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Anjali Gupta

In June 2015, transport ministers of Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, and Nepal (BBIN) met in Thimphu, Bhutan to discuss the sub-regional Motor Vehicles Agreement (MVA). Except Bhutan, the remaining three countries have ratified the agreement. Bhutan is in the process of completing its internal process for ratification to address the concerns raised by domestic stakeholders. But Bhutan has also announced that it would not be able to ratify the BBIN-MVA for time being and asked the other stakeholders to go ahead with the deal without it. Bhutan fears vehicular pollution and environmental degradation if trucks from neighboring countries are given access through its territories. On the other hand, Nepal and Bangladesh are eagerly pushing for the agreement’s early implementation.

At the 18^th Summit of the South Asian Association for regional Cooperation (SAARC) in Kathmandu in 2014, the Heads of the State for the first time expressed a strong determination, “to deepen regional integration for peace, stability and prosperity in South Asia by intensifying cooperation, inter alia, in trade, investment, finance, energy, security, infrastructure, connectivity and culture; and implementing projects, programs and activities in a prioritized, result-oriented and time-bound manner”. However, due to the political issues among SAARC member countries, the agreement faced several difficulties and the idea was soon dropped.

However, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal and India understood the relevance of this motor vehicle agreement. Therefore, they soon started negotiations among themselves through several Joint Working Groups. India has approached Bangladesh and Nepal through diplomatic channels to develop modalities to operationalize the MVA among Bangladesh, India and Nepal. BBIN-MVA is considered crucial for the diversification of the trade economics of Nepal and Bangladesh.

Even World Bank projects a potential for trade in the South Asian region. With intra-regional trade at less than 5 percent of total trade, South Asia is the least integrated region in the world, compared to East Asia’s 35 percent and Europe’s 60 percent. If South Asia manages to reduce trade friction, it can raise the Bangladesh’s exports to India by 300 percent; and reduce prices and enhance access in land-locked regions like Nepal, Bhutan and also Northeast India. World Bank has been suggesting elimination of tariffs and reduction of non-tariff barriers, leveraging of private infrastructure investment, efficient connectivity and border crossings, and liberalization of logistics, shipping, air travel, etc.

After the agreement’s implementation, there will be better regulation of passenger, personal and cargo vehicular traffic between these four neighboring countries in South Asia. This hassle-free, faster transition of vehicles is going to further facilitate trade in this sub-region. MVA gets rid of the cumbersome process of trans-loading and allows the entry of vehicles all the way to inland container depots (ICDs), thus mitigating border congestion and reducing both time and trade cost. It is likely to generate economic dividend, especially for Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan. India, despite being the largest trading partners among the three countries, is going to benefit from the deal as well.

A total of 30 priority transport connectivity projects with an estimated total cost of over $8 billion were identified under the BBIN-MVA agreement. These priority projects were meant to rehabilitate and upgrade remaining sections of trade and transport corridors in the four countries. The corridors and associated routes were determined based on analysis of patterns of regional and international trade. This transformation of transport corridors into economic corridors could potentially increase intraregional trade within South Asia by almost 60 percent, and with the rest of the world by over 30 percent.

In order to realize this economic potential, BBIN-MVA was a step in the right direction. Even with one member less, BIN-MVA still has huge potential to generate economic dividends for the region. Despite the huge potential, there are several unanswered questions. One important aspect, due to which even Bhutan stepped out of the agreement, is environmental protection, which has not been clearly spelt out. Definitely, there is a need to look beyond the agenda of building roads and simple exchange of traffic rights. There should also be appropriate regulatory, financial and digital connectivity among individuals, businesses and governments if these countries are to unlock the true potential of their economic integration.

The author is Research Intern in Foreign Affairs and Diplomacy at the Asian Institute of Diplomacy and International Affairs (AIDIA)

The Chinese government is understandably touchy about any criticism of its handling of the novel coronavirus outbreak. No less than the longevity of President Xi Jinping’s tenure as Chinese president is on the line. When the contagion started spreading like Black Dragon Fire at the start of January, the consensus was that much would depend on the speed with which the Chinese leadership could contain it. Having botched his first response to the Wuhan outbreak, Xi could ill afford to let the contagion get out of hand. Thankfully for him, the rate of new infections in China is drastically down and the country is already trying to ease corona-related restrictions.

By showing that he can mount a fightback against corona, Xi is regaining the trust of his citizens. It is unclear if the slowdown in the rate of new infections is a temporary lull or a more permanent phenomenon. Yet it is safe to assume that Chinese leaders will have their hands full dealing with the fallout from the novel coronavirus pandemic for some time yet. They could have time for little else, including the kind of proactive diplomacy Xi has undertaken since the 2013 unveiling of his signature Belt and Road Initiative.

The Kathmandu Post fiasco illustrated the sort of damage-control job Chinese diplomats and foreign missions will be engaged in for the foreseeable future. The focus of Chinese foreign policy in this time will be to establish that Xi handled the corona crisis as well as (if not better than) anyone else could have. This narrative is important to assure Xi’s countrymen that he is still firmly in charge and capable of dealing with any crisis. ‘Uncle Xi’ will never fail them.

Only when he reestablishes his control over the popular narrative and firmly tamps down on any criticism from within the communist party over his handling of the coronavirus outbreak—only then will his focus again shift abroad, to that dream of making China the focal point of a new world order. This could have important ramifications for smaller countries in the region like Nepal. The Chinese leadership distracted, and the ‘botched Wuhan response’ narrative still finding takers, the westerners will try to play up the dangers of allying with an ‘authoritarian’ state like China that evidently doesn’t even care about its own people.

But the communist government in Nepal will continue to be loyal to Beijing, a position that won’t be unpopular with the people. They have not forgotten the pain of the 2015-16 Indian blockade, or China’s indispensability as that important counterweight to India. Moreover, the position of a powerful NCP faction that the American MCC compact has sinister anti-China agenda has found plenty of takers; ask any taxi-driver in Kathmandu. Perhaps there could come a time when China is mistrusted in Nepal. Right now, more common is the view that the western world is trying to demonize China when it is going through one of the toughest times in its recent history.

A Japanese emperor once asked a Zen master: “What’s the difference after you got enlightened?”

The master said: “Not much. I used to chop wood in the jungle and fetch water from the well. I do the same now. I chop wood and fetch water.”

The emperor was baffled, so the master explained: “Earlier, I did it with my deluded mind. My mind was not there when I chopped wood and fetched water. Now I can do just that. My mind is there. I can see it and enjoy it.” The emperor got the answer.

The master’s everyday life didn’t change. Only the way he lived changed. His mechanical, absent-minded way changed. A thousand thoughts hit his mind when he chopped wood and fetched water. Maybe he got angry at having to do something so menial while his friends were having a good time out there. Often his mind was everywhere but the wood and water. When he was enlightened, a total awareness opened to him. The mind got calm and settled. Now he could really be with what he was doing—chopping wood and fetching water. It was no longer a boring daily chore, but an enjoyable act of witnessing. 

That simple knowing—that awareness—about how his mind worked when he did an everyday job made all the difference. Being in that knowing—in the awareness—purified his mind of things that tainted it. That’s the mind the master carried after enlightenment.

Things do not change for an enlightened person. Only how they see changes. They go about doing the same thing, but they can see them in their untainted purity, in their perfect ‘fullness’. They are totally with the things they do, both physically and mentally. They just have cut off the mind’s ‘attachment’ to or against it. They can still play football or listen to 1974 AD. They can still disco-dance, have a girlfriend or boyfriend, or drink a few glasses of beer. (It’s a different matter that they don’t indulge in 
such things.)

Often we tend to think that enlightened people are outlandish. Not exactly. They don’t go into caves and cut themselves off from people. To the contrary, they come out of caves and mingle with people. They share true love. They know the mind and the world, inside-out, in their purity. Living goes on as usual. It only gets purer.

Almost a year ago I wrote about the Nepal Padayatra 2019, the brainchild of Homraj Acharya to help bring social justice to the millions who suffer from caste discrimination in Nepal. In March last year I met Acharya along with fellow walkers Ashok Darnal and Reeta Pariyar in Kholpur on Day 11 of their 54-day journey. This week, I caught up with Acharya again.

In a brief recap, Acharya explains, “In my earlier work, I came across a lot of caste discrimination in labor-intensive work places. I wanted to find out if this was still the case at the household and community levels: What were the drivers behind continued, although legally outlawed, discrimination and what were the blocks to ending this discrimination? Hence Nepal Padayatra.” And what are some of these drivers and blocks? Overall, the Padayatra team saw that while on the surface equality tends to be practiced, caste discrimination still exists. They witnessed many excuses for this continued practice. Acharya gave the example of grandparents passing down their prejudices to grandchildren, and of social pressure from neighbors and other family members; which perpetuates the system.

As caste discrimination is a touchy and potentially volatile topic, I asked whether there were any incidents on the road. I was told there were threats in some areas and they were aware that if they fell sick naysayers would use this as an excuse to say ‘look what happens when you go against tradition’. Thankfully there were no serious problems and no one got sick.

I wanted to know about the positives of the journey. According to Acharya, meeting and connecting at a personal level with different communities—being welcomed and offered food and accommodation—was the highlight of the actual journey. “Wherever we went, people would come out to listen to us or walk alongside us. We had no real expectation as to how many people would turn up. But by the end of trip the vibration rippled out and over 5,000 people came to meet with us at Baglung,” says Acharya.

Last year Acharya told me the walk was organized entirely without NGO or other funding. To accept funds would be missing the point of the initiative. It turned out the generosity of communities and individuals was enough. Many of those who came to listen were open-hearted enough to give Rs 10 or Rs 20 to this self- and community-funded walk.

Any negatives? Blisters! The least pleasant part of the 54-day walk were the blisters (yes, I saw those blisters even on Day 11). And the permanent damage done to two of Acharya’s toes with all that walking. Sometimes 40 km a day.

What comes next? Acharya tells me he expects the momentum to be kept up. Having reached out to Bipin Sharma, chairman of the Suchana Chautari Sanchar Cooperative Society Ltd, Sharma will be working to galvanize the cooperative machinery in the country. “We need community-led change, whether it be through cooperatives, user groups, cottage industries, clubs, etc. Hopefully a conglomerate of them all,” says Acharya. To ensure this, over the next four years, a ‘compliance fellow’ will be selected, motivated and trained within every municipality. This fellow will then connect the community to the government through talks and discussions, to bring social justice at all levels.

And what of the walkers themselves? Acharya will be involved in working with the potential compliance fellows on social justice, climate change, and local entrepreneurship. Ashok Darnal continues to write about social justice through his journalism and Reeta Pariyar is continuing her social activism.

To see more of their story, you can find them on Facebook under Nepal Padayatra 2019.