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Many questions swirl around the new Sher Bahadur Deuba government, particularly after Deuba’s better-than-expected performance in the parliament, where he got the support of 165 lawmakers. He has a tough task balancing national and international actors even as he leads what is essentially an electoral government. ApEx’s Pratik Ghimire talked to veteran political analyst Vijay Kant Karna for some insights.

In your opinion, how long will Deuba’s coalition partners continue to support him?

The majority of MPs who stood against the House dissolution and announcement of midterm elections are now backing the government. So their hands are morally and politically tied to continue supporting it until the end of its term in late 2022. I don’t think we need elections right now because our constitution provides that our parliament will complete its full term. So, the Deuba government will and must continue until its natural expiry date.

How did the Thakur faction of the Janata Samajbadi Party come around to supporting Deuba’s premiership ?

The Thakur faction follows the majority. It would not have supported any government, whether led by Oli or Deuba, had other parties refrained from doing so. Its MP Resham Chaudhary is still in jail, the Supreme Court has scrapped the citizenship ordinance, and the issues of Madhes haven’t been addressed. The faction was compelled to vote for the government to stand a chance of getting their demands met. Deuba too asked Thakur for a favor.

How would you remember PM Oli’s over three-year tenure?

There are few bases to evaluate the government—political and constitutional—and election manifesto. The Oli government was a failure on all counts. He tried to weaken the essence of the republic: democracy, federalism, inclusion, proportionality, and secularism. The around 80 bills he introduced created mistrust between the central and provincial governments. This includes bills related to the Public Service Commission, bureaucracy adjustment, and more. The national intelligence department, which comes under the Home Ministry, was placed under his office. The Revenue Investigation and Money Laundering Department, which was to be governed by the Ministry of Finance, was also dragged under his office.

Moreover, Oli converted constitutional bodies and diplomatic posts into his party’s recruitment centers where he appointed his henchmen. The media and guthi bills, restrictions on protests in open places, and phone-tapping are also examples of his authoritarian tendencies.

What difference can we expect now that Deuba is at the helm?

I don’t have many expectations from the current government. But Deuba could take a few things back on track. I guess he won’t do things that will hamper the constitutional base of Nepal and further. He could also withdraw controversial bills.

Oli murdered our diplomatic relations and foreign policies with India, China, the US, the UK, and other European nations. None of the countries replied to the diplomatic note asking for vaccines. A few years back, in South Asia, we used to be the favorite of foreign powers. But today, Bhutan and Bangladesh are receiving vaccines as grants, but we aren’t. I hope the Deuba Cabinet will look into these things.

Unlike Oli, Deuba won’t run his office on individual whims. He has experience running a coalition government. Gandaki province has a Congress government, Province no. 2 has Congress alliance, and Lumbini could see a new Cabinet, so I think he will link well with provinces. For now, we should not expect more from him.

How do you expect the Deuba-India relationship to progress?

Nepali Congress and India have historical relations. And now too, I think these two friends will have normal diplomatic ties—but I can’t say it will reach new heights. Deuba shouldn’t take an ultra-nationalist stand and unnecessarily ditch the southern neighbor. India, in recent days, has established itself as one of the world’s most powerful nations, and it has fostered cordial relations with Western countries. The current government could use India’s diplomacy for national benefit.

The Non-Resident Nepali Association (NRNA) was established 18 years ago with the motto ‘For Nepali, By Nepali’. Right now, it has national coordination councils in 82 countries. Nepalis living outside the Saarc region or people of Nepali origin with foreign nationality are considered NRNs, according to the Non-Resident Nepali Act 2064.

Although the association was established to promote the use of knowledge and resources of NRNs for their home country’s benefit, critics argue that politics now dominates the organization. Its council meetings are often marked by fisticuffs and acrimonious exchanges, and NRNA leaders are often accused of using their resources to buy support to get to the top.

Pratik Ghimire of ApEx spoke to DB Chhetri, NRNA spokesperson, about the association’s plans and image.

What is the association’s focus right now?

Since last year, all our focus has been on Covid-19 pandemic. We are keen to help the Nepali diaspora with a suitable relief package by coordinating with respective national coordination councils. Also, we made some investments and carried out organizational restructuring. We have received complaints that the association has failed to transform its leadership. So, each coordination council is organizing its convention by October, following a proper restructured framework, legislations, methods, and laws. Besides, we have been putting pressure on the Nepal government and working with it to rescue Nepalis stranded abroad.

Is it mandatory for association members to fight during its gatherings?

As we know, Nepalis have a habit of celebrating election victories as festivals and wherever they go, they are driven with the same mentality. Because of this unnecessary hype surrounding the elections, unfortunately, we have to deal with various disrespectful acts. We will prepare directives to avoid these things in the coming days.

This story also has another side. We have grown into a massive organization and now, almost all political parties want to establish their dominance over the NRNA. But these are problems related to some individuals rather than organizational drawbacks.

Why don’t you bar miscreants from your organization?

Like I said, most of these disputes are the result of a handful of individual reasons. As an organization, we are not facing an ideological or organizational crisis. Yes, so we are working to forbid politically motivated people from joining our organization. Further, the association is determined to conduct its elections online, backed by strong laws, so that there are fewer instances of disputes. The NRNA wants to be the voice of over five million Nepalis living abroad. We are against those who use their money rather than their vision to claim leadership.

Can we imagine an NRNA that is completely free of political influence?

Politics is what helps make society aware of contemporary issues. We can’t avoid politically literate people, but NRNA never welcomes politically affiliated masses. When the mainstream political parties stop treating us like their sister organizations, only then can we implement our policies legitimately. We partner with the Nepal government in every task and they should also take necessary steps not to let the association come into dispute.

Politicians and bureaucrats should not treat us as rich investors. We are just stakeholders of Nepalis living abroad. The NRNA produces social activists, not politicians.

Candidates contesting NRNA elections are spending a lot of money and are reportedly even resorting to immoral acts to secure victories.

We are unaware of these kinds of conduct. If we find someone involved in such activities, we will immediately punish the related person. What I want to say to our members is, report illegal activities. If you don’t, you are defaming our glorified organization just for your benefit. No one has to spend money or resort to immoral means to win NRNA elections. All it takes is a proper agenda.

The media has also played some role in defaming the association. I request the fourth state to refrain from biased coverage.

The All Nepal National Independent Students’ Union (Revolutionary), the CPN (Maoist Center) student wing, along with the student outfits of four other opposition parties, have allied to protest against Prime Minister KP Oli’s ‘unconstitutional’ House dissolution.

But their protests haven’t been effective. Moreover, critics argue, the unions lack the autonomy to do anything on their own without their mother party’s directive.

Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to ANNISU(R) chairman Ranjit Tamang about the relevance of student politics in Nepal.

How do you respond to those who say today’s student politics in Nepal is purposeless?

In my view, in light of the current constitutional crisis, student wings are the only forces capable of challenging government wrongdoings. The parliament’s absence has added to our responsibilities. As students are at the forefront of anti-government protests against corruption, inflation, and unconstitutional moves, the government of the day fears us. So, I can assure you that we are still very much relevant.

We have never seen a student union take decisions independently of their mother party. Why so?

There was a time when political parties could not protest against the autocratic government, and their student wings were the ones to take the lead. Today also, we are always the first to speak against the government, whosoever is running it. We speak up on every social, internal, and geopolitical matter. Often, we have taken up more progressive and revolutionary issues than have our mother political party. But as we are affiliated to our mother party, it is only natural we take their ideological lead. This is how things work around the world.

Why aren’t student unions keen on broader educational rights and reforms?

We have always pressured the concerned bodies to provide free education at every level. We have also regularly requested universities to stop doling out affiliation to private colleges. When appointments were being made for office bearers of universities, ANNISU (R) had demanded that the process be based on open competition. Further, to bring drastic changes to our academic system, we appeal to the government to prepare an Education Act based on the recent report by a group of scholars in this field.

Perhaps because of its association with the erstwhile Young Communist League, ANNISU (R)’s image has been rather poor in the public eye. What are you doing to improve your image?

Our major focus has been on the health and education sectors. We demand free health and education for all. The government should allocate enough budget in these areas, and implement its plan to provide loans to students by keeping their degree certificates as collateral. Also, we want an end to the privatization of education institutions and pitch for open competition in the selection of their office-bearers. We want to make ANNISU (R) a representative voice of all students.

Any plans for organization restructuring?

Following our firm commitment to democratic process, we have decided to conduct ANNISU(R)’s 22nd national convention from September 24-26. Also, through ApEx, I want to announce that, following this national convention, I plan to start my journey in national politics. I will be handing over ANNISU (R) to a more knowledgeable, capable, and organized leadership.

The Nepali Congress rank and file have been talking about the party’s 14th general convention for a long time. The party postponed the event time and again for various reasons, including the corona scourge. This time, however, the NC looks determined to hold the gathering of its biggest decision-making body from September 1-4, even amid the pandemic.

Party leaders are divided on almost every issue, especially after PM KP Oli’s second House dissolution. This is why the general convention has become a necessity to settle the issues of party leadership, ideology and organization.

ApEx’s Pratik Ghimire talked to party spokesperson Bishwa Prakash Sharma.

Where do new generation leaders find themselves ahead of the general convention?

More new generation leaders are getting elected as representatives in successive general conventions. This time, as we have doubled the number of representatives attending the convention, we will see more youths take up decision-making positions. In addition, the proportion of youths is also significantly higher in the overall active membership of the party.

Going into the 14th general convention, what is the guiding ideology of Nepali Congress?

We believe the vision Nepali Congress carries has a huge impact on overall Nepali politics. Congress follows the path of D&D: Democracy and Development. This time too, the new leadership will remain committed to democracy, federalism, inclusive participation, and liberal economy with gradual development of every sector. We will create a suitable environment for coordination between the state and the corporate and private sectors.

How will you tackle the issue of Hindu state that seems to have at least some backing inside Nepali Congress?

Our constitution is a result of hard work and dedication of many people. Yet certain provisions in it might not be to everyone’s taste. The constitutional provisions can be worked upon to reflect public will. But, right now, we have not even completed a decade under the new constitution. So instead of trying to make substantive changes to it, we should rather think of its implementation. Nepali Congress is thus committed to implementing the constitution in its letter and spirit. 

There seem to be many contenders for party leadership. How will you settle it?

I have also heard people say Nepali Congress doesn’t have a consensus candidate for party president. But we are in a democracy and the beauty of democracy is that there is competition. More the number of contenders for the post, the better it will be for democracy. We will pick the best candidate to run the party.

How do you evaluate the judiciary’s current involvement in national politics?

Let me explain with an example. If a person is healthy, he won’t visit the doctor often. But if they fall sick regularly, they have to visit the doctor time and again. We can’t say the doctor is interfering with their health. Similarly, if our politics doesn’t follow the legal path, the Supreme Court will ask the government to correct its course. It is a part of the principle of check and balance.

Also, we can imagine the situation had the elections been held in May, as had been originally planned. We could have seen over 1,000 Covid-19-related deaths a day during election campaigns and, of course, the election would have had to be canceled, forcing the country into more political turmoil.