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Nepal has ample renewable energy resources, which creates a feasible opportunity for hydrogen production. There is still a worldwide debate on the best medium for producing hydrogen, where solar and hydropower are the key competitors. For Nepal, achieving a balanced energy mix is essential, and solar energy has the potential to play a larger role in the 10 percent share of alternative energy in the overall energy mix. Nepal has significant solar energy potential, comparable to its hydropower resources, making it an attractive option for diversification. This article evaluates the pros and cons of hydrogen production using solar and hydroelectric energy, with a comprehensive techno-economic comparison to determine the most suitable approach for Nepal.

Solar potential

Various studies demonstrate that Nepal has a strong solar energy potential. The Investment Board Nepal (IBN) issued its ‘Energy’ report in April 2024 which states that Nepal receives sufficient solar radiation to produce between 3.6 and 6.2 units of electricity per square meter area. The daily solar energy intensity across Nepal's surface reaches an average of 4.7 kWh per square meter. Statistical data demonstrates that solar energy possesses great potential for implementation. According to a study by the Alternative Energy Promotion Center (AEPC) and the German Agency for International Cooperation (GIZ), the estimated total technical potential for solar energy production in Nepal is 432 GW (432,000 MW), which is tenfold higher than the economic and technical potential of hydropower (42,000 MW).

Current status

The renewable energy sector of Nepal exhibits rapid growth through solar energy development with eight new solar plants with a combined capacity of 90 MW starting operations in FY 2023-24. The nation remains committed to developing its power mix by establishing strategic Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs) to add more solar power capacity. The Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) uses competitive bidding to acquire solar energy, setting a price ceiling of Rs 5.94 per unit. In a recent initiative, the NEA invited bids for 800 MW of solar projects and the evaluation and PPA signing for these projects will occur in FY 2024-25. The move seeks to strengthen Nepal's energy supply system by adding solar power to the current hydroelectricity dominance while ensuring power stability during winters when hydroelectricity generation decreases. 

The NEA intends to acquire 800 MW of solar energy in two years following the bidding period as smaller projects (under 10 MW) will start generating electricity within 18 months and larger projects will reach commercial operation in two years. According to the White Paper of the Ministry of Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation published on 8 May 2018, by capping solar contributions to 10 percent of the total installed capacity through Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs), Nepal is accelerating for a more balanced energy future, ensuring consistent electricity supply while embracing renewable sources to meet a rising demand.

Current status of hydropower

Nepal’s power sector depends fundamentally on hydropower operations. As of February 2025, the installed hydropower capacity in Nepal has reached 3,255 MW while economic potential exceeds 42,000 MW. The country aims to generate 28,500 MW of hydroelectricity by 2035, of which 17,000 MW will be exported to neighboring countries India and Bangladesh through eight international transmission lines as per an announcement from Minister for Energy, Water Resources, and Irrigation, Dipak Khadka. 

Nepal’s commitment to electricity exports will not prevent it from maintaining surplus electricity that can be efficiently used for hydrogen production. Hydropower provides a dependable source of electricity for hydrogen electrolysis at scale because its energy output remains stable, unlike solar power which faces daily and seasonal changes. This consistent nature of hydroelectric power provides a solid base for Nepal’s hydrogen economy development.

Comparison of solar vs hydroelectric hydrogen production

The global competition for green hydrogen production is accelerating, so renewable energy sources serve as the core solution and solar and hydropower are dominant leaders in this transition. Each offers distinct advantages and faces unique challenges in this evolving landscape. Multiple important factors can be used to conduct an extensive analysis.

• Energy generation stability

Hydropower delivers uninterrupted power, which makes it a better hydrogen production source than solar energy because solar power depends on sunlight availability and shows intermittent fluctuations. The continuous operation of hydropower systems runs 24/7 to deliver steady energy streams. Solar energy generation operates within daylight hours with a seven hours daily average in Nepal, forcing the implementation of storage units or backup power for stable hydrogen production.

• Land use efficiency

The competition between these power systems depends heavily on how efficiently land resources are utilized. Each megawatt of solar PV farm needs 0.02 square kilometers of land space for installation, thus presenting challenges in Nepal's geographically restricted areas. Hydropower requires approximately 0.1 km² per MW and helps to capitalize the existing water resources and infrastructure. A strategic solution involving NEA land at hydro project locations for solar power installations would create a hybrid energy system that maximizes both technologies for green hydrogen production.

• Project timeline and operational lifespan

Solar PV and hydropower projects differ significantly in terms of construction duration, capacity range and operational lifespan. The installation period for Solar PV projects having a capacity below 10 MW in Nepal spans from six months to one year but projects between 10 MW and 50 MW require one to two years to complete. The duration of operation for these projects extends to 25 years from the Power Purchase Agreement date according to existing legal provisions but lacks any provisions for further extensions. In contrast, the duration for constructing hydropower projects depends on project size along with design complexity. 

Construction practices in Nepal indicate that projects without tunneling under 20 MW require a two-year duration while projects with tunneling need 2.5 years for completion. Projects with capacities between 50 MW and 100 MW need between 3 and 4 years to build, yet larger installations that surpass 100 MW require five years to complete because they present additional construction challenges. Hydropower plants exist for 50 to 100 years when maintenance is carried out correctly. Private sector projects receive their first 35-year operating license from government authorities, which can extend the authorization for another 15 years. The comparison of solar and hydropower shows that solar delivers swift implementation while hydropower maintains enduring operational capabilities, thus both systems represent fundamental elements for Nepal’s developing energy sector.

• Production efficiency

The capacity factor of a power plant represents the ratio of actual energy output to its maximum potential. A higher capacity factor ensures stable and predictable electricity supply that supports uninterrupted operation of hydrogen electrolyzers. For comparison, a 1 MW solar PV system operating at 20 percent capacity factor would generate 1,752 MWh annually to produce 35,040 kg of hydrogen when electrolyzed at 70 percent efficiency. In contrast, a 1 MW hydroelectric plant with 50 percent capacity factor produces 4,380 MWh of annual energy output, which results in hydrogen production of 87,600 kilograms. This means that hydropower can produce approximately 2.5 times more hydrogen per MW than solar power. The large-scale production of hydrogen through hydro-based methods proves more efficient in Nepal because hydropower constitutes a major portion of its energy mix. Hydropower benefits from solar energy integration since it provides additional flexibility and strengthens the electricity supply system.

• CAPEX

Capital investment is a key factor in selecting a renewable energy pathway for hydrogen production. Solar power plant installations in Nepal cost between Rs 60m-Rs 70m per MW but hydropower construction requires approximately NPR 80m per MW before adding the cost of electrolyzer units. The price gap between hydroelectric and solar-based hydrogen production indicates that hydropower stands as a more economically efficient option for big projects across Nepal because it delivers extended operational time and dependable output. However, solar energy remains an attractive option for diversification and hybrid energy solutions.

• OPEX

For hydroelectric power plants, the annual operation and maintenance expenses amount ranges from one percent to 2.5 percent of initial capital investment to cover turbine maintenance alongside dam maintenance and sediment removal. In contrast, solar power plants incur an initial O&M cost of two percent of the capital cost in the first year and then increase annually by five percent of the initial two percent. The maintenance expenses include operations on the panels and inverters in addition to the monitoring system maintenance. The initial maintenance costs of solar power are lower, but future expenses will rise because regular servicing becomes essential to preserve operational efficiency.

Cost comparison of hydrogen production

The cost of hydrogen production varies significantly depending on the energy source and country-specific strategies. The government of Chile intends to achieve annual green hydrogen production of 160m tons by 2050 through its extensive hydropower resources. The National Green Hydrogen Strategy of Chile envisions that the country will achieve 5 GW electrolyzer capacity by 2025 and 25 GW by 2030 with the goal to lower production costs to $0.8–$1.1 per kilogram by the end of the decade. 

Meanwhile, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) uses its extensive solar resources to become a dominant global player in solar-powered hydrogen manufacturing. Through its renewable energy flagship Masdar, the UAE plans to grow hydrogen market share globally to 25 percent by 2030 and increase its annual production to 1m tons. The UAE has established a strategy to decrease production expenses for hydrogen to $1-$2 per kilogram by 2030. The evaluation demonstrates that hydro-based hydrogen production in Chile generates lower production expenses yet solar-powered hydrogen from the UAE establishes itself as a competitive and scalable option for international hydrogen markets.

Pathway to green hydrogen leadership

Nepal can establish itself as a regional leader in green hydrogen production through its extensive hydropower resources combined with solar power integration, which creates a strong and resilient energy combination. Hydropower provides an efficient and cost-effective production method for large-scale hydrogen generation because it delivers stable renewable energy, which supports long-term sustainability and energy security. The combination of solar energy with hydropower enables better power flexibility and decentralizes hydrogen producing operations. Strategic investments, policy support and international collaborations will be crucial in unlocking Nepal’s hydrogen potential thus positioning the country as a key player in the global green hydrogen economy.

Fagu, also known as Holi or Faguwa, is one of the most joyous and vibrant festivals celebrated in the Tarai Madhes region of Nepal. This festival, often referred to as the “festival of flying colors,” is a celebration of romance, unity, and the playful splashing of red powder and vibrant hues. While Holi is celebrated across Nepal and India, the traditions and customs in Tarai Madhes hold a unique charm and significance.

The festivities begin with the erection of the Chir (a ceremonial totem pole) in Kathmandu Durbar Square, a UNESCO World Heritage Site. This marks the official start of the celebrations. Revelers splash water and throw colored powders—yellow, blue, and red—on each other, creating a kaleidoscope of joy. Friends, relatives, and even unsuspecting passersby, including foreign visitors, are not spared from the colorful onslaught. The festival spans a week, but the most exuberant moments occur when people play with Abir (colored powders) and water mixed with vibrant dyes.

The Chir, a three-tiered structure, holds deep cultural and mythological significance. It is raised on the 8th day of the waxing moon near the Kumari Temple in Basantpur and remains standing until the final day of the festival. The Chir symbolizes the Kadam tree from Hindu mythology, where Lord Krishna is said to have hung the clothes of the Gopinis (milkmaids) while they bathed in the Yamuna River. According to legend, the Gopinis were startled by Krishna’s flute and, in their embarrassment, prayed to the sun god while submerged in water. The pieces of cloth on the Chir represent the garments of the Gopinis, adding a layer of spiritual meaning to the festivities.

The great poet of Mithila Vidyapati has described in one of his poems:

“Let us go and greet the Spring,

Where Ketaki and Kund bloom, laughing.

The moon shines clear, a silver glow,

While black bees hum, their whispers low.

The night is soft, a dim embrace,

Yet my beloved turns an angry face.

Kamadeva, the god of love, takes his stand,

Locked in battle, bow in hand.

Radha and Krishna, in playful delight,

Plan to escape to the forest at night.

Beneath the trees, where shadows play,

They’ll find their joy and steal away.”

In Tarai Madhes, Fagu is celebrated a day after the full moon night of the month of Falgun. On the full moon night, communities gather to burn heaps of garbage, symbolizing the cleansing of old energies. The following day, the air fills with the melodies of traditional Fagua folk songs as people roam their villages, exchanging colors, red powder, and small gifts like betel nuts, coconuts, cardamom, cloves, and raisins. The festival is a time for feasting, merriment, and strengthening social bonds.

Fagu is deeply intertwined with themes of love, fertility, and renewal. The full moon night is believed to enhance vitality and vigor, awakening romantic and amorous feelings among people of all ages. The festival is particularly significant for newly engaged and married couples, as it symbolizes the blossoming of love and passion. Non-vegetarian meals, including fish, meat, and eggs, are consumed to boost stamina, while vegetarian delicacies like sweets and fruits are also enjoyed. Home-brewed beer adds to the festive cheer.

The festival transcends social boundaries, bringing together people of all castes, genders, and backgrounds. It is a time to let go of past grievances and embrace love, affection, and unity. The throwing of red powder (kumkum or sindur) symbolizes equality and the breaking down of societal barriers.

Fagu also has deep mythological roots. It is associated with the divine love stories of Radha and Krishna, Rama and Sita, and Shiva and Parvati. The festival’s connection to fertility rites is evident in the playful and sometimes risqué folk songs and chants. According to Sanskrit scholars, the festival’s exuberant shouting and revelry may have origins in ancient fertility rituals, symbolizing the celebration of life and creation.

The festival also marks the arrival of spring, known as Basantotsav. As the poet P.B. Shelley famously wrote, "If winter comes, can spring be far behind?" Fagu embodies this spirit of renewal and hope. The lighting of bonfires during the festival symbolizes the triumph of good over evil and the ushering in of a new season.

One of the most enchanting aspects of Fagu is its music. The Holi or Fagua folk songs, steeped in mythological references, are melodious and deeply evocative. A popular folk song recounts the story of Lord Krishna’s flute, which charmed the world and connected the three realms:

"On the day Krishna played the flute,

The three worlds were connected.

What was the flute made of?

And how was it tied?

On the day Krishna charmed the world,

With bones and flesh, the flute was made,

With love, it was tied."

Fagu is not just a festival; it is a celebration of life, love, and cultural heritage. It is a time when the people of Tarai Madhes come together to rejoice, forgive, and renew their bonds. The festival’s vibrant colors, melodious songs, and rich traditions make it a truly unforgettable experience, shared not only by the people of Nepal but also by their neighbors in India, reflecting a shared cultural legacy.

As consumers, we all have experienced instances of being misled or cheated. Fortunately, we now have a dedicated avenue for seeking justice: the Consumer Court. 

The government of Nepal published a notice in the Gazette on Feb 10, announcing the formation of such a court in the Kathmandu Valley, which will begin hearing the cases from March 15. Such courts are yet to take shape in other parts of the country, though Section 41 of the Consumer Protection Act, 2018 allows relevant authorities to establish consumer courts across the country.  

In 2022, the Supreme Court’s division bench of Justices Bam Kumar Shrestha and Nahkul Subedi, in the case filed by Forum for the Protection of Consumer Rights, directed the government to establish consumer courts in all provinces to uphold consumer’s rights and interests and curb unfair trade practices. 

Three years into the top court ruling and nearly six years after the enactment of the Act, 2018, the government has decided to partially implement the legal mandates by constituting a Consumer Court in the capital city. Against this backdrop, let’s have a look at the legal arrangements under the 2018 Act, a specialized legislation designed to safeguard the interest of buyers.   

Consumer Court 

The law envisages that the Consumer Court shall consist of a Chairperson, a government-designated district judge, and two gazetted second class officers. One of these officers must be from the judicial service, while the other may be selected from the administrative service at the discretion of the government. The decisions of the Consumer Court can be challenged before the concerned High Court within 35 days.

Rights of consumers

Article 44 of the Constitution of Nepal grants every consumer the right to obtain quality goods and services. The government has enacted “Consumer Protection Act, 2018” to translate the constitutional mandates into action. This law intends to provide remedy to the aggrieved consumers, secure their rights and address their concerns. 

Section 3 of the Act guarantees rights to every consumer to have quality goods and services. Clause-2 confers extensive rights to consumers, including the right to have accessible reach over goods and services, right to select quality goods and services at competitive prices and the right to know the details of products such as price, quantity and purity. 

This respect, the consumers have the right to know about the composition of the product, the distributor, manufacturer and among other details as to the product. Along with this, the consumers have the right to initiate legal action against unfair trade practices. They could claim compensation against the loss caused by the goods and services.

Government role 

As per Section 4(1), the government shall keep an eye on details of the product such as quality, maximum retail price, label and advertisement for the protection of consumer rights.

The Ministry of Industry has been conferred with a plethora of powers, including that of formulating policy as to goods or services' standard, price and accessibility; framing plan of action to fight against “unfair trade practices” and initiating a regular analysis of goods and services consumed in the country. 

The “Consumer Protection Council” led by the Minister for Industry, Commerce and Supplies plays an instrumental role in making policies on the matters incidental to the rights of consumers.

There appears to be a “Central Market Monitoring Committee” under the coordination of the Secretary, Ministry of Industry. This Committee has been entrusted with the power to ensure “protection of the rights and interests of the consumers or for making coordination among the bodies involved in the monitoring or inspection of the supply system.” This Committee dispenses many functions, including that of identifying the shortage of goods or services in market; to monitor and supervise the “Supply System”, to make recommendation for “market monitoring”, to maintain coordination in the function of the “Market Monitoring Team” and “Local Monitoring Committee” or to form committees or subcommittees or to set up “Consumer Information Centre. The “Market Monitoring Committee” could be established at provincial levels [Section 27].

Duty of manufacturers 

The manufacturer would have to use labels in their products by displaying the credentials like the name and address of the manufacturer, composition, weight and quantity, batch number, date of manufacture, expiry date, guarantee and warranty details. 

The information about the products produced from Nepal should be written in Nepali or English. The products without label should not be sold or distributed in Nepal [Section 6(4)]. However, the unpacked agricultural produce or fruits could be sold in the open market without a label. But, the vegetables and fruits which are for export need to be labelled. 

Also, the manufacturers have a duty to manufacture quality goods and services. They should refrain themselves from producing sub-standard products. The service providers should maintain transparency.

Unfair trade practices

Under Section 16, the Act provides that no person shall do or cause to do any form of “unfair trade practice”. The goods and services providers or any person should not hide information as to the label, price and other details and fix a new one to charge more than the actual retail price. The advertisement should not be made false or misleading.

The substandard goods should not be re-labelled for deception purposes. The creation of artificial shortage of goods, hoarding has been banned by this law under Section 16. The goods which are not good for consumption should not be sold or made available to consumers. Section 18 outlaws the sale or distribution of the substandard goods. 

The government of Nepal has been empowered to determine the list of essential food and other goods or services by notification in gazette [Section 19]. This respect, the law remains centralized. This law suggests that the employees of the Centre, Province or local bodies could be designated as Inspectors.  

Way forward 

Protecting and promoting consumerism is a challenging task unless there is awareness among buyers (Caveat Emptor) and accountability among sellers and service providers (Caveat Venditor). The establishment of institutional mechanisms, the formation of consumer courts across the country and the strict enforcement of law and order are essential to effectively realize the mandates of the consumer protection laws.

The state has made a positive step toward advancing consumerism by establishing a dedicated court, initially in Kathmandu. For true progress in consumer rights, the government, people, manufacturers, sellers, service providers and all stakeholders must stand on the same page. After all, Nepal deserves a robust system and society that upholds the rights of its consumers.

The US presidency is widely respected for its authority and global influence, given the nation’s military strength, economic leadership and role in promoting democracy. However, the past decade has been a pivotal period for American democracy and its core values. Donald Trump’s presidency ignited a powerful political movement, deepening political divisions. He strategically expanded his influence using misinformation, conspiracy theories, personal attacks, financial resources and nationalist rhetoric. His targets extended beyond political opponents to include government institutions, the judiciary, the legislature, foreign allies, the press, international organizations and the business community

Many analysts describe Trump’s Republican Party as an authoritarian populist movement seeking to centralize power within the presidency. Concerns have grown both domestically and internationally about whether Trump aligns with fascist ideology. While the debate over whether he is a fascist leader continues, he undeniably exhibits several fascist characteristics. At the very least, Trump is an ultranationalist and a populist.

According to Merriam-Webster, “Fascism is a populist political philosophy, movement or regime that exalts nation and often race above the individual, is associated with a centralized autocratic government headed by a dictatorial leader and is characterized by severe economic and social regimentation and forcible suppression of opposition.” Trump’s rise to power relied on populist rhetoric, framing the political system, media and foreign policy as corrupt and dominated by left-wing elites. His administration attacked foreign allies, institutions, political opponents and immigrant communities, reflecting an authoritarian governance style. His "America First" agenda frequently sought to diminish the influence of sovereign nations, including US allies. For example, Trump referred to Canada as the "51st state" and called its Prime Minister a "governor," which many saw as an attempt to intimidate a foreign leader. Domestically, he aligned with billionaires like Elon Musk, leveraging their influence to undermine government agencies and threaten federal employees.

The Council on Foreign Relations outlines five stages through which fascism rises to power: emerging from public disillusionment, establishing legitimacy as a political movement, gaining power through right-wing partnerships, using power to dominate institutions and implementing radical reforms. Trump has demonstrated all five stages in his pursuit of power. He capitalized on public dissatisfaction with war, economic disparity, immigration, bureaucracy and media bias. He also discredited the US judicial system, particularly when facing criminal indictments, portraying his legal troubles as political persecution. His ability to harness these grievances reshaped the Republican Party into a populist right-wing movement.

Many Republican leaders have avoided acknowledging key issues such as the January 6 insurrection, the legitimacy of the 2020 election and international conflicts like those in Ukraine and Gaza, reinforcing Trump’s influence over the party. He has also shown a willingness to collaborate with authoritarian and right-wing leaders worldwide, signaling a preference for figures who challenge democratic norms. His alignment with wealthy elites and tech giants reflects a tendency to prioritize the interests of billionaires over working-class Americans. For instance, he advocated for tax cuts benefiting the wealthy while proposing reductions in social security and medicare that disproportionately affect lower-income Americans. His partnerships with corporate leaders, particularly in the tech sector, allowed him to push for deregulation and policies that benefit the elite while weakening protections for the general public—hallmarks of authoritarian economic control.

Trump repeatedly sought to dominate institutions, including the judiciary. He openly disregarded court rulings that went against his interests and expressed a desire to reshape government structures to serve his agenda. Trump’s push for radical reforms, often benefiting his donors and allies, demonstrates his intent to consolidate power beyond legal norms. While the extent of his success remains uncertain, he has shown a clear willingness to challenge democratic systems and test the boundaries of his authority.

While Trump may not fully succeed in becoming a fascist leader, he undeniably embraces fascist characteristics and has implemented policies that reflect authoritarian tendencies. Before the 2020 election, Cornell University professor Isabel Hull argued that Trump was “not principled enough to be a fascist” and labeled him a “nativist-populist.” However, since then, Trump has intensified his ultra-nationalist and populist approach.

His desire to suppress opposition—though limited by American democratic norms—manifests in policies targeting immigrants, political adversaries and critics. While he may not be able to completely dismantle democracy, his leadership has undeniably pushed the US toward authoritarianism. The American people may ultimately prevent Trump from achieving full-fledged fascism, but his political movement has already demonstrated alarming authoritarian tendencies that cannot be ignored.

Donald Trump’s presidency has significantly reshaped American politics, fostering a populist movement that challenges democratic norms and institutions. While the debate over whether he is a fascist leader continues, he undeniably exhibits key fascist characteristics, including ultranationalism, authoritarian rhetoric and efforts to consolidate power. His attacks on political opponents, government institutions, the judiciary, the media and foreign allies align with historical patterns of authoritarianism. By capitalizing on public grievances, forming alliances with right-wing elites, and pushing policies that favor the wealthy while undermining democratic institutions, Trump has shifted American governance toward an increasingly authoritarian trajectory. Although the US system of checks and balances has constrained his power, his influence continues to grow, posing an ongoing challenge to the resilience of American democracy.