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On a foggy December morn­ing, mix crews of Chinese and Nepali nationals are working on the foundation of what will be the terminal building of the new regional international airport in Pokhara. “Foundation­al level work of taxiway, apron and the hangar have almost been completed,” says June Zhu, site manager of the construction com­pany, China CAMC Engineering, a state-owned enterprise. “I am happy to report 20 percent work is complete.”

Over three hundred Nepali and Chinese crew are working 12-hour shifts

Being built with the state-of-the-art technology, once com­plete, this airport would include features such as modern board­ing bridges instead of shuttle buses that the TIA currently uses to transfer passengers from boarding area to the airplane. It will also feature Instrument Landing System (ILS), including a localizer, to assist in safe landing of the incoming airplanes even during bad weather. The Tribhu­van International Airport is yet to have ILS localizer and some experts have wondered if the March 12 US-Bangla plane crash that killed 52 passengers could have been avoided if the system had been in place.

An eight-storey air traffic con­trol tower is being constructed with wide area multilateration (WAM) technology. In a mountain­ous terrain like ours, WAM has more advantage where the line of sight can be blocked by natural barriers. Given that Pokhara sees heavy rainfall, the runway will have concrete pavement, instead of asphalt. Concrete pavements are durable and have lower main­tenance costs over time, accord­ing to engineers.

The project is being financed through a soft loan from China EXIM bank. Of the $215.96 million loan, 25 percent will be interest-free.

Over three hundred Nepali and Chinese crew are working 12-hour shifts. “We will increase the work­force, if we need to,” says Zhu, the site manager. “We would like to hand it over to the government before the June 2021 deadline.”

Both the federal and provincial governments as well as the private sector are pinning their hope on timely completion of this nation­al pride project. In fact Gandaki Province’s whole growth strategy appears dependent on bringing two million tourists by 2022—and about half of them are expected to come through this airport. Once complete, this regional interna­tional airport will handle one mil­lion tourists annually.

A hotel construction spree is underway in Pokhara and sur­rounding areas, leading to a glut in rooms. Hoteliers report average annual occupancy of 45 percent.

The provincial government has begun lobbying other provinces for their consent to declare Pokha­ra as tourism capital of Nepal.

While agriculture and hydro­power are other pillars of the economy, they seem dependent on increased arrivals and tour­ist consumption. The provincial government is bringing a policy to incentivize use of local agri­cultural produces in hospitality sector so that tourism dollars are spread to other areas of the econ­omy. They are also encouraging resort and hotel owners to start their own farms with an aim of doubling agricultural output.

It is true that the provincial gov­ernment does not have adequate policy and institutional mecha­nisms to effectively translate these ideas into action (only 30 percent of the available 2,000 public ser­vice vacancies have been filled). But it is only a matter of time before they do.

Given the natural endowments, human capital and provincial leadership, Gandaki is poised to be the model among seven provinces. Tourism earnings will play a key role in all these; and the state-of-the-art airport infra­structure sits at the center of that growth strategy.

Globally, the number of report­ed weather-related natural disasters has more than tri­pled since the 1960s. The Center for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED) reported that almost 90 percent of deaths in 2017 were due to climatological, hydro­logical or meteorological disasters. We think of unpredictable weath­ers and disasters as an external source of destruction or in a more relevant context, a curse or a result of our bad karma. We do not think of the role we have in intensify­ing these catastrophic outcomes. Issues of clean and affordable food, potable water, roads without potholes or even a clean air to breathe linger over us daily. Besides the frequent political drama, an attributable source of the problem is climate change.

The temperature of the Earth is rising. The current temperatures are 0.85 degree Celsius higher than in the late 19th century, with each of the past three decades being warmer than any preceding decade since records began in 1850. The world’s leading climate scientists think human activities are almost certainly the main cause of the warming observed since the middle of the 20th century. This has been termed as “global warming”. Sea levels are rising, glaciers are melt­ing and precipitation patterns are changing. Extreme weather events are becoming more intense and frequent, with the world witnessing rapid climate changes.

Climate change has affected the social and environmental deter­minants of health—clean air, safe drinking water, sufficient food and secure shelter, and devel­oping countries like Nepal are ill equipped to deal with these issues. Residents of small islands and other coastal regions, megacities, and mountainous and polar regions are particularly vulnerable. Nepal’s central location in the Himalayas puts us in a highly threatened zone. The rapidly retreating glaciers (average retreat of more than 30 m/year), rise in temperature, erratic rainfalls and increase in frequency of extreme events such as floods, droughts and earthquakes are some of the effects Nepal has faced in the last few years.

On an individual level, buying those LED bulbs, reusing those shopping bags or refusing those straws will make a difference

Poorer countries lack health infrastructure and emergency pre­paredness to mitigate the growing threats of extreme weather and its consequences. Children are among the most vulnerable to the resulting health risks, and will be exposed longer to the health consequences. The health effects are expected to be more severe for elderly people and people with pre-existing med­ical conditions. Extreme high air temperatures are reported to con­tribute directly to deaths from car­diovascular and respiratory disease, particularly among elderly people. Pollen and other aeroallergen levels are also higher in extreme heat, trig­gering asthma, which affects around 300 million people worldwide.

Rising temperatures and other effects of climate change create breeding grounds for disease-car­rying insects. Mosquitoes, which spread malaria, dengue and Zika, are particularly sensitive to changes in temperature and humid­ity. Floods, again the result of cli­mate change, contaminate fresh­water supplies, heighten the risk of water-borne diseases and deplete the quality of drinking water. Recent disasters, ranging from the heat waves in India, wild fires in Califor­nia, floods in South Asia, the East African drought, Hurricane Harvey to the mega earthquake that hit Nepal in 2015, are begging for cli­mate action globally.

Nepal signed the Paris Agreement under the UN Framework Conven­tion on Climate Change, and recent­ly, announced the years 2018-2028 as the “Energy Decade”, emphasiz­ing the development and expansion of renewable energy nationwide. As a least developed country highly vulnerable to climate change, Nepal has focused its climate action on adaptation. Nepal’s Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) includes plans to increase renew­able energy production, moving to a low-carbon development path­way. As of 2010, Nepal’s own emis­sions make up less than 0.1 percent of global emissions, which is well below the targeted cap by 2030. Nevertheless, it is on the rise.

As Al Gore says, “Will our children ask, why didn’t you act? Or will they ask, how did you find the moral courage to rise up and change?” Changes in our everyday life can make an impact. On an individual level, buying those LED bulbs, reus­ing those shopping bags or refusing those straws will make a difference. The individual impact may be small but when we add everyone and zoom out, the picture will definitely start to look very different.

Jemish Acharya is a dentist who is currently pursuing a PhD in Global Health inMahidol University, Bangkok

 In September 1986 Deng Xiaop­ing proudly told Mike Wallace, an American journalist, “We permit some people and some regions to become prosperous first. Our policy will not lead to… a situation where the rich get richer while the poor get poorer.” But a young singer had a different view altogether. Four months before the interview, Cui Jian had played the song “Nothing to my name” in a TV song competition and immediately became the talk of the whole country. The song has been analyzed from various angles by various scholars, but most agree that it symbolized the yearnings and frustrations of the youth in the immediate aftermath of the 1978 reforms. China in the 1980s was going through monumental changes. Some wanted more freedom and western-style democracy. Some were confused with ris­ing inflation. Some were angry with the state doing away with the lifelong employment/benefits (‘iron rice bowl’), and with ram­pant corruption. The top ech­elons of the party had political reformers and hardliners engage in ideological and power strug­gles. Young students nationwide were debating the future of Chi­na. The Triangle (sanjiaodi) at Peking University became the hub of student activism where student leaders, influenced by dissident intellectuals, delivered passion­ate speeches and put up posters demanding political freedom and end to corruption.

There’s absolutely no reason to believe that the new Chinese model will be replaced by something imported anytime soon

Student activism led to protests in January 1987 but they achieved nothing. Instead these protests strengthened the hardliners in the party. The reform-minded Hu Yaobang was forced to step down. In 1989, Hu died and the students thought it was the right time to push for political reforms. They were joined by the workers who had lost their jobs or those who feared losing their jobs due to privatization, and others who felt that the reforms had done nothing to change their lives.

Much has been written about the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen crack­down. There’s no denying that the state was wrong to use force and live ammunition to empty the square. But the students weren’t in the right either. Their ‘here and now’ attitude yet again weakened the liberals and strengthened the hardliners in the party.

The students were confused and didn’t know what they actu­ally wanted. There were faction­al rivalries in the square. Each student leader wanted to come out as the bravest and most rev­olutionary, and these students share the responsibility for what happened there and elsewhere in China then.

With the protests over, the state started addressing some of the grievances. Leaders were told to keep an eye on their off-springs’ business activities and Deng Xia­oping ordered ending the privi­leges accorded to his son’s China Kanghua corporation that was accused of engaging in illegal practices. The pace of economic reform was slowed to address the employment and economic con­cerns of the people and to cleanse the system of ‘evils’.

The state understood that it needed an ideological replace­ment for socialism. But first it had to strengthen the Communist Par­ty rule. Thus a multifaceted cam­paign was launched to remind the Chinese of the national humil­iation and the party’s fight for national liberation and pride.

Economic development con­tinued in a more systematic way, which led to employment opportunities, and people felt less dependent on the state. People now literally tended to their own business. Confusion and helpless­ness were replaced by a sense of direction and determination.

The majority came to accept that economic reform and strong leadership were necessary to become rich and strong and the state was doing all it could to reassert China’s rightful place in the world, along with the view that the western countries were using democracy to destabilize China and stall its growth. The fate of post-1990 democracies made the majority disillusioned with the western model. More­over, the West’s criticism of China on human rights and lectures on democracy irked many Chinese.

With people getting richer and taking pride in their system and heritage, the state found Confu­cianism more suited to govern China. And it was accepted by the public as well. It is a homegrown ideology that focuses on meritoc­racy, rule of law and social justice. The old sage who for the most of the 20th century was criticized for China’s problems of 2,000 years was suddenly wanted again. He is now China’s answer to democra­cy and his ideas have given more to China than the chaos democra­cy has unleashed in many parts of the world.

Hence there are no more large-scale protests for political reforms. The people and the state are now in harmony, with each following its own way (dao). The Chinese model borne out of shame, pride and quest for power has brought the people and state together. And there’s no reason to believe that this model will be replaced by anything imported anytime soon.

Heaven and a billion-plus peo­ple can’t be wrong.

(This is the concluding article of a three-part series on the motivators behind China’s current growth trajectory)

Stories by Trailokya Raj Aryal

China avenging national shame

Over to Deng

In the past one month the Nepali state has hosted two religious events. One, the Kathmandu summit of a South Korean Christian organization; and two, the com­memorative marriage ceremony of Lord Ram and Goddess Sita in Janakpur, held under the aegis of the Province 2 government, and with the participation of Yogi Adi­tyanath. These events had ‘religious’ significance alright, but they were also harbingers of ‘religious politics’. Constitutionally, the Nepali state should not be linked to any particu­lar religion. Thus the government’s active involvement in religious activ­ities is rather sad. First, let us discuss the summit organized by Moon family’s Univer­sal Peace Federation. The goal of this organization is to bring under its influence the political leaders of various countries who are either marginalized or have time to spare. By catering to their needs, it seeks to maintain a strong influence over the political class so that it gets to freely proselytize. In a farcical devel­opment, during the summit, one of the two senior leaders of the rul­ing party acted in the capacity of the organization’s guardian while another went to receive a religious award from its founders.

If we refuse to learn from our mistake, the problem that has been dogging our southern neighbor for past 70 years may enter Nepal

This event also raised some diplo­matic questions. What message was Nepal sending to the outside world by inviting the likes of Aung San Suu Kyi (universally criticized for her inaction on Rohingya refugees) and Hun Sen (an elected autocrat)? What message was it giving to China by playing host to Pacific island states that recognize Taiwan? And what message was being convened by Nepal government that is seemingly in favor of religion-change to the Indian leadership wedded to Hin­dutwa?

Even from a religious standpoint, there is a room to question the mes­saging to the followers of diverse faiths in Nepal by being seen as sup­porting a particular religion? Inter­estingly, a big chunk of the Christian community in Nepal is miffed with the government for its support of a ‘Christian cult’.

Compared to its neighbors, Nepal has traditionally been liberal and tol­erant. Even though over 80 percent of its people are Hindu the country easily accepted a secular turn. Prin­cipally, this decision of the Constit­uent Assembly to separate state and religion was right. In this light, it is lethal for the state to be involved in self-contradictory religious activi­ties. The government’s proximity to an organization involved in religious conversions has created the ground for another kind of extremism.

Coincidentally, at this time, Yogi Adityanath was in Mithila to take part in a commemorative marriage ceremony between Ram and Sita. As well as the Chief Minister of an Indian state, he is also the head priest of Gorakhnath Maath, a Hindu temple in Gorakhpur. Above all, he wants to be known as Gorak­shak-pithadishwar, mainly because his politics is religion-based. Aditya­nath is considered not just a Hindu hardliner in the BJP, he is thought of as an out-and-out radical. To understand how radical his thoughts are you only need visit his website and evaluate his attitude towards minorities in his own state.

Earlier, the Janaki Temple used to be the main organizer of the mar­riage ceremony. This year, both Province 2 government as well as the federal government are involved. In preceding years, no political figure had headed the ‘marriage proces­sion’; it was celebrated as a purely cultural event. The arrival of Adi­tyanath this year thus gives both political and religious messages.

Adityanath is no stranger to Nepal. The Gorakhnath Maath he heads and the Shah dynasty of Nepal have old ties. Adityanath has even penned a book called Hindu Rastra Nepal: Atit aur Bartaman (‘Hindu state Nepal: Past and Present’), in which he lauds erstwhile Shah monarchs for their promotion of Hindutwa, and argues that Nepal should go back to being a Hindu state. Adityanath used to take part in programs in Kathmandu organized with the same intent. Nowadays, for­mer king Gyanendra himself goes to see Adityanath.

That Hindutwa activists are trying to turn back the political clock in Nepal is no longer a secret. The BJP has its own interests. Its leaders believe that if Nepal can be con­verted to a Hindu state again, the BJP will be politically validated and that it will send a positive message to the Indian electorate.

When the Nepali constitution was being drafted in 2015, there had been a kind of coercion to impose this BJP belief on Nepal. At that time two for­mer prime ministers of Nepal—Sher Bahadur Deuba and Pushpa Kamal Dahal—had even given New Delhi their ‘word’ that Nepal’s Hindu character would be restored. It was partly because Nepal reneged on this ‘promise’ that India imposed the crippling blockade, as former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai has recently revealed.

India wanted to use the Madhesi Uprising to justify the blockade and Madhesi leaders became its instru­ments. But when New Delhi decided to lift the blockade, it used its police­man to chase away the Madhesi protestors blocking the Indo-Nepal border in Birjung. This reality must never be forgotten. Because in pol­itics such experiments tend to be repeated.

Pastors or priests, Nepalis like to welcome guests, not extremists. If the government is seen as sup­porting these religious extremes, it is only a matter of time before there is an accident. That said, it does not seem to be the intent of either the provincial or the federal government to engage in religious politics by inviting Moon’s religious organization or by welcoming the Yogi. Current controversies may be the result of lack of knowledge or situation-specific reasons. If our state actors learn to stay true to the spirit of the constitution—that the state should be neutral on religious matters—these religious controver­sies will die down.

But if we refuse to learn from our mistake, the problem that has been dogging our southern neighbor for past 70 years may enter Nepal as well. If that happens, as former President Ram Baran Yadav cautioned in a recent public event, “We could invite a war in the name of religion”.