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Public diplomacy has emerged as an important tool of a country’s foreign policy. The democratization of foreign affairs, i.e. the growing say and influence of the people in matters of foreign relations, has made public diplomacy an attractive, important and necessary means for every country. This is applicable not only in the cases of democratic and developed countries but also in developing countries and countries with different types of political systems.

Countries have different experiences in the matter of public diplomacy. We have seen that countries like the United States of America have been using public diplomacy effectively, especially since the beginning of the Cold War. During the Cold War, both the USA and the then USSR used public diplomacy against each other. The objective was to influence the public in the other camp against their regime. At the same time, other countries have been using public diplomacy to enhance their national image before the international community. China is one such example. It has been using public diplomacy to demonstrate its economic development and other achievements, and also to attract foreign students, tourists and businessmen. On the other hand, it is also possible that some countries may try to use public diplomacy as one of the tools to interfere in the internal affairs of another country. Radio and TV channels, printed materials and other such resources can be used to influence the public in the target countries.

In the present-day world, the nature and focus of public diplomacy have changed. It is used more to influence the foreign publics to influence foreign governments and achieve the countries’ interests. In a way, this can be termed a legitimate method. Though the traditional approach of using public diplomacy as a propaganda tool and a way for interfering in the internal affairs of other countries still continues, there is a visible shift in the overall approach. 

First, public diplomacy has received universal recognition and acceptance. Almost all countries—rich and poor, big and small, developed and developing—have been using public diplomacy to meet some of their diplomatic objectives. 

Second, public diplomacy has now gained a positive connotation; people do not take it only as a propaganda tool but also as an effective and acceptable means for national branding and advocacy. 

Third, public diplomacy can still be used as a means for interfering in the internal affairs of a country, especially among developing and weaker countries. The possible victims have to take effective measures to counter such efforts. Many countries have been using public diplomacy as an effective tool of diplomacy. Public diplomacy has also proved an effective means to promote the commercial interests of a state. Promotional activities, exchanges of people, and branding of various products have helped promote a country’s image and dignity as well as the promotion of trade and tourism. 

Countries like China have made visible achievements in the area of public diplomacy through activities such as English language media, events and projects to increase Chinese visibility abroad, English publications, exchanges with foreign countries, and Chinese gardens abroad. Similarly, India’s public diplomacy activities include distinguished lectures, documentaries on various aspects of India, publicity campaigns through ‘India Perspectives’ and ‘Bharat Ek Parichaya’, etc. In the case of Nepal, we have seen that public diplomacy is a relatively new area. Some efforts had been made in the past to promote the country’s dignity but foreign publics were not targeted much. 

After the restoration of democracy in 1990, Nepali missions abroad started organizing various activities under their economic diplomacy programmes. And, it was rather late that the Government of Nepal started using the term public diplomacy in its official documents. Now, Nepal has taken some steps toward public diplomacy. Nepali diplomatic missions abroad have started meeting people, business leaders and academicians with a view to promoting Nepal’s national interest. Still, a lot more needs to be done by Nepal to make public diplomacy a truly useful and effective tool of its foreign policy.

The Government of Nepal, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in particular, have to streamline public diplomacy in the overall foreign policy. It has to undertake studies to identify the areas where public diplomacy can be a useful tool. Public diplomacy needs to be made an integrated tool of the country’s foreign policy. The foreign ministry should provide training to Nepali diplomats. 

As public diplomacy itself is a new area, Nepali diplomats need thorough training incorporating both theoretical and practical aspects. Only well-trained and skilful diplomats can implement public diplomacy in an effective and appropriate manner.

Excerpts from the research paper published by Policy Research Institute, a government think-tank

Recent events in Russia have brought the Wagner Group, a controversial private military company, into the spotlight. With concerns about the fate of its fighters and leader, the group’s future hangs in the balance. Reports indicate that the leader of the group has sought refuge in Belarus, while Russian President Vladimir Putin has presented the soldiers with three options: Join the Russian military, return to their families, or seek refuge in Belarus. As uncertainty looms, the group continues to expand its operations and attract new members, including young individuals from Nepal.

Nepalis possess renowned combatant qualities as the enlistment of the Gorkhas, acknowledged globally as an exceptionally fierce warrior, in the Indian Army and the British Army since 1815 shows. Gorkha regiments raised by the British exhibited remarkable valor in various military campaigns. “This is a troubling circumstance. The Nepal government lacks the capacity to intervene as these individuals have taken action independently,” EurAsian Times quoted Nepali Army’s Major General Binoj Basnyat (retd) in reference to the Nepali youths’ involvement in the Ukraine war.

“If Nepali citizens are serving in the armed forces of a sovereign nation, it should align with the government's foreign policy, or there ought to be (an) MoU or a treaty with the respective country. However, such mechanisms are absent in this instance,” he remarked, stressing the need for the government of Nepal to address the matter promptly. Numerous videos have emerged on social media platforms over recent weeks (some of them self-captured), showcasing Nepali youths enlisting in the Russian Army, exhibiting their training sessions or their arrival at training facilities. 

In one particular case, the video shows a young individual from the Koshi region, a Russian university student, pointing out that he had two choices with the expiration of his visa: Either return to Nepal and face unemployment or secure a position in the Russian Army.

An attractive incentive

President Vladimir Putin has offered Russian citizenship to individuals willing to commit to one year of military service. This game-changing move seems to have further attracted the Nepali youths to the group along with the relaxing of some of the requirements, including language proficiency.

Historically, Nepal has sent its youths to serve only a number of armies and police forces, including the British and Indian armies. However, India’s new recruitment scheme—Agnipath—has strained Nepal-India relations, prompting Nepali youths to explore alternative opportunities.

Uncertainties surrounding Wagner

While Wagner prospects may appear enticing due to its financial rewards and promise of modern warfare experience, it is crucial to keep in mind that the group is not an official army and that its operations have frequently sparked controversies. The group faces an uncertain future, raising legitimate concerns about the long-term viability of the Nepali youths’ decision to join their ranks.

The recent mutiny and the Wagner leader seeking refuge in Belarus have added another layer of uncertainty surrounding the group, raising questions over the fate of the fighters concerned. It is essential for individuals considering joining the group to carefully evaluate the potential risks and associated challenges.

In conclusion, young Nepali individuals joining the group has raised eyebrows and prompted deeper analysis. Putin’s decree offering Russian citizenship to those, who commit to military service, has fueled the recruitment drive further. While the future of the group remains uncertain, it is crucial for potential recruits to carefully consider the risks associated with joining a private military company by looking beyond the benefits like offer of citizenship, attractive salaries, health and life insurance benefits, performance-based bonuses, and the opportunity to gain hands-on experience with modern weapons.

When ‘samosas’, the beloved snack of South Asia, first made their way onto our ancestors’ plates remains a mystery. However, one thing is certain—they didn’t simply fly directly to Kathmandu or Pokhara. Instead, they gradually crossed the Indo-Nepal border and gained popularity as ‘Singada’ in the Madhes region. This delectable treat was referred to as ‘Shingaras’ or ‘Singada’ in the Indian states of Bihar, Bengal, Assam, Odisha, and Jharkhand, due to its resemblance to the shape of the local water chestnut known as ‘Sighara.’ Interestingly, when ‘Singada’ reached the hills of Nepal, it transformed into its original name samosa.

The tradition of inviting skilled craftsmen, known as ‘mistris,’ from India to learn new crafts still exists in Nepal. It’s likely that the sweetshops in Kathmandu invited ‘samosa mistris’ directly from Delhi. As a result, the snack became known as samosa in Kathmandu.

The culinary history in our region is complex and undocumented. It primarily relies on oral tradition, where knowledge is passed down from fathers to sons or through the hands-on experience gained by assisting fathers and uncles in the culinary craft. One prominent figure in this realm is ‘Ghadsiramji,’ also known as ‘Maharaj-ji,’ who introduced the art of cooking Indian dishes to Kathmandu. His renowned establishment, Amrit Bhandar, located in Chokhachhe Galli, Indra Chowk in Kathmandu, was established in 1878 and gained popularity for its delectable offerings like ‘aaludam,’ ‘furandana,’ ‘jalebi,’ and ‘halwa.’ Interestingly, there is no mention of samosas in the oral history, even by his son, the legendary BL Sharma.

Nepal’s open border policy with India has allowed a rich exchange of ideas, culture, and cuisine. Samosa represents the harmonious coexistence of different cultures and has won the hearts of both Nepalis and Indians. It has become a symbol of unity, transcending political boundaries and fostering a shared appreciation for culinary arts.

As Nepal became a popular destination for pilgrims seeking solace at sacred sites like the Pashupatinath Temple and Gautam Buddha’s birthplace in Lumbini, the samosa played an unexpected role in their journeys. Pilgrims from distant lands embarked on challenging treks, and the samosa became a convenient and portable source of sustenance for them. Some believe that the samosa arrived in Nepal with these pilgrims or skilled workers.

Today, when you stroll through the lively streets of Kathmandu, explore the enchanting landscapes of Pokhara, or visit any tiny eatery in Shaphebar or near the tea estate of Ilam, you’ll be greeted by the enticing aroma of freshly fried samosas. These delicious snacks have become popular street food in Nepal and can be found in local eateries, tea shops, and food stalls. They are often served with ‘chutney’ or ‘chhole’ and enjoyed as a snack or part of a meal.

Whether eaten as a quick bite or as part of a traditional feast, the samosa continues to evoke nostalgia, reminding Nepalis of their rich heritage and their nation’s intertwined history. Despite having worked in the UK for nearly 20 years and having traveled extensively, experiencing cuisines from around the globe, I have never encountered the level of satisfaction I experienced while dining at the ASCOL (Amrit Science Campus) canteen. Although they never served piping hot samosas, the taste still lingers in my mouth.

In a land shaped by spirituality, migration, and cultural exchange, the journey of the samosa exemplifies the power of food in bringing people together. As Nepal embraces its diverse heritage, the samosa remains an integral part of its culinary story—a story that transcends borders, unites communities, and celebrates the shared love for delicious food.

Interestingly, despite popular belief, the humble Indian samosa actually originates from Central Asia. Early medieval texts from Persia mention similar snacks called ‘sanbosag’ and ‘samsa,’ which are considered early relatives of the samosas we know today. There are also accounts of small, triangular mince-filled snacks eaten by travelers under names like ‘sanbusak,’ ‘sanbusaj,’ and ‘sanbusaq.’ During the Delhi Sultanate rule, Middle Eastern chefs migrated to India in search of work and brought the samosa with them. Over time, the snack gained favor with Indian royalty and gradually became synonymous with Indian culture and cuisine.

When British colonizers arrived in India, they developed a fondness for the samosa and brought it with them on their travels. As a result, various versions of the samosa emerged, depending on the region and country where it was prepared. For example, Middle Eastern samosas are semi-circular and filled with cheese, onions, minced meat, and spices, while Israeli samosas often feature chickpeas and pine nuts.

In India, the country most commonly associated with the samosa, the snack is often served with chutney, shaped into a triangle, and enjoyed when it is crispy and lightly golden. The most common fillings for Indian samosas include boiled potatoes, peas, green chilies, and a blend of spices. One thing is certain, the samosa represents adaptability, tolerance, and invention. Even after centuries of interpretation, it remains one of the most beloved street snacks in India today.

Although traditional variations are typically triangular, there are countless ways to create a samosa. Many skilled chefs combine the snack with other dishes to create exciting new fillings, such as the ‘samosa chaat.’ Today, in the category of vegetarian snacks, samosas are arguably the second most popular option after vegetable momos.

During our younger years, there were numerous sweetshops situated between Ratna Park and Rani Pokhari in Kathmandu. These sweetshops had large metal plates placed above the burning stove near the cash counter. Samosas were prepared in the enclosed kitchen and placed on these plates. They were never served hot, but the accompanying semi-liquid vegetable curry was served hot. However, everything changed when a samosa shop opened in a narrow, dimly lit alley opposite Bishal Bazaar on New Road.

Surendra Sharma, a migrant from Burma, initially went to Rajasthan in India to seek his fortune. Perhaps facing setbacks there, he eventually arrived in Kathmandu and opened a tea shop. In the 1980s, approximately 40 years ago, Surendra ventured into the samosa business and began frying them in an open kitchen. The response was instant and overwhelming as people got hot, spicy, and fresh samosa cooked in front of them. 

It’s difficult to put into words the sheer pleasure of dipping a piping hot samosa into a delightful sweet and sour sauce on a chilly day in Kathmandu. The shop had no official name, but it was located adjacent to a store called Tip Top Tailors. Consequently, people started referring to the samosas as ‘Tip Top ko samosa’ (Samosa from Tip Top). Although the owners named it Sauwgat Sweets, for us it will forever be Tip Top ko samosa.

The history of these triangular-shaped samosas holds many angles that require exploration through systematic research. From my perspective, it’s an endeavor that young culinary students should undertake. As for individuals like me who are of a certain age, our role lies in simply savoring the delightful crunch and taste of samosas.

The author is a UK-based R&D chef

The diminution of and deliberation on the Nepali Army is neither contemporary nor should it be a distressing aspect but it emanates as misinforming and inaccurate to the statecraft and to the broader audience. 

In particular, the field of defense is one of the essentials like economy, governance and diplomacy to the country. None of these fields are thriving at present. 

As an instrument of national power of Nepal, the army is the only unswerving and consistent institution in diplomacy, with national and international credibility in addition to remaining as a uniting establishment of the Nepalis.

Reading between the lines

While floating expenditure reduction measures in the federal parliament, Bimala Rai Paudyal, one of the three candidates that the then then President Bidya Devi Bhandari had appointed to the National Assembly in Feb 2018 and Swarim Wagle, a lawmaker elected under the first-past-the-post system, proposed downsizing the Nepali Army, among other measures, to reduce national expenditure. 

Paudyal underlined the lack of strategic coordination and cooperation amongst the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Finance and Defense, which is essential for border security. She added that the army had failed in its primary role—protecting the borders, pointing at repeated instances of border encroachment. 

“There’s no war going on within the country and there’s no possibility of either of the neighbors waging a war against the country. In the event of a war with either of the neighbors, there’s no possibility of us withstanding it,” Paudyal said, reasoning that there’s no need to keep a (roughly) 90000-strong army that cannot protect the country.  

Such remarks coming from a lawmaker have tremendously hurt the sentiments and self-esteem of servicemen and women, veterans as well as the citizenry. Soldiers and citizens fight with morale and self-confidence that wells up from their training, education and love for their respective countries. This is something that cannot be measured in monetary terms. 

There are many international examples about vested interests playing a major role in triggering wars. South Asia, for one, witnessed such wars during the 1970s. The recent Russian invasion of Ukraine followed challenges to the Kremlin’s sphere of influence. 

Nepal can face similar consequences, given its geopolitical and geostrategic location. Nepal’s vote as one of the 141 nations in the UN in March 2022 against the Russian aggression is also a visualization of a similar state of affairs along its own borders. 

Lawmaker Paudyal should keep in mind that border security comes under the Ministry of Home Affairs during peacetime and not under the Ministry Defence. So, border violations are the result of a lack of coordination between the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Home Affairs. 

The national budget for the coming fiscal 2023/24 (totaling 1.751trn) has allocated 14 percent to the security sector—for the defense ministry and the home ministry. 

On its part, the Nepali Army reimburses more than Rs1.7bn as tax to the government from its Welfare Fund apart from bringing in about $22m (Rs 25bn) to the country, which is approximately two percent of the national foreign income of $9.1bn (approx). The national army itself provides another five billion rupees for its educational, medical and welfare programs, which is borne by respective governments in almost all the countries. 

The government budget for the defense ministry appears paltry in comparison to the budget that the Nepali Army deserves for enhancing Nepal’s international prestige by helping maintain world peace through non-aggression and peaceful settlement of disputes as envisioned in the United Nations Charter.

Strategic interpretations

Nepal faces enormous challenges because it lies in the midst of three competing nations— China, India and the US—and one more bloc, the European Union.

History says that no government, no economic system, no currency, no empire lasts forever, yet almost everyone is surprised and ruined when they fall.

Given our physical location, we as a relatively small nation are likely to face serious challenges, contrary to the expectations of many of our political leaders. 

Marked by different political orders, security, economy and digital systems, the world is moving amid confrontations in the South Asian subcontinent and beyond. Cold War 2.0 is ongoing and the competition is palpable along Nepal’s borders unlike in a different continent with dissimilar technological capabilities during the Cold War. 

In this context, the Nepali Army can stand as a stimulating force for geostrategic balance of power in South Asia and beyond. 

Standing power

The Nepali Army is one of the instruments of national power that needs solidification with modernization, strengthening of its capabilities and digitalization, also in view of the fact that the Global Firepower Index 2023 has ranked Nepal 129th out of 145 countries.

The recent comments from political leaders have come without understanding of the unfolding geopolitical environment that may push small nations like Nepal toward deepening political uncertainty. 

In this context, a handful of political leaders making unsavory comments should not forget the role of the national army in upholding national honor and dignity. 

Deduction

At a time when Nepal’s dire prerequisite is to have a united strategic approach toward national interest, foreign policy and national security strategy, hollow comments from parliamentarians are most unwelcome. The Defense Minister has rightly expressed concern over such remarks, which show the lack of awareness on the part of the speakers on the importance of instruments of national power. 

It’s time state instruments like intelligence agencies paid attention to increasing geo-political influence. 

If you ask commoners questions about the role of the political parties and the Nepali Army, they will most definitely reply that the army has been acting as a far more responsible actor in service of the country and the people than the parties. 

National security and prestige cannot be compared with monetary value. Important individuals should bear in mind that impromptu remarks on sensitive topics at wrong places and wrong time do the country a great disservice. 

Downsizing the military is not a wise way to deal with national monetary challenges. 

A number of measures can be taken to manage the budget for national development. Doing away with a costly federal system can be an option. Downsizing the number of elected representatives, reducing the number of ministries and establishing strategic structures for addressing issues of national importance can help at a time of rampant corruption, political instability and loss of national credibility. These measures will bring in enough resources required for national development. 

All concerned must bear in mind that long transition adds up to challenges for national prosperity and stability. 

The author is a Strategic Analyst, Major General (Retd) of the Nepali Army, and is associated with Rangsit University, Thailand