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Minister for Foreign Affairs Pradeep Kumar Gyawali has come under flak for his recent US visit. At the center of the controversy was a statement from the US State Department which says the US wants Nepal to play a “central role” in the “Indo-Pacific” region. Some say Nepal should not be a part of the Indo-Pacific strategy, which is aimed largely at checking China’s military rise in the region. In this interview with Biswas Baral and Kamal Dev Bhattarai, the foreign minister says Nepal never acceded to be a part of any such strategy. He also pointed out the foreign policy priorities of Oli government.

What are the foreign policy priorities of Oli government?

The overarching motto of this government is: “Prosperous Nepal, Happy Nepali”. Our foreign policy is aimed at achieving this goal. Broadly, we are working on four areas: immediate neighbors, development partners, labor destinations and regional multilateral organizations. We attach highest importance to our neighbors and our focus with them has always been economic development. I am trying to enhance mutual trust and promote cooperation with our neighbors, in line with our national priorities. At the same time, our engagement with other key development partners has increased. Of late, our role in international arena has been more active, visible and productive.

Recently there seems to be an emphasis on expanding our foreign relations beyond our two giant neighbors.

We have embarked on a journey of stability and economic development. Our journey to prosperity has garnered global attention. To benefit from this, we are going to organize an international investment summit in March. When I meet my counterparts abroad at bilateral and multilateral forums, I convey the message that we want economic prosperity. I request them to support our tourism, and provide preferential facilities to our goods and services. Political stability is our major attraction.

Your recent US visit drew a lot of attention. Many were critical of Nepal’s closer embrace of the US.

Nepal adheres to the principles of non-alignment, Panchasheel and world peace. Guided by this spirit, we attach high importance to our relations with all countries. The spirit of ‘amity with all and enmity with none’ guides all our external relations. At the center of our foreign engagement is economic diplomacy. Global powers have their own ambitions, and regional powers have their own agenda. Nepal engages with all based on its domestic priority and necessity. We won’t be involved in any activity that is against our basic foreign policy principles or that impinge on genuine concerns of our neighbors. Perhaps due to the long transition there is a tendency in Nepal to be overly suspicious.

Your American counterpart, Mike Pompeo, projected Nepal as a central part of the US’s ‘Indo-Pacific Strategy’? Is that a right characterization?

Let me correct you. America has never said Nepal would be a central part of Indo-Pacific Strategy. They only talked about our pivotal role in this region. Nepal is current Chair of SAARC and immediate past chair of BIMSTEC. In this light, America may have expected greater role and visibility of Nepal in this region. I have made it clear that we do not have any global ambition. Our only ambition is economic development and prosperity. We want to graduate from LDC at the earliest and be a middle-income country by 2030. To meet those objectives, we need more investment. In bilateral meetings, it is natural that we put forward our expectations and they put forward their own. Ultimately, it is up to us to take or reject their offers based on our necessity and requirement.

Of late the geopolitical competition in Nepal between India, the US and China seems to have intensified. How do you balance those powers?  

We never compare our relation with one country with another. Each relation is unique. Our relation with India is age-old. There is high people-to-people contact, of which the open border is the perfect symbol. We also have historical relations with China and it continues to support Nepal’s goals and aspirations. China is the second-biggest economy in the world and we want to connect with China for our economic development. Our engagement with China will further increases as a transit country. America is supporting our development projects and various areas of social development. It has been doing so since 1950s.

There is competition as well as engagement among big powers. We should not think there is only competition.  Of late, there is growing engagement between India and China. There is trade dispute between America and other countries and there are tensions but there is also dialogue. We are closely analyzing those developments.

In your bilateral discussions in the US, what were the Americans mostly interested in?

First, they appreciated Nepal’s role in this region. They also expected Nepal to play an even bigger role. As an active participant of SAARC, BIMSTEC and other regional organizations, America perceives Nepal as a leader of this region. Second, the peace process in the Korean peninsula is gaining momentum. My counterpart was optimistic on this. America is of the view that countries should have a common position on UN Security Council proposal on North Korea. I clearly said that Nepal is in favor of denuclearization in the Korean peninsula and that Nepal wishes for the success of the ongoing peace dialogue.

Third, America officials wanted Nepal to give more attention to fair business and competitiveness when development projects are selected. Similarly, American officials advised that Nepal should think of its pay-back capacity on development projects. I clearly said that Nepal needs resources. We made it clear that we want investment and we want loan. But Nepal would also try to make terms and conditions favorable on development aid. I also requested American companies to invest in Nepal.

Some say the Americans wanted Nepal to crack down on North Korean activities on Nepali soil.
No such issues were discussed. As far as UN resolution on North Korea is concerned, Nepal supports it.

What is the status of relation with India?

We are satisfied with progress in Nepal-India relation. Our main concerns were development projects and there has been progress. Of late, India has amended its power guidelines, paving the way for greater energy cooperation. Now we can use Indian grid to supply electricity to third countries. The progress on inland waterways is also encouraging. Our produce are gradually getting access to Indian markets. Our bilateral mechanisms are regularly holding their meetings. There are commitments on both sides.

What then explains India’s refusal to accept the EPG report?

The EPG was formed at the initiation of two prime ministers. We are happy that there is an understanding on both sides on contentious issues. It is big achievement. I do not doubt the commitment of political leadership on EPG. But there are some spoilers in Nepal-India relations. The implementation of EPG could hamper their interest, and hence the delay.  

What about our relation with China? There is no progress on the BRI.

We have identified some projects under the BRI and shared them with China. Some implementation mechanisms on BRI projects have also been established. We are now finalizing detailed reports and funding modalities of around a dozen projects under the BRI.

The irony! The two co-chairmen of the ruling NCP, KP Sharma Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal, were on Jan 7 exploring ways to develop a common understand­ing on key national issues with Sher Bahadur Deuba, the leader of the Nepali Congress, the main opposition. A day later, Congress parliamentary party meeting endorsed a ‘shadow government’ to expose the executive’s wrongdoing. Whatever Deuba told his communist counterparts, the NC wants to corner the Oli government at a time when public dissatisfaction with its functioning is mounting. This shadow government will comprise federal MPs who will be given the responsibility of keeping a close tab on the workings of the assigned ministries. The NC feels its current criticism of the government on the purchase of two wide-body aircraft from Airbus; on Oli bringing tax and spy agen­cies, and big-tickets projects, under the PMO; on Nirmala Pant; and on healthcare reform is feeble, as the party lacks hard data to back up its anti-Oli tirades. By closely follow­ing individual ministries, the NC hopes to amass enough incriminating evidence with which to embarrass the government.

 This shadow government will comprise federal MPs

Formation of shadow governments is a com­mon practice in Westmin­ster-style democracies, helping with checks and balances. The idea remains untested in Nepal. Whether it will work may be the wrong question. A more pertinent one is: Why now? Badly humiliated in the three tier elections in 2017, there seemed to be no way back for the faction-ridden Grand Old Party. Yet PM Oli’s 10-month report card has been so dismal that the NC now feels confident of its ability to cash in on the growing anti-Oli public sentiment.

Following PM Oli’s address to the parliament on Jan 6, Congress MPs obstructed the house when they were stopped from questioning the prime minister. After initially resisting the pressure from the opposition, Speaker Krishna Bahadur Mahara eventually relented, and directed the prime minis­ter to answer questions raised in the parliament. Whatever the response to NC questions, the opposition will protest. The goal, on either side, is not to find amicable solutions to pressing issues but to defame the other side.

With both sides determined to play hardball, this war of words is sure to escalate, hampering lawmaking. The parliament needs to update 165 laws in two months to make the federal setup functional. But the NC is determined to cry foul and create hurdles every step of the way.

Dr Govinda KC had no option but to start yet another fast-onto-death, his 16th, this time from Ilam in the eastern hills. He had promised to do so if the federal par­liament’s Education and Health Committee did not endorse the version of the Medical Education Bill that was prepared in consultation with the crusading orthopedic surgeon. On Jan 9, the committee endorsed a different version of the bill, in which key points in the previous version were tweaked mendaciously. Ergo, Dr KC’s 16th hunger strike.

Among the major tweaks was an insertion of a pro­vision whereby both Tribhuvan University and Kath­mandu University will be able to grant affiliations to new medical colleges. Dr KC wanted to cap the number of medical colleges each could oversee at five. Short of both money and manpower, the two universities are struggling to effectively monitor even the operation­al medical colleges under their jurisdiction. Another tweak clears the way for the prospective medical col­leges that have already obtained a ‘letter of intent’ from the Ministry of Education to get new affiliations.

The bill the committee passed is also missing a firm commitment to establish at least one medical college in each of the seven provinces, which was another of Dr KC’s main demands. Clearly, the mighty ‘medical mafia’ that the doctor likes to rail against has once again prevailed. Senior ruling party leaders have invested in many of the proposed medical colleges and stand to personally benefit from the tweaks in the Medical Education Bill. In the parliamentary commit­tee that cleared it, 14 of the 18 members were from the Nepal Communist Party. Such conflict of interest has become a routine affair for the communist-controlled executive and legislative.

It is depressing to see people’s representatives serving themselves rather than their constituencies. This, again, is nothing new. But we expected better of the strongest government in Nepal’s democratic history, which came to power on the promise of ‘prosperity for all’. The first commitment of the avowed socialists should have been to ensure affordable healthcare and education for all Nepalis. Yet an ageing and frail doctor has had to repeatedly put his life on the line to remind the government of its basic duty. If the ruling party wants to retain public support, the full parliament should reject the bill and spare Dr KC yet another ordeal.

We Nepalis are lovers of rice and if that rice comes to our plates in long grain, with exquisitely cooked meat gravy and garnished on top with saffron and coriander, we just might go crazy.

The Hyderabad House at Bhatbhateni (50 meters towards the Bhatbhateni Temple, opposite the Bhatbhateni Supermarket) has been titillating the taste buds of Nepali foodies with its big-portioned biryanis and other rich titbits. Hyderabad House gives you the taste of true Indian and Mughlai cuisines and surprisingly with a small collection of Chinese dishes too.But you might not want to order Chinese there. You’re better off with platefuls of kebabs, dumpukht biryanis, Hyderabadi soups called marag and other spicy, succulent Indian royalty like dishes.

Just a little reminder the dishes, tasty as they are, are a tad expensive at Hyderabad House. If that is no problem, you won’t regret a visit, we tell you.

THE MENU

Chef’s Special:

- Chicken Afghani Kebab

- Biryani

- Kebab Platter

Opening hours: 11 am - 10 pm

Location: Opposite Bhat Bhateni

Cards: Accepted

Meal for 2: Rs 3,000

Reservations: 4443839

Schools in Nepal have to run classes for a mini­mum of 220 days in a year, according to official rules. But most community schools in Mugum Karmarong rural municipality of Mugu district open for only 80 days. In winters, schools remain closed for around three months due to extreme cold. Teachers return to the schools in May after the win­ter break. In June and July, students and teachers are busy collecting Yarsagumba, a treasured Himalayan herb. Then, there is hardly 1.5 months left for studies, after which Dashain festivities start. Students complain that schools remain closed most of the time, and even on the days they are open, all classes do not run. Many teachers do not teach properly and ask the students to read the book themselves while they sit out­side in the sun.

Monitoring reports show that among the 16 schools in the area, only one has satisfactory educational status

Monitoring reports show that among the 16 schools in the area, only one has satis­factory educational status. Chief District Officer Uma Kanta Adhikari, who also coordinates the monitoring committee, says that most stu­dents in the rural municipality cannot even read properly. He adds that there is reason to question the very existence of the schools.

“Community school teachers also take up other jobs, run NGOs and get involved in political activ­ities, thus hampering the smooth operation of schools,” says Adhikari.

The absence of teachers has even led to the closure of some schools in the rural municipality. Chief of Educa­tion Development and Coor­dination Unit Surya Bahadur Khatri says action will be taken against such schools.

“We have leaders in authoritative positions who complain about teachers getting more involved in personal and political work than in schools. Elected repre­sentatives now need to bring about change here,” says Sonam Karmarong, a local who is also involved in the monitoring process.

‘How do we go to school with charred books?’

BISHNA NEUPANE | Kalikot  

 Children of Khad­agaun of Kalikot’s Palanta rural municipality have been unable to attend school after a fire on the night of Dec 23 wreaked havoc on their commu­nity. Children’s books, bags and uniforms were some of the stuff destroyed by the fire that engulfed 87 houses. Locals have demanded the supply of essential educational items so that students can go to school again.

Bhagwati Neupane, a Grade VIII student of Ganesh Adharbhut School, lost her home in the fire along with her notebooks, clothes and other valu­ables. Now, she is unable to attend school. As many as 130 children of the area have been unable to go to school since the fire broke out. “All my clothes and books were destroyed by fire. How do I go to school now?” Bhagwati asks.

Dana Devi Neupane, deputy mayor of Palanta rural municipality, claims that the situation has now returned to normal. She says that after the distribu­tion of some relief materials in the first phase, arrange­ments were made for fire victims to stay at other houses or schools in the village that were unaffected by the fire.

Q. Your best and worst pur­chase

A. Best purchase would be my car and worst purchase would be the pair of shoes I bought for Rs 12,000 thinking they were genuine. They were not.

Q. Alternate career choice

A. What I am doing right now is my alternate career choice. My dream career was to join the army.

Q. ‘Call Kantipur’ or ‘It’s my show’

A. Right now, ‘It’s my show’. 15 years ago, it would have been ‘Call Kantipur’

Q. Someone you want to interview

A. Former King Gyanendra

Q. Most difficult to interview

A. Guests who answer with a “yes” or “no” to a long ques­tion and people who are shy to open up in front of the camera

Q. The quote you live by

A. ‘Some are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have great­ness thrust upon them’ by Shakespeare. I get con­fused by this quote. Was I born great, am I doing great or was greatness thrust upon me?

The tradition of endless partying and incomparable hospitality of the lake city of Pokhara was continued this New Year’s eve, as the favorite destination of locals and foreigners alike celebrated the 20^th Pokhara Street Festival. Organized by the Restaurant and Bar Association of Nepal (REBAN) Pokhara chapter, with the support of Nepal Tourism Board, the 2-km stretch of the lakeside was cordoned off for vehicles and turned into a walking street for thousands of tourists from Dec 28 to Jan 1.

Restaurants, bars, hotels and other establishments joined hands to make the event a success, with the visitors getting to enjoy delicious food, discounted hospitality and live cultural programs. From folk concerts to bhajans and traditional lakhe dancers to rap and rock artists, the event had it all. One of the highlights was the performance of the popular band Mongolian Heart, which was celebrating its 25^th anniversary.

Proceeds from the event have been pledged for community development in Pokhara and also to support natural disasters affected communities all over the country. The Annapurna Media Network was an event partner.

In some democracies, lying under oath is a jail-wor­thy offense. English novelist Jeffery Archer was imprisoned in 2010 for lying in a libel case. More recently, Michael Cohen, American President Donald Trump’s lawyer, was sentenced to three years in prison after he lied to the Senate. In other democ­racies, like Nepal, the offenders tend to get away with it, as Minister for Tourism, Culture and Civil Aviation Rabindra Adhikari will be hoping.

Adhikari tried to mislead the parliamentary sub-committee investigating the opaque transac­tions related to the purchase of two aircraft from Airbus. Asked by the sub-committee on why he had sanctioned payment on behalf of the national flag-carrier even though the procurement process was riddled with flaws, the minister replied that he was acting on the advice of Auditor General Tanka Mani Sharma. But Sharma, appearing later before the same sub-committee, said that he had offered Minis­ter Adhikari no such advice. As Adhikari has refused to comment on Sharma’s denial, there are grounds to assume his guilt.

We expect better of a public servant. We also expect accountability. Will the Public Accounts Committee (PAC), of which the sub-committee was a part, now seek punishment for the lying minister? And what will happen to others like the Nepal Airlines Gener­al Manager Sugat Ratna Kansakar and over 25 senior government officials who in this case have been found guilty of violating the Public Procurement Act? Senior PAC leaders have already distanced themselves from the probe, perhaps because investigating it could earn them the ire of their party leaders. There is thus con­siderable doubt that the PAC will act on the recom­mendations of the sub-committee.

The CIAA, the country’s chief anti-graft body, can launch an investigation only after the PAC’s go-ahead. It is vital to get to the root of this mammoth corruption case. The sub-committee concluded that over Rs 4 bil­lion was embezzled during the procurement of the two aircraft, with the involvement of everyone from sitting ministers to the chiefs of the Citizen Investment Trust and the Employees Provident Fund. But with friends in high places, will they be prosecuted?

Prime Minister KP Oli has repeatedly assured his fel­low citizens that no corrupt official will be spared and no one will be allowed to come in the way of his pet national prosperity agenda. He now has a chance to prove just that.