building. Yet the reality is that the government or leaders come and go, while the nation and institutions remain. Thus, every responsible politician must enhance the nation’s sovereign dignity, irrespective of one’s politics or emotions. Essentially, politics should be a form of civilization, whereas all of its stakeholders could work for the greater wellbeing of the people, society, nation, the planet and humankind, for which the leaders need to be self-informed with immense sense of patriotism, morality and pragmatism along with a “finely tuned” sense of political and emotive intelligence. The author has studied MSc (CS), MSc (Stats), MA (IR&D), and MPhil (Mgmt). He is pursuing research on Tech Philosophy, Psychology and Scientific Thought
Violence against women on the rise
Mamata Nepali (21) of Tila Rural Municipality-4, Jumla, was beaten to death by her husband Aite Sarki on March 12. In another incident on the same day, police arrested three men on charge of raping a 29-year-old woman in Ghorahi municipality, Dang district. These are among the latest instances of violence against women in the country. The United Nations has defined gender-based violence (GBV) as any act that results in, or is likely to result in physical, sexual, or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion, or the arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.Despite significant progress made in policy formulation and programs by the government, violence against women still continues across the country. Data paint an alarming pic Nepal Police data reveal that the violence against women has drastically increased across the country in the past 10 years. According to the data, 2,250 cases of violence against women and children were reported in the fiscal 2068/2069 BS. Ten years later (2078/2079 BS), the number rose to 17,000. Experts working in the field of women’s rights point out the patriarchal mindset of people, taking women as second class citizens, a rise in the tendency of reporting the incidents and use of various social media as some of the causes for a rise in the number of cases of violence against women. “Forms of violence have changed in the last few years. The violence against women has now started on social media,” said Sabin Shrestha, advocate. In the fiscal 2078/79, crimes against women, children and senior citizens numbered 21,342. The highest number of crimes against women was in Madhesh Province (5056) followed by Lumbini Province (3,605). The number of crimes against women and children stood at 337 in the year 2053/54, Nepal Police report reveals. Among the types of crimes against women and children, domestic violence is largely reported. Nepal Demographic Health Survey data reveal that 34 percent of women who have experienced spousal physical or sexual violence have sustained injuries. Cuts and bruises are the most common types of injuries reported. Unequal power relations between the male and female is one of the major causes behind violence against women in Nepal, the experts say. “Women are confined, they do not have access and are controlled. Also, there is a feeling that anything can be done to a woman. Devoid of livelihood, women suffer from all kinds of violence,” said Laxmi Aryal, Program and Training Manager at WOREC Nepal. Cases go unreported Despite a large number of women undergoing violence against them many of the cases go unreported. “It is difficult for a woman to open up about the violence she has undergone. Unfriendly judicial process, lack of family support, finances, victim blaming on social media are some of the causes for women to file cases against the perpetrator,” said Shrestha. People should have proper information about the process of reporting the cases. They should also know about the process to file cases. “Lack of information about the process to fight against violence, agencies to get help from, lack of evidence, difficult judicial procedure, stigmatization and worries regarding children’s future prevent women from reporting the cases,” said Aryal. With hurdles in the system, women prevent themselves from reporting the cases. According to the NDHS, 66 percent of women who have experienced any type of physical or sexual violence have not sought any help or talked with anyone about resisting or stopping the violence they experience. Power dynamics and politicization of the cases have also prevented women from reporting the cases. Shrestha points out that the verdicts on recent high-profile rape cases have started deterring women from reporting the crimes against them. “It has made women think that they will not get justice. Power and politics affect the cases. So, women think they will not get justice,” Shrestha said. Preventive measures The NDHS reveals that 22 percent of women in Nepal aged 15-49 years have experienced physical violence since age 15 and seven percent have even experienced sexual violence. Six percent of women who have ever been pregnant have experienced violence during pregnancy. Chairperson of CPN-UML KP Sharma Oli, on the International Women’s Day (March 8), had stressed the need for all sides of the society to cooperate and raise awareness to discourage all sorts of violence against women. “There should be laws in place that root out all sorts of violence against women, gender discrimination and violence by booking perpetrators and compensating victims,” Oli had said. The experts say that the psychological part of men should also be looked at. “The current situation is difficult. Younger generations have their own issues. There is frustration among people. Psychological aspects of the people should be discussed to lessen the number of cases,” said Shrestha. “Respect for the marginalized ones, clear provisions and policies to address the issues, building strong networks, changing the mindset of people, mobilization of youths, discussions, male engagement, amendments in acts and regulations and review of discriminatory policies will help reduce the number of cases,” suggested Aryal. GBV prevention fund Compensation, services such as shelters, legal aid and psychological counseling are necessary for women to fight the violence against them. The government has adopted legislation and institutional arrangements to advance women's human rights. As such, the government has established a GBV prevention fund at the center. But, from among the 753 local levels across the country, only 115 municipalities have established this fund. The Ministry of Women, Children and Senior Citizens had initially released a budget of Rs 100,000 each for every local level in the country for establishing the fund. Province 1 government has also granted an additional 500,000 rupees to the rural municipalities and municipalities in the province. The rights activists suggest that all three tiers of the government should work together to amend laws, policies and practices that give rise to cases of GBV. The Ministry of Health and Population runs the One-stop Crisis Management Centre (OCMC) in coordination with government hospitals, but most victims of domestic abuse are unaware of the service. The center was established at Paropakar Maternity and Women’s Hospital in 2011-12. A total of 94 hospitals now run OCMCs across all seven provinces. These centers provide temporary rehabilitation, legal aid, and health services, including psycho-social services and rehabilitation free of cost to the survivors. These provisions are meant to ensure that survivors of GBV and those affected by it receive health services, legal aid and counseling services as well as other required services without discrimination of any kind. Factsheet
- Women with five or more children experience physical violence more often (35 percent) than women with no children (9 percent)
- Experience of physical violence is more common among employed women, irrespective of whether they are employed for cash (28 percent) or not for cash (21 percent), than among women who are not employed (17 percent)
- Divorced, separated, or widowed women are more likely to have experienced physical violence (46 percent) than currently married women (25 percent) and never married women (6 percent)
- Most ever-married women who have experienced physical violence since age 15 report current husbands as perpetrators (84 percent) and 11 percent report former husbands. Seven percent report mothers-in-law and 5 percent report other in-laws as perpetrators
Woke capitalism: Just a ruse?
In recent years, woke capitalism has become a buzzword in the business world, as companies increasingly use their influence and resources to support social and political causes. While some view this trend as a positive development that can drive real change, others are skeptical, seeing it as a marketing ploy. But what exactly is woke capitalism, and why does it matter? At its core, woke capitalism is the practice of incorporating social and political activism into a company's brand identity and business operations. On the one hand, this can have a tangible impact on society, as companies have immense power and influence. For example, many companies publicly supported the Black Lives Matter movement in 2020 and made significant donations to racial justice organizations. However, critics argue that woke capitalism can also be used as a marketing ploy. Some companies use "woke" language and imagery to appeal to customers without making significant changes to their business practices or policies. In some cases, companies may even use social justice messaging to distract from unethical practices or to justify exploitation in the name of social justice. To give a simple example, Uber faced allegations of sexual harassment and discrimination within the company in 2019, yet it used its support of the LGBTQ+ community as a shield against criticism. Nike has been accused of using social justice messaging while allegedly exploiting workers in its overseas factories. These examples show that woke capitalism can be exploitative and hypocritical. Victoria's Secret's recent pivot toward a more body-positive image is no less a fodder for thought. The lingerie giant announced that it will no longer feature "Angels," its infamous line-up of supermodels, in its marketing campaigns. Instead, the company plans to hire "diverse" models and emphasize comfort and inclusivity in its product offerings. Now hold on and let’s think. Is it really a step toward more body positivity and inclusivity in the fashion industry, given that the company's previous marketing campaigns were built on the objectification and sexualization of women's bodies? It’s natural for critics to question whether this sudden shift toward a more "feminist" image may simply be a cynical attempt to boost sales. This example highlights the complicated nature of woke capitalism and therefore, the potential for hypocrisy and exploitation can never be ruled out. In the context of Nepal, where the social, political, and economic realities differ from that of the West, the concept of woke capitalism may not be as prevalent. Instead, there is a focus on corporate social responsibility (CSR) and its impact on society and the environment. While some companies in Nepal may be actively engaged in promoting social justice and inclusivity, the primary focus is on regulatory compliance and meeting the basic needs of the people. However, incidents like the one involving Coca-Cola and the "Jigri Pet Bottles" demonstrate the importance of companies being accountable for their actions and the potential impact of their marketing campaigns on the environment and society. The backlash from environmentalists and subsequent action taken by the company to improve their sustainability practices suggest that companies in Nepal, like anywhere else in the world, need to be mindful of their actions and strive to make a positive impact on society and the environment. It's also worth noting the internal impact of woke capitalism on the company's workforce. Companies that prioritize social and political activism may attract employees who are passionate about these causes and want to work for an organization that shares their values. However, if these companies are not genuine in their commitment to these causes or fail to take meaningful action, employees may become disillusioned and disengaged. In contrast, companies that prioritize transparency and concrete actions may build a stronger sense of trust and loyalty among employees, leading to a more productive and engaged workforce. Therefore, I think that while the trend of woke capitalism may have great potential to drive real change, it is important for companies to demonstrate their commitment through concrete actions. This means being transparent about their efforts and making significant changes to their business practices and policies. Otherwise, woke capitalism risks being seen as nothing more than a manipulating superficial marketing strategy, similar in nature to practice in the corporate workforce that boasts of equal employment for all, yet most decision-making positions seem to be held by a cohort of one gender. To sum up, the trend of woke capitalism has sparked important conversations about the role of corporations in promoting social justice and the ethics of using social and political activism as a branding strategy. While some companies have taken meaningful steps to support causes related to diversity, equity, and inclusion, others may use social justice messaging as a shield against criticism or to distract from unethical practices. As consumers, we have the power to hold companies accountable by supporting those that back up their commitments with real action and transparency. By engaging in critical discussions about woke capitalism, we can promote a more ethical and responsible business culture that prioritizes the needs and interests of all stakeholders, including employees, customers, and society as a whole. The author is ESG Lead at VRock and Company, and Country Director at Eco Soap Bank Nepal
The intricacies of self-compassion
Author Brené Brown writes in her book ‘Rising Strong’, “Owning our story and loving ourselves through that process is the bravest thing we’ll ever do.” I read this a couple of years ago, and it has resonated with me ever since. As someone who has put effort into working on my relationship with myself, it has not been an easy journey. Growing up, I never learned or was taught how to hold space for myself. As an adolescent and a young adult, I struggled to be at peace with myself. I would critically question myself when my ideas got disapproved. Whenever I made mistakes, I would play with thoughts like—I’m incompetent. I will never know how to make good choices. How could I do this?’ What people thought of me mattered more than what I thought about myself. While I sought kind words, reassurance, and empathy from the others, I stood last in line to approach myself with those. I suppose our educational and societal constructs lead us to form such self-sabotaging beliefs and conduct, consciously or unconsciously. Back in school, my math teacher told me I wasn’t smart enough to score well in the subject. If I had questions to ask in the classroom, some teachers perceived it as a waste of time. I can recall similar instances at home. I always feared making mistakes as a child because of the potential scolding. Even when I fell and hurt myself, I got scolded for being careless and clumsy. So, I started holding back from sharing my concerns, asking questions that mattered, and being vocal about my needs. I only realized how unhealthy living this way was a few years ago. During the second wave of Covid-19, I came to terms with the fact that I was very critical of myself. The same year, I even came to terms with a looming mental health condition, which I discovered while taking a course on cognitive behavioral therapy. Although I had the support of the people I loved during this time, I realized my lack of support for myself all along was anything but helpful. Instead of going down the spiral of negative thoughts, feelings, and actions each time something inconvenient happened, I tried everything I could to get things back on track and be more supportive of myself. So often we rely on others to validate our existence, for some kind words, or to make us feel pleasant. But if these don’t come from ourselves first, what others say will not matter for a long time. If we aren’t good friends with ourselves, there are chances that we will eventually burden our close ones by seeking constant reassurance that we are worthy of love, respect, and care. We can’t just rely on self-compassion because we require support, love, and care from family members, friends, or romantic partners. But imagine feeling inadequate, hollow, and harsh toward yourself whenever the people you love aren’t around to approve of you or when they turn down your ideas. That is what a lack of self-compassion can appear to be. Reflecting on my journey, I have learned that self-compassion doesn’t necessarily have to be anything grand. It doesn’t mean spending resources on ourselves to give ourselves a temporary feel-good moment. Self-compassion means identifying and understanding our emotions. It means recognizing our needs and choosing strategies that work best for us to fulfill them. It means encouraging ourselves to grow and giving a pat on our back for the tiniest achievements (aligned with the kind of person we want to be). It means letting go of what isn’t in our control and being accountable for impacting the people around us and ourselves positively. It means forgiving ourselves when we falter while also doing the needful to grow into better versions of ourselves. And, unlike how we might interpret self-compassion, it’s far from a selfish act or self-indulgent practice. A friend introduced me to a concept she had heard somewhere, “You cannot pour from an empty cup. Take care of yourself first.” This quote expresses the idea of self-compassion for me in a nutshell. Unless we can think about ourselves, understand our feelings, and cater to our needs, trying to fend for the needs of the people around us will always empty us and make us resentful. However, what almost always helps me put things into perspective when it comes to self-compassion and compassion towards people and beings around us is a quote by Naval Ravikant, “Think for yourself, not of yourself. Think of others, not for others.” While we can interpret this saying in many ways, it reminds me that I’m only responsible for working on myself while assuring that my actions and thoughts positively impact the people I value. The author is the linchpin at My Emotions Matter, an education initiative that helps individuals and teams learn the mindset and skills of Emotional Intelligence. You can learn more at myemotionsmatter.com
