Submit your Article

In recent years, Nepal has witnessed exponential growth in the use of various social media platforms. The most popular social media platforms include Facebook, X (formerly Twitter), TikTok, Instagram, Snapchat, Instagram and LinkedIn. Among these, Facebook maintains strong dominance over the Nepali social media landscape. According to data from the NapoleonCat, there were 16,479,500 Facebook users in Nepal as of Aug 2024, accounting for 51.6 percent of the population. Of these, 55.9 percent were male.

However, Facebook’s user base is gradually declining as adult users shift toward TikTok and GenZ increasingly favors platforms like TikTok and Instagram. Meanwhile, X is gaining popularity, particularly among news-savvy and politically-engaged users. But it has also become a tool for political propaganda, with ‘cyber armies’ from various political parties engaging in online smear campaigns and character assassination. This toxic environment is pushing intellectuals and thoughtful users away from the platform.

LinkedIn, on the other hand, is growing steadily in popularity among professionals seeking networking and career development opportunities. The spread of misinformation, disinformation, hate speech and cybercrime has become a pressing issue globally. Many countries are grappling with how to regulate social media in ways that respect freedom of speech while addressing these concerns. While many European nations have developed balanced approaches, several South Asian countries, including Bangladesh, are using social media regulations to suppress political opposition. 

Nepal is no exception. For over 15 years, authorities have misused Section 47 of the Electronic Transaction Act to arrest journalists and silence critics. Recently, this trend has intensified, with ruling party leaders increasingly targeting those who voice dissent. Criticisms of the government or political parties are often misclassified as fake news or hate speech, even when it clearly is not. This raises concerns that new laws may also be exploited for similar purposes.

In February, the government introduced the Social Media Act Bill in the National Assembly, the upper house of the country’s federal parliament. The Bill has sparked public debate due to several fundamental flaws. The first and foremost is the flawed legislative process itself: government officials involved in consultations have adopted a narrow, bureaucratic perspective.

There is a belief within bureaucracy that regulation can be achieved by simply creating a department. This approach fails to recognize that regulating digital platforms is far more complex than overseeing traditional media like radio, television or print which are historically governed by the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology and its subordinate bodies.

Social media regulation is multi-faceted and far-reaching. No state agency can realistically monitor an entire population. Yet the ministry appears to consult only with stakeholders like the Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ), organizations of journalists affiliated with major political parties and a handful of non-governmental organizations close to the ruling parties. Independent academics and experts outside the political sphere are largely excluded from the process.

This issue is not limited to social media bills; similar problems exist in other media-related legislation. While parliament has the authority to correct fundamental flaws, lawmakers often lack necessary expertise. Many rely on briefings from NGOs. This limited input, combined with their often weak academic backgrounds, proves insufficient. Lawmakers frequently raise concerns merely to appease journalists rather than engaging meaningfully in the legislative process.

From top to bottom, the bill is riddled with problems. The preamble fails to affirm commitment to international treaties and conventions and other legal instruments to which Nepal is a party. The country has signed international treaties and conventions expressing its full commitment to upholding freedom of speech and expression. But the principles laid out by those international conventions often clash with the narrow understanding held by many Nepali politicians who view criticism as a threat rather than a democratic right.

The 2015 constitution, like its previous versions, contains progressive provisions when it comes to safeguarding freedom of speech and expression. The draft briefly touches the constitutional provision of freedom of speech and expression but remains silent about international commitment. Regarding the international part, the bill states that as other countries are formulating the news, Nepal also needs to formulate the law which is a misrepresentation of Nepal’s international commitments.  The Supreme Court has also delivered landmark verdicts upholding these rights.

However, recent rulings by lower courts appear to contradict the precedents set by the apex court. These decisions only briefly acknowledge the constitutional guarantee of free speech, signaling a shift away from the earlier commitment to protecting this fundamental right.

The Social Media Bill reflects this trend. It fails to clearly state that its purpose is to strengthen freedom of speech and expressions. Instead, it focuses more heavily on regulating social media users, given the impression that its main intent is to restrict, rather than protect, free expression.  

Undeniably, countries across the world are moving quickly to regulate social media to mitigate its negative impacts on society and democracy. But such efforts must never come at the cost of fundamental freedoms, especially freedom of speech, expression and press. Nepal should study how other nations have successfully enacted social media without undermining democratic rights.

Before drafting the bill, the government should have consulted with representatives of major social media companies. Content regulation and moderation are core to the functioning of these platforms, and without their cooperation, any regulatory framework is likely to fail. In this context, Nepal’s top political leadership should use its diplomatic and political channels to engage with these companies. For instance, a few months ago, there was communication between Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and Elon Musk on certain issues. This shows such outreach is possible.

Regrettably, the ministry issued a public notice demanding that social media giants register in Nepal and obtain licenses. It even set a deadline that went ignored. The ministry also threatened to shut down social media platforms, a move widely seen as immature and impractical. A more constructive approach would have been to initiate dialogue, revise the proposed provisions in consultation with these companies and then develop a feasible licensing system.

As it stands, the bill grants sweeping powers to a government-formed department to oversee all social media-related issues. Given the scale and complexity of regulating digital platforms, this is highly problematic. What’s needed is an independent, empowered commission—free from political interference, bureaucratic control, corporate influence and other vested interests. Such a body should be authorized to work directly with social media companies to ensure effective and fair regulation.

The current draft appears to be designed with the aim of removing political content critical of ruling parties. In recent years, there has been a clear trend of political parties using state agencies to target and punish critics of the government and party leadership. If passed without meaningful amendments, the bill risks becoming an extension of the Cyber Bureau, an institution that has already been misused for political purposes.

One positive aspect of the bill is its commitment to launching a large-scale awareness campaign on the responsible use of social media. It proposes to raise public awareness through publications, broadcasts, websites, seminars, public service announcements and dialogues. However, the government does not need to wait for the bill to be passed to begin this vital initiative.

In conclusion, the government must take proactive steps to address the fundamental flaws in the draft bill as it is evident that the agencies involved have failed to adequately study international best practices or documents prepared by global institutions.

It is a well-known fact that Maithili culture is deeply mango-oriented. The entire Mithilanchal region is steeped in the essence, fragrance, and taste of mangoes. Alongside butter, fish, makhan (a water-grown dry fruit), betel nuts, and paan, mangoes are cherished cultural symbols. As a popular Maithili saying goes, even heaven lacks the delights of these enchanting foods.

Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore’s fondness for mangoes is legendary. He once remarked that if he didn’t get to eat mangoes during the season, the entire year felt fruitless to him.

Mango is among the world’s most beloved tropical fruits. It is cultivated not just in Nepal’s Tarai-Madhes but also in India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Cambodia, Myanmar, and as far as Taiwan and Honolulu, USA. Buddhist monks are credited with introducing mangoes to Malaysia and East Asia around the fifth century. Today, nearly half of the world’s mangoes are grown in India, which produces about 15 million tonnes annually. Of this, around 15 percent is exported while the rest is consumed domestically.

In Mithilanchal, mangoes have held cultural significance since ancient times. Almost every village in the region has its own mango orchard. Janakpur, the ancient capital of Mithila, has long been renowned for its groves. One such orchard, the culturally revered Tirhutia Gachhi, still exists today. Every year, the grand Mithila Mahotsav is held in this very orchard. Legend has it that even Lord Buddha, the Light of Asia, stayed here during his visit to Janakpur.

The exchange of mangoes during the season is considered the most treasured of gifts. For newlyweds, mangoes are regarded as heavenly presents. Even gold, silver, or diamonds are considered incomplete wedding gifts if mangoes are missing. Their presence enhances the joy and sanctity of marriage ceremonies and strengthens familial bonds.

Mangoes flourish during summer and the monsoon. They are celebrated for their beauty, juiciness, and delectable taste. Delicacies made from mangoes include mango flame, mango tart, mango scones, mango and celery muffins, mango crumble, and fresh-cut mango served in chocolate cones with mango mousse. Revered as the “king of fruits,” mangoes are woven deeply into Maithili tradition.

The tropical climate of the Madhes region makes it ideal for mango cultivation. Numerous varieties thrive in its fertile soil. Larger types include Bombaiya, Maldah, Calcutia, Supriya, and Amrapalika, while smaller ones like Bizzu are equally sweet and attractive. Bhadaiya mangoes ripen in August and September, while the unique Langada has a taste that defies translation. Some Bizzu mangoes are so juicy and vibrant that they are known by colorful names like Senuria, whose color resembles vermillion, and Keraba, which is shaped like a banana. Other seasonal favorites include Tengaria, Sukul, Sipia, Kodaiya, Nakuwa, Laduwa, Lichiawa, Chauriya, Bairiya, and Rodi. Barmasiya is one exceptional variety available year-round, thanks to cold storage. Once limited to a three-month window, mangoes can now be found in the market for more than half the year. They come in many forms—round, oval, oblong, or kidney-shaped—and a spectrum of colors from yellow and pink to green and red.

In India, the diversity of mango varieties is astounding. From Sindhuri, Dussehri, Chausa, Fazli, and Lucknow in the north to Raspuri, Safeda (also called Bainganpalli), Neelam, Himayat, Thamboor, Priyoor, Malgova, Malika, and the famously sweet Kesar in the west and south, each variety has its distinct flavor and color. Regional delicacies abound as well. In Maharashtra, mango pulp is mixed with sweet yogurt to create Amrakhand. In north India, mangoes are sun-dried and preserved as Murabba. In the south, mango sambhar is a popular lentil-based gravy with a tamarind and mango twist, while in north India, mango-flavored daal is enjoyed during summer. Amras, a sweet mango pulp juice often blended with sugar or milk, is eaten with rice, bread, or pooris in Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Rajasthan. The Konkan region transforms mango pulp into a jam called Mangada. Gujaratis prepare Chunda, a delicacy made from grated raw mango. Mango lassi, a refreshing blend of mango and yogurt, is a favorite throughout South Asia.

Mangoes play a vital role in rituals and ceremonies. They are offered to deities and consumed during religious festivals and family gatherings. Their sacred status is linked to their abundance during the summer and their role in alleviating seasonal food shortages in the Madhes. Rich in vitamins A, B, and C, mangoes are both nutritious and easy to digest.

Unripe mangoes are also popular. They are used in making a variety of chutneys and pickles. Ripe mangoes are preserved as Amot, a homemade treat consumed year-round. Mango trees belong to the species Mangifera indica, of the Sumane family, and thrive best in hot, humid, and dry weather. The fruit becomes tastier and juicier when matured under dry conditions. For Maithils, the ultimate joy lies in sucking the fresh juice of ripe mangoes straight from the orchard.

Mithila holds a popular mythology around mangoes. According to legend, when Lord Shiva and Goddess Parvati descended to earth, they missed the heavenly mangoes of their celestial abode. At Parvati’s request, Shiva created the mango tree by divine power, thus introducing this “fruit of the gods” to the earth. Since then, the mango has been considered sacred, and its cultivation has spread from India to Sri Lanka, Thailand, Cambodia, Indonesia, Pakistan, and beyond. Mangoes also find mention in ancient Sanskrit literature, including the Valmiki Ramayan, affirming their place in South Asia’s spiritual and cultural legacy.

Mangoes are not just cultural icons but also instruments of soft diplomacy. Despite political tensions, India and Pakistan have traditionally exchanged crates of their best mangoes as seasonal gifts. This symbolic act, often dubbed “mango diplomacy,” has helped soften relations even in times of hostility.

Janakpur’s mangoes, with their special aroma and flavor, have gained international attention. Thailand’s late King Bhumibol Adulyadej, in his book The Story of Maha Janak, described two mango trees from Mithila and even ordered ten saplings from Janakpur to plant in his royal garden in Bangkok. This royal gesture sparked interest among Thai people, especially the youth, who are now curious to visit Janakpur, not only for its sacred heritage but also for its mangoes, which they see as uniquely flavorful.

Mangoes are a nutritional powerhouse. Rich in a wide range of antioxidants, vitamins, and minerals, they come in over 1,000 known varieties. Though native to South and Southeast Asia, mangoes are now cultivated in Central and South America, Africa, and the Arabian Peninsula. High in calories and packed with nutrients, mangoes contain phenolic compounds with strong antioxidant and anticancer properties. Their high iron content makes them ideal for pregnant women and individuals with anemia. Vitamins A, E, and selenium help protect against heart disease, while vitamin C and calcium are believed to prevent internal bleeding. Mangoes are also said to improve digestion, boost appetite, and aid detoxification. Their anti-inflammatory properties may alleviate asthma symptoms.

Traditional remedies from mango bark and black salt are used to treat diarrhea, while mango juice is believed to enhance memory and prevent mental fatigue. Vitamin E is said to support hormonal balance and improve reproductive health. Because they are rich in carbohydrates and fiber, mangoes are recommended for weight gain and digestive health. An average-sized mango can provide nearly 40 percent of daily fiber needs.

Around the world, mango pulp is used in jams, jellies, desserts, salsas, and relishes. It has also found a place in non-vegetarian dishes—paired with fish and chicken, or used in curries in Thailand. In the Philippines, green mango is enjoyed with bagoong, a fermented fish or shrimp paste. In Latin America, peeled mangoes on sticks are popular street snacks. In India, mango parathas and the ever-loved Amras are staples in many households. Even Japanese cuisine has adapted mango into sweet sushi.

From ancient mythology to modern medicine, from Janakpur’s sacred groves to international statecraft, the mango is far more than a fruit in Mithila. It is a symbol of generosity, health, sensuality, and cultural pride. Little wonder that for Maithils, the pleasure of sucking a ripe mango under a summer sky still defines the very taste of life itself.

In the vibrant Kathmandu Valley of the 1970s to 1990s, a silent, eco-friendly wonder cruised the streets, linking neighborhoods and simplifying daily travel for thousands. The electric trolley bus, a gift from the People’s Republic of China, was more than just a mode of transport—it was a symbol of modernity, environmental consciousness, and efficient public mobility. Operating on a 13-km route from Tripureswor in Kathmandu to Suryabinayak in Bhaktapur, these trolley buses offered a pollution-free alternative in a rapidly urbanizing valley. However, by the early 2000s, the system had faded into obscurity, a victim of mismanagement, political instability, and neglect. Today, as Kathmandu grapples with crippling traffic congestion and hazardous air pollution, the revival of the trolley bus system—along the Ring Road and the original Tripureswor-Suryabinayak route—presents a compelling solution to modern urban challenges.

The golden era of trolley bus

The trolley bus system was inaugurated on 28 Dec 1975, with an investment of Rs 40m from China. Twenty-two trolley buses began operations, covering the 13-km stretch between Tripureswor and Suryabinayak, passing through key areas like Koteshwor, Thimi, and Bhaktapur. The system was a visionary project, initiated during King Mahendra’s reign and realized under King Birendra, leveraging Nepal’s abundant hydroelectric potential to power clean public transport.

For residents of the Kathmandu Valley, the trolley bus was a lifeline. It facilitated seamless travel for commuters from Bhaktapur, Thimi, and surrounding areas to the capital, offering a comfortable, reliable, and affordable ride. Unlike diesel-powered buses, the electric trolley buses produced no tailpipe emissions, contributing to cleaner air in a valley already showing signs of urban strain. By the 1980s, the system was absorbing up to 80 percent of passenger journeys between Kathmandu and Bhaktapur, carrying as many as 10,000 passengers daily. Economically, the buses were a boon, requiring no fuel and minimal maintenance compared to fossil-fuel vehicles. Plans were even drawn to extend the route to encircle the Ring Road and reach Kalanki, a vision that promised to transform valley-wide mobility.

However, the system’s golden era was short-lived. By the late 1980s, political unrest and management inefficiencies began to erode its success. Overhead wires and pylons were damaged, resources were misused, and maintenance was neglected. By 1989, the once-profitable system started incurring losses, and private bus operators, rumored to have sabotaged the service, gained ground. The Nepal Trolley Bus Service, a branch of the Nepal Transportation Corporation (NTC), struggled under bureaucratic overstaffing and cronyism. Operations were suspended in 2001, briefly revived in 2003 on a truncated 5-km route from Tripureswor to Koteshwor, and permanently shuttered in November 2008. Today, the rusting hulks of the trolley buses at the Baneswor terminal stand as a poignant reminder of a lost opportunity.

Kathmandu’s modern mobility crisis

Fast-forward to 2025, and the Kathmandu Valley is choking under the weight of its own growth. With a population of nearly 4m and 1.75m registered vehicles, the valley faces unprecedented traffic congestion, air pollution, and an unreliable public transport system. Motorbikes dominate, making up 79 percent of the vehicle fleet, while microbuses and minibuses—low-occupancy, poorly maintained, and often overcrowded—constitute 94 percent of public transport vehicles. These diesel-powered vehicles emit significant particulate matter, contributing to Kathmandu’s ranking as one of the world’s most polluted cities. An estimated 9,943 Nepalis die prematurely each year due to outdoor air pollution, with the valley bearing a disproportionate burden.

The Ring Road, an eight-lane artery encircling Kathmandu and Patan, was designed to alleviate central congestion but is now overwhelmed by traffic. Microbuses, notorious for erratic driving and frequent stops, exacerbate delays and pollution. Despite road expansions, the lack of an efficient mass transit system has driven reliance on private vehicles, with motorbike and car ownership soaring. Public transport serves only 28 percent of the valley’s population, and commuters face long waits, cramped conditions, and unreliable schedules. The economic toll is staggering, with congestion causing losses in productivity, increased fuel imports, and public health costs.

The case for revival

Reviving the trolley bus system offers a sustainable, cost-effective solution to Kathmandu’s mobility and environmental woes. Trolley buses, powered by overhead electric wires, have distinct advantages over battery-operated electric buses, which dominate current discussions on green transport. They require no expensive batteries, reducing upfront costs and eliminating the need for frequent battery replacements or imports. Their continuous power supply ensures uninterrupted operation, unlike battery buses that need recharging. Nepal’s surplus hydroelectric capacity, especially during the monsoon season, could power a revived trolley bus network, reducing reliance on imported fossil fuels and improving the balance of trade.

Two potential routes stand out for revival: the original 13-km Tripureswor-Suryabinayak corridor and a new 27-km loop along the Ring Road. The Tripureswor-Suryabinayak route, serving densely populated areas like Bhaktapur and Thimi, could recapture its former glory as a high-demand commuter lifeline. A Ring Road trolley bus system would connect key nodes across Kathmandu, Lalitpur, and Bhaktapur, offering an alternative to microbuses and private vehicles. Both routes could integrate with smaller electric vans or Safa Tempos for last-mile connectivity, creating a cohesive public transport network.

A 2006 revival attempt by the Kathmandu Electric Vehicle Alliance projected annual profits of one crore Nepali Rupees within a year, demonstrating economic viability. Modern trolley buses, equipped with e-ticketing, GPS tracking, and improved comfort, could attract riders accustomed to private vehicles. Studies show 73 percent of Kathmandu commuters support a shift to public transport, particularly if it’s reliable and eco-friendly. Prioritizing punctuality, comfort, and real-time information—key passenger demands—could ensure high ridership.

Challenges and solutions

Reviving the trolley bus system is not without hurdles. The 2006 effort failed due to deteriorating infrastructure and lack of maintenance, underscoring the need for robust management. Political will is critical, as past failures were tied to bureaucracy and cronyism. The valley’s 18 municipalities must collaborate, potentially through a dedicated transport authority, to coordinate routes, subsidies, and infrastructure. Subsidies will be essential, as public transport often operates at a loss to ensure accessibility, but the economic and environmental benefits justify the investment.

Infrastructure costs, including overhead wires and substations, pose another challenge. However, trolley buses are cheaper to deploy in smaller cities like Kathmandu compared to sprawling metropolises. Partnerships with international donors, such as the Asian Development Bank, which funded low-emission buses in 2018, could offset costs. Public-private partnerships, as seen in the ADB’s Kathmandu Sustainable Urban Transport Project, could ensure sustainability. Learning from past mistakes, rigorous maintenance schedules and anti-corruption measures are non-negotiable.

Competition from microbuses, backed by powerful private operators, could resist the trolley bus revival. A phased approach, starting with a pilot route, could build public support and demonstrate viability. Regulatory reforms, such as prioritizing trolley buses in dedicated lanes or banning diesel microbuses on key routes, could level the playing field.

A vision for the future

The trolley bus system’s revival could transform Kathmandu into a model of sustainable urban mobility. By reducing reliance on microbuses, it would cut particulate emissions, easing the valley’s air pollution crisis. Dedicated trolley bus lanes could streamline traffic flow, reducing congestion on the Ring Road and Tripureswor-Suryabinayak corridor. Economically, lower fuel imports and increased productivity would bolster Nepal’s economy. Socially, an accessible, dignified public transport system would improve quality of life, particularly for low-income commuters.

Kathmandu’s trolley buses once represented a bold leap into the future. Today, they offer a chance to reclaim that vision, blending nostalgia with necessity. With Nepal’s hydroelectric potential, public demand for green transport, and lessons from past failures, the time is ripe for revival. The rusting relics at Baneswor need not be the end of the story—they could be the prologue to a cleaner, less congested Kathmandu Valley.

The United States has completed a review of foreign aid for the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) portfolio as part of alignment with the Trump administration’s ‘America First’ foreign policy. The new strategy, MCC explained in a press statement, will make the US ‘safer, stronger and more prosperous’. Further details are to follow after the MCC Board decision-making process and other consultations with the US Congress and partner countries.

The $500m MCC Compact is being implemented in collaboration with the government. The government has agreed to add another $197m, making the project’s total cost stand at $747m. The compact will develop Nepal’s transmission network for electricity and highways, promoting national prosperity and regional energy integration.

Earlier, Millennium Challenge Account Nepal (MCA-Nepal) appreciated the US government’s decision to allow continuation of the project under a special exception with the ongoing suspension of larger foreign aid programs.

On Jan 20, US President Donald Trump issued an executive order directing a review of all US foreign aid in accordance with the ‘America First’ policy. This led to a halt in the disbursement of aid from organizations like USAID and MCC for 90 days. Although MCC was exempted at first, its funding was eventually included in the suspension.

However, in March, MCC granted permission for Nepal to continue with essential procurement and office operations. Since then, project implementation has resumed. The MCC Board has already approved an additional $50m in Jan 2025 to address cost overruns in the transmission line component, although both the Nepal cabinet and US Congress are yet to confirm the release of these funds.

Contracts for three substations of Tanahun (Damauli), Nuwakot (Ratmate) and Nawalparasi, as well as for an 18-kilometer transmission line between the New Butwal substation and the Indian border, have been issued. Physical work has already begun in most places.

MCA-Nepal has also tendered for the remaining 297 km of transmission lines and bid evaluations are in the final phase. An earlier tender for 315 km had to be cancelled after bids received were over 60 percent higher than estimated costs.

Implementation of the five-year compact began on 30 Aug 2023. Any unspent money at the close date will be returned to the US government. To date, during fiscal years 2023 and 2024, $471.3m in obligations have been incurred under the MCC Nepal Compact, states ForeignAssistance.gov.

Signed in Sept 2017, the MCC-Nepal Compact took years of politicking, parliamentary ratification finally happening on 27 Feb 2022. At last, after a six-year break since the signing of the agreement, the project was launched officially in Aug 2023.

Though Nepal has already increased its share from the originally agreed $130m to $197m, the additional $50m MCC aid remains uncertain. Whether or not the Trump administration will approve the additional funds and whether or not Nepal’s cabinet will endorse it remains unknown.

Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) is a US government agency established by the Congress in 2004 as an independent entity to reduce global poverty through granting time-limited programs of economic growth, poverty reduction and institution building. While the agency’s top priority is development in partner countries, its mission is also designed to promote American interests abroad.

Nepal was eligible for MCC assistance in 2014 and obtained the $500m grant following persistent dialogue. The compact is one of the biggest bundles of US assistance to Nepal ever and is being implemented under MCA-Nepal, an office established under Development Board Act, 2013.