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Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki has been appointed as the Prime Minister of Nepal's interim government after days of anti-corruption protests that claimed 51 lives and forced Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli to resign and flee his official residence in Baluwatar.

With this appointment, she has made history by becoming the first female Prime Minister of the Himalayan nation.

In line with Article 61 (4) of the Constitution, President Ram Chandra Paudel appointed Karki as the head of the interim government in consultation with the Nepal Army Chief and representatives of Gen Z who spearheaded the protests.

Article 61 (4) of the Constitution states that it shall be the primary duty of the President to uphold and protect the Constitution.

She expressed her readiness to become the Prime Minister after an agreement was reached to dissolve the Parliament.

Meanwhile, President Paudel administered the oath of office and secrecy amidst a function in Sheetal Niwas.

After the swearing in ceremony, he also congratulated the newly appointed Prime Minister.

While congratulating her, President Paudel said, "May the country succeed and may the people prosper,"

Vice President Ram Sahaya Prasad Yadav, Chief Justice Prakashman Singh Raut, ambassadors of various countries, and high-ranking government officials were present in the program.

However, leaders of the parties representing in the Parliament did not take part in the oath-taking ceremoney, expressing dissatisfaction over the formation of the interim government.

Former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai was present on the occasion.

Similarly, representatives of Gen Z who were present at the swearing-in ceremony exchanged greetings and congratulated the newly appointed Prime Minister Karki.

Shortly after the swearing in ceremony, Paudel dissolved the House of Representatives, the lower House of the Federal Parliament, upon the recommendation of Prime Minister Sushila Karki.

According to a statement issued by the Office of the President, the next election of the Parliament will be held on March 5, 2026.

The Prime Minister is currently staying at her private residence due to damage caused by protesters at the Prime Minister's official residence in Baluwatar.

Nepal, which had practiced a bicameral system of legislature after the restoration of democracy in 1991, has witnessed several dissolutions of Parliament in the past.

KP Sharma Oli had dissolved the House of Representatives twice, first on December 20, 2020 and second on May 21, 2021. The Supreme Court overturned both the dissolutions.

The House of Representatives was dissolved for the first time in the country's parliamentary history on July 10, 1994.

Girija Prasad Koirala, the Prime Minister of the first elected government, dissolved Parliament after failing to endorse the policies and programs.

Writ petitions were filed in the Supreme Court against the dissolution. But all the writs were dismissed and the country went for mid-term elections.

Manmohan Adhikari, who became Prime Minister from the mid-term election, dissolved the House of Representatives on June 9, 1995.

The then Prime Minister Surya Bahadur Thapa on January 8, 1998 and Girija Prasad Koirala in 1998 had attempted to dissolve the Parliament but to no avail.

The then Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba had also dissolved the House of Representatives on September 24, 2002. The Supreme Court also upheld it, but it failed to hold the election on time.

Who is Sushila Karki?

Known as Nepal’s first woman Chief Justice, Sushila Karki is admired for her clarity of thought, firm stance, and integrity during her tenure in the judiciary.

Born on June 7, 1952 at Shankharpur-3 of Biratnagar, Morang, Karki completed her Bachelor’s Degree from the Mahendra Morang College, Biratnagar and went to Banaras Hindu University in 1975 to earn a Master’s degree in Political Science. After obtaining a Bachelor's Degree in Law from the Tribhuvan University, she entered the legal profession as an advocate on March 29, 1979.

Karki spent three years teaching at the Mahendra Multiple Campus, Morang from 1985. She took the leadership of the Nepal Bar Association (NBA) Koshi Zone for three years from 1988, and later as the head of the NBA at the Biratnagar Appellate Court.

She received the title of senior advocate on December 20, 2004, and was appointed as a temporary judge of the Supreme Court on January 22, 2009. She became a permanent judge of the Supreme Court on November 18, 2010.

Karki served as the Chief Justice of Nepal from July 11, 2016, to June 6, 2017.

In April 2017, some lawmakers had attempted to impeach Karki accusing her of breaching Constution and failing to bear her duties,  but the effort failed.

President Ram Chandra Paudel and Speaker Devraj Ghimire held a meeting on Thursday. 

The latest political development and contemporary affairs were discussed in the meeting, informed Speaker’s press expert Shekhar Adhikari. 

On the occasion, the two also discussed the solution of the current political stalemate. 

At the meeting with the Speaker, President Paudel said a political solution will be explored within the ambit of the Constitution. 

The meeting between the President and the Speaker about the political situation evolving following September 8 has been considered an important event. 

The senators of the United States (US) Foreign Relations Committee have urged to keep peace in Nepal through democratic process. 

Issuing a statement on Thursday about the recent political development in Nepal, senators, Jeanne Shaheen and Chris Van Hollen, said, “The incidents of violence, loss of the lives and arson that occurred in Nepal lately are not acceptable. We extend deep condolence to the families of those killed during the recent protests”. 

Appealing for holding those involved in extreme suppression against the citizens to account, the senators noted, “Nepal has gained significant achievements during the last two-decade of its democratic exercise. It is ever necessary to protect the achievements earned with substantial contributions of the citizens”. 

Stating that the peaceful, dynamic and full democratic Nepal is the shared concern of the people of Nepal, the United States and the region, the senators expressed their confidence that the Government of Nepal would put tough measures to control corruption and fix institutional weaknesses to win the trust of the citizens. 

Nepal is in the grip of one of the gravest crises in its recent history. What began as a youth-led movement against corruption and political stagnation has exposed deep fractures in the country’s political system and raised urgent questions about the future of its democracy.

On Sept 8, thousands of young people, primarily from the GenZ demographic, gathered in Kathmandu to protest corruption, unemployment, and the government’s controversial ban on 26 social media platforms. The ban, announced by Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s administration, was justified on the grounds that the platforms were not formally registered in Nepal. For many youths, however, it symbolized an attempt to silence dissent and stifle the online activism they had relied on to hold leaders accountable.

The protesters had already mobilized campaigns such as Nepokids, which exposed the lavish lifestyles of politicians and their families. That day, they marched toward the restricted zone around the Federal Parliament. When some entered the compound and set parts of the building on fire, police responded with live ammunition, killing 19 demonstrators. The use of lethal force shocked the nation and ignited mass outrage. Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak resigned that night, and the government hastily announced the lifting of the social media ban. But the damage was done.

On Sept 9, tens of thousands of people poured into the streets of Kathmandu and beyond, demanding justice for what they called a massacre. As protests spread like wildfire and turned violent, Oli resigned in the afternoon. His departure, however, did little to calm the situation. What began as a protest against corruption and authoritarian overreach descended into chaos. Infiltrators, some linked to suspected criminal groups and political spoilers, transformed demonstrations into waves of arson, lynching, looting, and assaults. GenZ representatives distanced themselves from the violence and appealed for calm, but their calls went unheeded.

Scenes of destruction dominated both social media and news channels: crowds ransacking and burning state institutions such as the parliament, the Supreme Court, ministries inside the Singha Durbar complex, and police stations. There were prison riots and mass escapes in different parts of the country. Private residences of prominent politicians were also attacked. Former prime minister and Nepali Congress president Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife Arzu Rana Deuba, the foreign minister, were assaulted inside their home before being rescued by the Nepali Army. Media outlets were not spared either, as angry mobs set fire to the offices of Annapurna Media Network and Kantipur Media Group.

The delay in deploying the Nepali Army to restore order raised serious questions. Only by midnight did the Army intervene, assuming full responsibility for security. So far, more than 30 people, including security personnel, have lost their lives, and different parts of the country are still under curfew and prohibitory orders.   

This situation did not emerge overnight. It was the culmination of years of growing disillusionment with the political class. Since the restoration of democracy in 1990, three major parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center)—have dominated the political landscape. Over three decades, they rotated in power but failed to deliver stability, prosperity, or accountability. Instead, they became synonymous with corruption, patronage, and personal enrichment.

Government offices turned into hubs of bribery, where basic services became nearly inaccessible without paying officials. Meanwhile, leaders and their families flaunted wealth, living in stark contrast to millions struggling with unemployment and poverty. Bureaucrats, rather than serving as a check, colluded with politicians to deepen corruption.

In recent years, comparisons with Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, both rocked by mass protests against corrupt elites, circulated widely in political circles. Analysts warned that unless Nepal’s leaders stepped aside for a younger generation, frustration could erupt into something uncontrollable. Instead of heeding these warnings, senior leaders tightened their grip, refusing to retire or allow generational change.

Opposition forces, including the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) and royalist groups, sought to exploit popular anger. Earlier this year, the RPP staged large demonstrations, some of which turned violent. Former King Gyanendra Shah openly backed a royalist revival, though divisions within the monarchist camp weakened the movement. For mainstream parties, this brought temporary relief.

But Oli’s decision to ban social media reignited the anger. In a society where traditional institutions had lost credibility, digital platforms were one of the few tools young people trusted to challenge corruption and mobilize peers. The ban was thus seen as both authoritarian and deeply out of touch, adding fuel to an already volatile situation.

Now, Nepal faces a momentous political test. Demands from Gen Z protesters—particularly for an end to corruption and a stable government—must be addressed. Yet political stability also requires preserving the constitutional framework.

There are growing calls for President Ram Chandra Poudel and Army Chief Ashok Raj Sigdel to act strictly within the constitution while picking the head of interim government. Civil society, the media, and the legal community have warned that any deviation could push Nepal into uncharted territory.

Constitutional experts argue that the only viable way forward is to dissolve parliament and call fresh elections under the 2015 constitution. Abandoning the constitution, however, would be disastrous. Drafted after the abolition of the monarchy, it was the product of seven years of painstaking negotiation. Despite criticism from Madhes-based and royalist groups, it remains Nepal’s most inclusive charter to date. Rewriting it in today’s polarized climate would be nearly impossible.

The three major parties still control more than two-thirds of parliament, meaning no political roadmap can succeed without them. Yet their leadership has lost legitimacy in the eyes of young people. Unless they bring in new leaders and show genuine willingness to reform, protests are unlikely to subside.

The violence has struck a fragile economy already under strain. Nepal faces rising external debt, difficulty paying civil servants, and eroding investor confidence. The Sept 9 attacks paralyzed the private sector, long considered the country’s growth engine. Thousands of jobs have been lost. Without quick stabilization, more youths will migrate abroad, draining Nepal of much-needed human capital.

Education has been disrupted, with private schools and colleges targeted. Tourism, which peaks in September, has been devastated by attacks on hotels and travel businesses. Trade, too, has stalled as customs offices were vandalized. Without urgent international aid, Nepal risks sliding into deep recession within months.

International partners, particularly India, China, and Western donors, must play a constructive role in supporting Nepal’s democratic institutions, stabilizing the economy, and deterring external actors from exploiting the turmoil.

Despite the destruction of parliament, courts, and ministries, state institutions must not grind to a halt. The judiciary has pledged to resume partial services, and ministries should operate from makeshift offices. 

Nepal now stands at a crossroads. The crisis is both a warning and an opportunity. It has revealed the extent of public anger against a corrupt elite, but also the determination of a new generation to demand accountability.