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The present political scenario of Nepal is very much challenging and unpredictable. Nepali Congress (NC) was dethroned from the government in a very dramatic and unanticipated move as per the design of KP Sharma Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal. Naturally, NC is in a highly ferocious and revenge-taking mood and hence watching and waiting for the opportune moment to retaliate while CPN-UML chair Oli and the party is in a very happy and victorious mood. They think they have won a very difficult war. Madhav Kumar Nepal and his party, though a part of the government, are confused—they don’t know whether joining the government was a right decision. 

Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) is happy and satisfied after getting important berths and good representation in the government. Madhes-based parties are divided and they are fighting among themselves as enemies and not just as competitors. Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) seems deeply annoyed and indignant for her isolation in the whole making and breaking process. Some power centers are very much happy while some are extremely sad. People are eagerly waiting for good governance, service delivery, job and political stability.

The question now is how the situation moves ahead? RPP and some Hinduvadi (pro-Hindu) forces are talking about street protests and have announced some slogans and programs for this purpose after submitting a memorandum consisting of their demands to the prime minister. In my opinion, they will try their level best to cash in on the situation and destabilize the whole scenario to create an atmosphere for effecting changes in the Constitution. For this purpose, they are likely to continue with their efforts to garner the sympathy and support of all those forces who are against the present government and coalition. Some power centers may extend their support to those who are not happy with the present coalition.

Now the question is what will be the tactics and strategy of NC? Will the party extend any kind of sympathy or support directly or indirectly to the street protestors? As a true parliamentary democrat, will it instead play the role of a strong and constructive opposition inside and outside the parliament? Presently, the party is blocking the House session and demanding the resignation of the Home Minister accusing him of involvement in a Cooperative Scam. The House is tense and anything can happen.

Madhav Nepal’s party is also not in order and seems to have a high degree of dissatisfaction and grudges inside. Nobody can predict what will happen at that party. There are two distinct political trends in that party. One trend is for left unity and the other for left and democratic unity. Madhav Nepal is suffering from the policy of indecisiveness and confusion.

Hence the present coalition seems very fragile. Hostilities between the present coalition and the main opposition party, Nepali Congress, is increasing and there is a risk that competition between the two may transform into enmity. If such a political situation arises, it may injure and damage the democratic course. It may weaken or retard the constitutional process and ultimately encourage and strengthen the revivalist forces.

Confrontation or long indecisiveness will create political instability and hence chaos and uncertainty in the country. It is not good for a smooth political and economic development of the country. 

Nepal needs political stability and people need good governance, service delivery, jobs and social peace.

The present government should focus on people’s daily life and their needs as well as their aspiration of a corruption-free country and a job-creating economy. If the government cannot deliver and bring stability and win hearts and minds, it does not have political or moral rights to govern. And the duty of the opposition in parliamentary democracy is to raise the plight and hardships of the common people in the parliament, focus on national issues and stand for political stability and economic development of the country.

In my opinion, the present political and economic situation of the country is very challenging, which should be the agenda of all political forces despite their different political places. Some political forces are challenging and questioning the federal democratic republican and secular fabric of the Constitution. So, there should be some level of understanding among the pro-Constitution forces.

The national economy is in poor shape. Capital expenditure is not increasing, public revenue is not satisfactory, mass-migration of young people is ongoing, market is suffering from depression, business activities are slowing down, jobs are hard to find, industrial activities are declining, people’s purchasing power is decreasing, there is crisis in the farm sector and the economy is mainly dependent on remittances and loans. Such a scenario may cause a Sri Lanka-type crisis anytime. Hence for political stability, for the protection of the Constitution and for overcoming the economic crisis, major political forces of the country should reach a political understanding and consensus.

Views are personal

Established in 1985 with the aim of regional cooperation, integration and socio-economic development of its member countries and the region as a whole, South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), as of now, is a “zombie” organization that could only be technically said to be operational; its spirit, ambitions and zeal dead as no progress has been made in its mandate. Upon its foundation, SAARC’s main goals included enhancing the well-being of South Asians, advancing their quality of life, fostering economic growth, social progress, and cultural advancement, ensuring dignity and realizing full potential for all individuals, and furthering collective self-sufficiency. However, despite having great potential as an intergovernmental organization to uplift the entirety of the South Asian diaspora, SAARC’s performance in recent times is underwhelming at best and utterly disappointing at worst.

Failure of SAARC

SAARC currently finds itself in a state of inertia, lacking clear direction and meaningful mandates for the future. This stagnation can be attributed to a multitude of factors plaguing the organization. Foremost among these are the longstanding bilateral conflicts, notably the deep-rooted animosity between India and Pakistan, which overshadows SAARC's agenda and hinders consensus-building among member states. The Indo-Pak conflict deeply impacts SAARC, hindering its functionality by causing recurrent tensions that divert attention from its agenda, fostering insecurity and instability in South Asia. This cycle of suspicion undermines cooperative efforts within SAARC, exacerbated by India’s dominant position in the region, which complicates efforts to promote equality. 

The last SAARC Summit was scheduled to be held in Islamabad, Pakistan, in Nov 2016. However, it was indefinitely postponed due to escalating tensions between India and Pakistan. The URI surgical strike, which occurred on 29 Sept 2016, led to heightened military activity along the Line of Control (LoC) and exponentially increased the already dense diplomatic hostilities between the two countries. This ultimately led to the cancellation of the summit. The ongoing bilateral conflicts and diplomatic hostilities between India and Pakistan have since prevented the resumption of SAARC summits, underscoring the organization's challenges in fostering regional cooperation amidst deep-seated geopolitical rivalries.

Further adding to this issue is a pervasive lack of trust among member nations, stemming from historical grievances and competing geopolitical interests. Political instability and governance challenges within member states further detract from regional cooperation efforts, while economic disparities limit the scope for mutually beneficial initiatives. SAARC’s institutional capacity is also hampered by weak administrative structures and bureaucratic inefficiencies, exacerbating its inability to deliver tangible outcomes. External interference from global powers and regional actors seeking to advance their own interests further complicates SAARC’s ability to pursue an independent and coherent agenda. Collectively, these challenges render SAARC a ‘zombie organization’, struggling to navigate a complex landscape fraught with obstacles to meaningful regional cooperation and development.

Amidst the failure of SAARC to fulfill its mandate, India to strengthen its geopolitical grasp in South Asian region as well as Southeast region made a strategic move by extending invitations to the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) leaders to the BRICS summit held in 2016 at Goa. This move signaled a major diplomatic shift, showcasing India’s willingness to turn to BIMSTEC in response to SAARC’s ineffectiveness at meeting its expectations. Subsequently, the Indian Prime Minister engaged in a bilateral meeting with BIMSTEC leaders. Since then, the member states have been reluctant to resume the SAARC summit. India has been consistently participating in the BIMSTEC summit, looking to establish it as a formidable alternative regional platform for the five SAARC nations to discuss sub-regional cooperation.  

Rise and Significance of BIMSTEC

BIMSTEC was established on 6 June 1997 through the Bangkok Declaration. At present, BIMSTEC consists of seven member states out of which five member states are also the member of SAARC namely, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Sri Lanka and two member states are from Southeast Asia, namely Myanmar and Thailand. Basically, BIMSTEC is a sector-driven institution unlike SAARC and many other regional alliances. Since its establishment, fourteen priority sectors of cooperation have been identified through the BIMSTEC ministerial summit held on different occasions. These sectors are trade and investment, transport and communication, energy, tourism, technology, fisheries, agriculture, public health, poverty alleviation, counterterrorism and transnational crime, environment and disaster management, people-to-people contact, cultural cooperation and climate change. The member countries of BIMSTEC  lead these sectors which are divided among them. They meet at different levels, like BIMSTEC summits, ministerial meetings, senior officials’ meetings, and expert groups.

BIMSTEC, as a trade bloc, presents numerous opportunities as the combined GDP in the region is around $2trn which is likely to grow exponentially in the near future. Among the member states, Myanmar’s intra-BIMSTEC trade accounts for approximately 36.14 percent of its overall trade, while Nepal and Sri Lanka have intra-regional trade shares of roughly 59.13 percent and 18.42 percent respectively. Bangladesh’s intra-BIMSTEC trade share stands at 11.55 percent, whereas India and Thailand have shares of around three percent within the BIMSTEC. 

Could BIMSTEC be an alternative to SAARC?

SAARC is a purely regional organization characterized by member nations sharing a collective history, geographical closeness, shared cultural identity and regional values. The member countries of SAARC are bound not only by historical ties but also by common developmental challenges, necessitating collaborative efforts for effective resolution.

Conversely, BIMSTEC serves as a bridge between South Asia and Southeast Asia, leveraging its potential to connect the economies of both regions. By integrating South Asia with the vibrant economies of ASEAN, BIMSTEC acts as an inter-regional organization facilitating economic cooperation and trade. Its scope extends beyond the confines of South Asia, embracing a broader regional outlook.

SAARC and BIMSTEC are not interchangeable options or substitutes for each other. Rather than viewing SAARC and BIMSTEC as competing entities, it is more appropriate to recognize them as complementary frameworks with distinct but mutually reinforcing objectives. SAARC’s emphasis on intra-regional cooperation complements BIMSTEC’s inter-regional connectivity aspirations. The collaborative efforts within SAARC pave the way for addressing common developmental challenges, while BIMSTEC’s outreach to ASEAN economies opens avenues for enhanced trade and economic prosperity.

The authors are a law student at Kathmandu School of Law

Fagu is one of the most joyous festivals celebrated in Tarai Madhes. Known as Holi or Faguwa throughout the region, it is a celebration of vibrant colors and carries connotations of romance, particularly the use of red powder. The festivities differ between the Kathmandu Valley and Terai-Madhes regions. In Kathmandu's Durbar Square, a UNESCO heritage site, the revelry commences with the raising of the Chir pole, amid splashes of water, and yellow, blue, and vermilion powders.

During Fagu, participants gleefully throw a mixture of colors at passersby, friends, relatives, and occasionally, foreign visitors. Although the festival lasts a week, the highlight remains the playful exchange of colored powders (Abir) and water. The festival officially begins on the 8th day of the waxing moon, marked by the ceremonial pole-raising near the Kumari temple in Basantpur.

The Chir pole has connection to Lord Krishna's times. It is believed that pieces of cloth hung in the Chir represent garments of the Gopinis, the milkmaids who accompanied Krishna, which Krishna stole and hung in the tree while they were taking a bath. It is believed that the multicolored Chir represents the Kadam tree that Lord Krishna climbed with the stolen garments of the milkmaids. Amidst these festivities lies a lovely story depicting Krishna’s playful escapades with Radha and her friends, captured by the great Mithila poet Vidyapati:

Let’s go to see Basant (Spring)

Where Ketaki and Kund are laughing

The moon is clear

The bees are black

Night is dim

The beloved one is getting angry

Kamadev (god of love) fights with his enemy

In Tarai Madhesh, Fagu is celebrated a day after the full moon. The night before Fagu, locals traditionally burn heaps of garbage. The next day is a revelry filled with folk songs, colorful powders, and offerings of betel nuts, coconut, cardamom, raisin and cloves. They also eat, drink, and make merry because merriment is the main motto of Fagua. The festival of colors is celebrated as the biggest festival of joy. The whole atmosphere resounds with Fagu folk songs, which are very melodious to listen to.

This festival is linked to the full moon because it is believed to heighten not only the sexual urges of youngsters but also of elderly people. The moonlit night enhances the vitality and vigor of the participants, filling their hearts with joy and merriment. Kamdeva, the god of love, is said to infuse vitality and vigor into people of all ages during this romantic festival. Newly engaged and married couples find particular enjoyment during this time, as Cupid breathes life into the otherwise mundane existence of local residents. This festive season extends for weeks during which people of Madhesi origin consume eggs, fish, and meat to boost stamina and strength. Non-vegetarian meals serve as the primary source of increasing sexual excitement, often accompanied by home-brewed beer, while vegetarian individuals indulge in sweets and fruits.

This Hindu festival, known as Holi, embodies a spirit of unity and camaraderie in Tarai Madhes, transcending barriers of gender and caste. The first night is the day of prayer of the Holi Fire. The second day is the day of dust (Dhulikshava), and the third day is of Rangotsav (the festival of colors). The goddess of Holia is invoked on the first day. This festival has a Puranic origin. It has been mentioned in the Bhabishya Purana that as the month of Falgun is the last month of the calculation of months according to the Shalvahan calendar, it is to be celebrated as the festival ringing in the new year. As PB Shelley has also said, “If winter comes, can spring be far behind?” So, it is also regarded as a spring festival or Basantotsav. People also enjoy a symbolic bonfire during this festival.

There is also a legend about the story of Lord Shiva getting angry and opening his third eye to burn Kamdeva, who later became Anang (bodiless). He was afterward restored to life by the grace of Parvati, the consort of Lord Shiva. This festival is celebrated throughout Madhes every year with pomp and fervor. Holi is the popular festival of the Madhesi people, so the Holi or Hori or Fagua folk songs are very melodious. The mythological relevance is revealed in the following folk song:

On the day Krishna played the flute,

The three worlds were connected,

What was the flute made of?

And how was it tied?

On the day, Krishna charmed the world,

With bones and flesh the flute was made

With love it was tied

This festival is related to Krishna and Radha, Rama and Sita, and Shiva and Parvati. So, it has some religious fervor too. Otherwise, it is fundamentally a folk festival of romance and sexual urge. Holi is one of the most colorful festivals of various colors celebrated in Nepal and the neighboring nation of India. 

Throughout Madhes, Holi is celebrated with pomp and fervor, echoing with melodious folk songs that narrate tales of Krishna, Radha, Rama, Sita, Shiva, and Parvati. While rooted in religious tradition, Holi fundamentally embodies the spirit of romance and merriment, shared across Nepal and neighboring India, enriching both nations' cultural and social heritage.

Nepal is rich in biodiversity represented by 118 ecosystem types. In a span of 800 km by 200 km, diverse arrays of wildlife species have been recorded. However, many of these components of biodiversity are facing existential crises, most of them due to anthropogenic influences. Amphibians are one such group of species, which are experiencing such threats. Some charismatic species such as tiger, rhino and snow leopard have received privileged treatment while the ‘non-charismatic’ species such as amphibians are shrouded in shadow.

All three types of amphibians are found in Nepal, namely frogs, salamanders and caecilians. There are six families of frogs in Nepal that includes 57 species. However, lack of studies about amphibians means scant information is available about their distribution. 

Environmental conditions like temperature, soil moisture and rainfall determine the occurrence of amphibians and the richness of their habitats. Amphibians prefer agricultural land, grassland, forestland and wetlands. 

Besides, amphibians play significant roles in the ecosystem by acting as both prey and predator. They keep pests like mosquitoes under control, help maintain the quality of water, contribute to crop yields and public health. 

Despite such an important role, these ‘non-charismatic’ species are not the focus of our conservation efforts.

Frogs are on the decline, due mainly to habitat degradation, conversion of wetlands to wasteland and a belief that they have certain medical values, a reason behind their consumption. Unplanned urbanization has become a major cause in developing countries like Nepal behind a shrinking habitat. 

A study has shown a significant relation between the roads and the occurrence of frog species in the Kathmandu Valley. Enhancing developmental activities like construction of road and other infrastructure could result in biodiversity loss, pushing the amphibian species on the verge of extinction. Furthermore, it is not a good practice to encourage students to use thousands of species killed annually for the purpose of dissecting frogs as a sample in practical courses.

To draw attention toward the poor status of frogs, Environment Protection and Study Center (ENPROSC) and Companions for Amphibians and Reptile for Nepal (CARON) initiated a program titled crocking monsoon in 2013, followed in 2019 by a citizen science-based approach with Wildlife Conservation Nepal (WCN), which has again highlighted a poor status of these creatures. 

Notably, this program started frog surveys across the country during the Covid pandemic with the aim of raising public awareness on the species, conducting research and identifying the species. 

This program mobilized volunteers across all seven provinces and 51 districts as citizen scientists, who, as district representatives, collected information (photos, videos) about frogs that used to be found in their respective localities. 

The year 2020 saw the submission of 1300 individual submissions of frog species using kobo collect application, followed by 1000 submissions in 2021. 

There’s a dominant mindset that only larger species deserve conservation, meaning that even governments across the world, including in Nepal, think that ‘non-charismatic’ species are not worthy of conservation. 

This program dedicated to ‘non-charismatic’ species, like several such conservation programs around the world, is in crisis for want of economic support. 

In this context, March 20 is an important date to remind the whole world of the need to conserve ‘non-charismatic’ species like frogs. Different stakeholders, including NGOs, organize awareness programs at different schools on the World Frog Day to raise awareness on the importance of frogs with a hope that those behind the decimation of the species will transform themselves into conservationists one day.

Summing up, tailored conservation approaches are necessary for sustainable conservation of amphibians. In our context, how about changing the syllabi suggesting amphibian species for dissection and exploring other alternatives?