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A former Australian politician convicted of sexually abusing two young men he met through work has been sentenced to five years and nine months in jail, BBC reported.

Gareth Ward, 44, has been in prison since July after a jury found him guilty of raping one man and indecently assaulting another, in separate incidents in 2013 and 2015.

Ward represented the coastal town of Kiama in the New South Wales (NSW) parliament from 2011. He resigned as a Liberal Party minister when the claims emerged in 2021 but refused to quit parliament and was re-elected in 2023, according to BBC.

Judge Kara Shead SC considered Ward's disability of legal blindness in her sentence and found "no other penalty other than imprisonment is appropriate".

Prince Andrew is to lose his 'prince' title and leave his Windsor mansion, Royal Lodge, following weeks of intense scrutiny over his links to convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, BBC reported.

In a statement on Thursday night, Buckingham Palace said the King's brother will now be known as Andrew Mountbatten Windsor.

Andrew gave up his other royal titles earlier this month, including the Duke of York, after facing more questions about his private life, according to BBC.

In a posthumous memoir published earlier this month, Virginia Giuffre repeated allegations that, as a teenager, she had sex with Prince Andrew on three separate occasions. Andrew has always denied the claims.

The Karuna Foundation Nepal, an organization working for the welfare of persons with disabilities, is going to distribute artificial hands to 428 people across the country.

The Foundation, in a statement it issued today, said that the distribution of free artificial hands will be started from Koshi Province in the first phase under the support campaign conducted in collaboration with the German Hands Project. 

Foundation's Associate Director Dinesh Dhakal said that the program will be held in Itahari, Koshi Province from November 3 to 12 and 204 people will be provided with artificial hands free of charge.

Recently, a notice was published calling for applications from people who were in need of artificial hands and it was reported that 428 people nationwide were registered. It is stated that beneficiaries from Koshi Province were prioritised in the first phase.

The Foundation has reported that among such beneficiaries, 10 are from Bhojpur, three from Ilam, 61 from Jhapa, 25 from Khotang, 14 from Morang, 19 from Okhaldhunga, 22 from Panchthar, eight from Solukhumbu, eight from Sunsari, two from Tehrathum, and 25 from Udaypur.

It is believed that this campaign will help individuals who have lost limbs regain self-confidence and return to an independent life.

According to the Foundation, the number of people losing their hands each year due to accidents, electric shocks, infections or other reasons is increasing in Nepal, and currently more than 50,000 people across the country are using various types of prosthetic limbs.

The Nepal Stock Exchange (NEPSE) gained 34. 22 points to close at 2, 600. 38 points on Thursday.

Similarly, the sensitive index surged by 5. 40 points to close at 452. 81 points.

A total of 26,010,718-unit shares of 319 companies were traded for Rs 7. 51 billion.

Meanwhile, Gurans Laghubitta Bittiya Sanstha Limited (GLBSL) and Unnati Sahakarya Laghubitta Bittiya Sanstha Limited (USLB) were the top gainers today, with their price surging by 10. 00 percent. 

Likewise, NIBL Stable Fund (NIBLSTF) was the top loser as its price fell by 5. 70 percent.

At the end of the day, total market capitalization stood at Rs 1. 47 trillion.

As the GenZ-led protests of Sept 8–9 exposed deep public frustration with corruption, unemployment, and government overreach, the country’s oldest democratic party, the Nepali Congress (NC), found itself at a crossroads. In this interview with ApEx, NC leader and former minister, Minendra Rijal reflects on the lessons from the GenZ movement, the legacy and impending transition of Sher Bahadur Deuba’s leadership, and the urgent need for renewal within the party. 

How do you assess the Nepali Congress’s response to the recent youth-led, particularly GenZ, protests across the country?

Nepali Congress has always been a party of the people—not just by history, but by temperament and conviction. The recent youth-led protests, spearheaded largely by GenZ and triggered by the ill-advised social media ban in Sept 2025, revealed not only widespread frustration with governance but also a generational demand for accountability, inclusion, and transparency. It would be disingenuous to deny that these protests reflected disenchantment with all mainstream political forces, including ours.

At the time, even though our party, Nepali Congress, was the largest party in the governing coalition, I immediately opposed the ban and publicly expressed my opposition to the government’s decision in a full-length interview published in a respected national daily. In that interview, I tried to explain that the government’s approach was more focused on attacking the messenger than on addressing public frustration or understanding the people’s message. The government’s move appeared more like an attempt to control dissent than to regulate misuse of technology. In a democracy, one cannot legislate away public frustration—it must be addressed through dialogue, trust, and reform.

I firmly believe that social media, like any other public space, contains both positive and negative elements. But today it functions as a civic space for young Nepalis who often feel excluded from formal politics. Suppressing that space risks alienating an entire generation. The protests, therefore, were not merely a reaction to a single policy but an outpouring of deeper disillusionment—with corruption, unemployment, and the perceived distance between politics and people’s lives.

Our party’s initial hesitation in responding decisively was a missed opportunity to show moral clarity and courage. But it has since sparked a necessary introspection. Nepali Congress must reimagine its engagement with youth—not as an electoral strategy but as a democratic responsibility. Listening to young people, learning from their impatience, and incorporating their aspirations into policy are the only ways to rebuild trust. In that sense, the protests were not a crisis to be managed but a message to be heeded.

Sher Bahadur Deuba has led the party for over a decade. How would you evaluate his leadership and its impact on the party’s direction and performance?

Sher Bahadur Deuba’s political journey spans nearly six decades—from his beginnings as a student activist to serving five times as Prime Minister of the country and twice as President of Nepali Congress. Over that long career, he has navigated multiple turning points in Nepal’s political evolution and in the life of our party, often under extraordinary national circumstances.

Parts of his prepared remarks delivered in person at the outset of our ongoing Central Working Committee meeting carried a reflective tone—almost like a valedictory statement—as he sought to place his major political milestones within the broader sweep of Nepal’s democratic history. This, understandably, has prompted a wave of commentary evaluating his leadership and its imprint on both the party and the country. What drew my closer attention, however, was his announcement to hand over leadership following our forthcoming 15th General Convention and his decision to designate an Acting President due to health reasons in the aftermath of the September protests.

Having known and worked closely with him for five decades—through periods of both collaboration and divergence—I have seen his resilience, political acumen, and characteristic approach to managing the party’s affairs in demanding times. Yet, this is also a moment of profound transition — not only for Nepali Congress but for the nation’s political landscape more broadly. In such a fluid environment, any definitive evaluation of his legacy may risk being misunderstood or viewed through the prism of current tensions.

Therefore, I believe it would be both fair and prudent to reserve a full, candid, and balanced assessment of his leadership until after the conclusion of our upcoming General Convention. That will be the appropriate moment to reflect on his contributions with the necessary perspective—acknowledging his achievements, recognizing the limitations of the period, and situating his tenure within the larger trajectory of our party’s evolution and Nepal’s democratic journey.

The party is currently undergoing a leadership transition. What challenges do you foresee in ensuring a smooth and effective handover?

Leadership transitions in a party as large and historically significant as Nepali Congress are always complex because they carry both institutional memory and generational expectation. Nepali Congress is indeed in a period of transition, as the mandate of our 14th General Convention is set to expire by mid-Dec 2025. To convene the 15th General Convention on schedule, we should have already begun the process from the grassroots level upward. Our active membership roster should have been finalized long ago, and the election of new leadership at the lower levels should already have been underway.

Even to finalize the active membership roster, we must first complete the renewal of existing memberships and promptly launch an open and transparent drive to recruit fresh members. Unfortunately, while occupying the highest positions of political power, our leadership failed to devote the minimum necessary attention to these fundamental organizational responsibilities. There is ample room for debate about who among the leadership bears the most responsibility for this negligence.

Now, we find ourselves in the midst of increasingly polarized internal discussions regarding the timing of the General Convention and how this task can be carried out. Recent developments—particularly the dissolution of the federal House of Representatives and the scheduling of fresh general elections for 5 March 2026—have further complicated matters. There are two schools of thought within the party: one argues for completing the General Convention as scheduled, to renew our legitimacy before the elections; the other believes that we should invoke a clause in our party statute to defer the General Convention, allowing us to focus on preparing for the upcoming general elections and stabilizing the political environment. Both views have merit. However, we cannot continue to live in a state of confusion and uncertainty and risk undermining our prospects in the forthcoming general election. We should reach a decision fairly quickly during the ongoing Central Working Committee meeting regarding the date and mode of our party’s General Convention. What matters most is that our decision be anchored in broad consensus and transparency.

Leadership change must re-energize the organization from within. This is also a time to demonstrate that internal democracy in Nepali Congress is not a ritual but a living principle. If we can turn this transition into a genuine process of renewal—one that blends youthful energy with institutional wisdom—then the outcome will strengthen both the party and the political system. Otherwise, we risk not remaining Nepal’s largest and most vibrant mainstream party, but becoming merely a legacy political institution.

Maintaining unity amid transition is always challenging, especially when external pressures—public skepticism, media scrutiny, and the rise of new movements—are intense. Yet, our history gives reasons for confidence. Time and again, through crises and ideological divides, we have relied on dialogue, compromise, and collective wisdom to move forward. If we can summon that same spirit now, we will not only ensure a smooth handover but also reaffirm our commitment to democratic norms at a time when they are being tested.

Beyond a change in leadership, what reforms should the Nepali Congress prioritize to stay relevant and responsive to public aspirations?

Leadership renewal must be accompanied by institutional and ideological reforms. A mere change of personalities without a shift in culture and accountability will not suffice. It is abundantly clear that people are less concerned with who leads and more with how they lead, and for whose benefit.

First, inclusivity must be made substantive, not procedural. Nepali Congress has a proud record of promoting social justice, but today’s electorate expects more than representation by identity—they expect participation in decision-making. We must build mechanisms that ensure meaningful roles for young leaders, women, Dalits, Janajatis, Madhesis, and other marginalized communities not as tokens, but as equal partners in policy and strategy.

Second, our organizational reform must aim at efficiency, merit, and accountability. Over the years, the party’s structure has become dense and hierarchical. We need leaner, more agile decision-making bodies where responsibility is clearly defined. Moreover, the raison d’être and mandates of our extensive network of sister and well-wisher organizations need careful re-examination. Not only should governance within the party improve, but it should also project confidence to the public that we can reform the state in the same spirit.

Third, the fight against corruption must begin at home. Nepali Congress should lead by example, instituting internal mechanisms for transparency—regular financial audits, public disclosure of funding, and swift disciplinary action in cases of misconduct. People are weary of rhetoric; they want proof of integrity. Only when we hold ourselves accountable can we credibly demand accountability from others.

Fourth, our policy agenda must resonate with the emerging priorities of a young, globally connected citizenry. Employment, entrepreneurship, climate resilience, and digital innovation are no longer peripheral issues; they are central to national transformation. We must articulate policies that link economic growth with fairness—promoting green energy, supporting small enterprises, investing in technology, and modernizing education to match global standards.

Finally, reform must be institutionalized. We have had moments of renewal before, but they often faded for lack of follow-through. This time, we should create dedicated reform task forces empowered to translate commitments into actions. The goal is not to reinvent Nepali Congress but to rediscover its essence—a democratic, progressive, and inclusive force capable of leading Nepal into a new era of accountability and hope.

Given the growing public frustration with established parties, how confident are you that the Nepali Congress can retain its place as Nepal’s leading political force?

I have strong reasons for confidence, though not for complacency. Nepali Congress’s strength lies in its proven capacity to adapt without abandoning its principles. For over eight decades, we have guided Nepal through every major political transformation—the 1950 revolution against autocracy, the 1990 People’s Movement that restored multiparty democracy, the 2006 Jana Andolan II that ended monarchy, the post-2015 earthquake recovery, the promulgation of the 2015 Constitution, and the subsequent federal transition. In each phase, we faced crises of confidence and legitimacy, yet emerged renewed because we anchored ourselves in democratic values.

The events of Sept 2025 are part of that continuing test. They remind us that no political legacy, however illustrious, can substitute for responsiveness and reform. But they also reaffirm that our party’s greatest resource is its moral and institutional resilience. We have always been a bridge between tradition and change—and if we embrace that identity deliberately, we can once again lead Nepal through this period of uncertainty.

The forthcoming 15th General Convention will, therefore, be more than a procedural exercise; it will be a defining moment for our future. If we can ensure a democratic, transparent, and inclusive leadership selection process while committing to tangible reforms—from anti-corruption to job creation—we can demonstrate that Nepali Congress still has the vision and discipline to govern responsibly.

Continuity and change must coexist. Our heritage of resilience should inform, not inhibit, innovation. As Nepal navigates what some have called a “youthquake,” we must balance youthful dynamism with the steady hand of experience. If we can do so, Nepali Congress will not just survive this transition—it will re-emerge as the principal force of stability, progress, and democratic governance in the years ahead.

Security forces have rescued 72 tourists, including 17 foreigners, who were stranded due to heavy snowfall at the Annapurna Base Camp in Myagdi.

Security personnel were mobilized from Myagdi to assist in the rescue of tourists facing difficulties after the snow covered Hidden Valley along the Dhaulagiri Circuit Trek, which connects Myagdi to Mustang.

As of Thursday morning, all 72 tourists, including foreigners, were rescued with the help of the Armed Police Force, civil police, and local residents. 

The trekking route has remained blanketed by snow since Monday night. 

APF Deputy Superintendent of Police Leela Bahadur Bhujel confirmed that the rescued tourists have been brought down safely to Humkhola.

Twenty tourists, who had lost their way, were rescued with the help of cables. 

Snow along the Maurice Herzog route was cleared to facilitate their descent.

The base camp, situated at an altitude of 4,190 meters above sea level, was affected by rain, snowfall, and bad weather, forcing tourists to halt their journey. 

Visitors staying in hotels at Humkhola, Phutphute, Sadhikharka, Gufaphant, Bhusket Mela, and Panchakunda were safely evacuated with the assistance of security forces.

The weather in these areas remained largely clear throughout Wednesday following the snowfall, but snowfall resumed on Thursday morning.

Trekking to Annapurna Base Camp prohibited till tomorrow 

Chief District Officer of Myagdi, Badri Prasad Tiwari, said that trekking  to the Annapurna Base Camp has been prohibited from Monday to Friday (Oct 31) after an assessment of potential risks due to snowfall and rain.

The District Administration Office and the Annapurna Rural Municipality have issued a public notice appealing people not to visit areas such as Khopra Lek, Ghodepani, Pun Hill, and Moharedada and to adopt precaution.

Meanwhile, a security team has been deployed to rescue three British female tourists and 12 Nepali guides and porters who encountered problems in the 'Hidden Valley' at an altitude of 5,100 metres above sea level while travelling via the base camp of Dhaulagiri in Dhawalagiri-4, Myagdi, to Marpha in Gharapjhong Rural Municipality-2, Mustang.

The team comprising the trained personnel of the Nepal Army, Armed Police Force and Nepal Police, which set off from Jomsom on Wednesday for the rescue, reached Alubari in Marpha at an altitude of 3,700 metres above sea level on Thursday morning, said Bishnu Prasad Bhushal, Chief District Officer of Mustang.

“We have received information that the group of tourists has reached Dhampul Lek (mountain pass) from Hidden Valley. 

The security team is making their way towards the Lek. 

Nepali national football team head coach Matt Ross resigned from his position, the All Nepal Football Association (ANFA) confirmed today.

Ross stepped down four months before the completion of his one-year contract. 

ANFA General Secretary Kiran Rai said that ANFA will provide details about the reason behind Ross's resignation at a later time.

During the eight-month tenure of Ross as head coach, the Nepali national team played seven international matches, securing one victory, two draws, and four defeats. 

In his debut match as coach, Nepal recorded a win against Singapore.

President Donald Trump called on US military leaders to resume testing US nuclear weapons in order to keep pace with other countries such as Russia and China, BBC reported.

"Because of other countries testing programs, I have instructed the Department of War to start testing our Nuclear Weapons on an equal basis," he wrote on social media just before meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping in South Korea.

The US has more nuclear weapons than any other country, Trump said, with Russia second and China a "distant third". It has not conducted nuclear weapons testing since 1992, according to BBC.