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Amid growing concerns over the future of Nepali medical students studying abroad, a group of students recently met with top government officials to voice their concerns and demands. They met with Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, Minister for Foreign Affairs Arzu Rana, Minister for Education, Science, and Technology Bidya Bhattarai, as well as top political leaders and officials from the Nepal Medical Council (NMC) and Medical Education Commission (MEC) and other medical organizations. During these meetings, the students presented a two-point demand letter, asking the Nepal government to arrange internship placements within the country.

Students who complete their MBBS examinations in Bangladesh are required to undertake mandatory internships at hospitals affiliated with various medical colleges before graduating. A year of internship is essential to qualify as a medical doctor. The students argue that providing internships in Nepal would help retain skilled young professionals, familiarize them with the local medical system and improve healthcare services nationwide.

Navin Yadav, chair of the Nepalese Medical Students’ Association, Bangladesh, who is leading the campaign, expressed his frustration thus: “Despite the desire to study in our home country, the situation of being forced to leave our families and country for education, along with the long-term commitment, hard work, high fees and numerous other challenges to obtain a degree, it is disheartening that there are no facilities to support and encourage us in our own country.”

The students have also requested an amendment to the provision requiring a six-month internship for the license examination conducted by the NMC. They advocate for these internships to be scheduled immediately following the MBBS final exams, eliminating unnecessary delays.

“Nepali students must pay the internship fee at the time of admission, which is typically five years in advance, in order to do an internship at a private medical college in Bangladesh. This fee is then returned to them monthly as a salary,” Yadav says. “Even those who study in government medical colleges do not receive any stipend while doing their internship.”

Many organizations have been established in the name of advancing the medical field, yet despite being led by doctors themselves, students complain that these bodies are not taking the lead in improving the medical system, supporting healthcare workers, or enhancing the overall system. The students stressed the absence of policies and opportunities that would encourage young professionals to stay in Nepal and contribute to its development. They questioned when the corrupt mentality of forcing qualified professionals to go abroad for personal gain will end. The students also argued that the state should set clear criteria for colleges and universities, ensuring that those who study abroad for medical education should be permitted to study only in institutions that meet these standards.

Dr Choplal Bhusal, chairperson of the NMC and former ambassador of Nepal to Bangladesh, acknowledged that while he understands the students’ concerns, their demands cannot be addressed as the council’s regulations require internships to be completed in the country where the students are studying. “Nepal does not even have the capacity to provide internships for medical students studying abroad,” he explained. “Moreover, Nepali students who go abroad to study medicine do so with the permission to complete their internships in the respective country’s colleges. The internship system in Nepal is complex, and amending the council’s laws and regulations is not an easy process. The Cabinet would need to make such decisions.”

However, the Association of Private Medical and Dental Colleges of Nepal has expressed its readiness to provide internship facilities to Nepali medical students who return home after leaving their internships midway in Bangladesh. Issuing a statement, the association expressed concern about the students’ academic progress and future. “We are deeply concerned about the well-being of Nepali students in Bangladesh during such a difficult time. However, in our country, such cases are not being addressed with the seriousness they deserve,” read the statement signed by Prof Dr Gyanendra Man Singh Karki, president of the association. Neighboring countries like India and even Bangladesh also allow students to complete their internships within the country.

Meanwhile, the Nepal government is awaiting a report from a study committee formed under the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology to study the issue. Although the committee was given a 10-day deadline that ended on Aug 20, the report has yet to be published or submitted. The students have warned that they will start protests if their demands are not met.

In July 2021, when several Nepali medical students returned home from China during the Covid-19 pandemic without completing their internships, the MEC allowed them to complete their remaining internships in Nepal. “Students from Bangladesh are seeking a similar response, especially given the current political turmoil in Bangladesh,” says Yadav. 

Due to ongoing protests in Bangladesh, most Nepali medical students, including those in the middle of their internships, have returned home. An estimated 3,500 Nepali students, the majority of whom are pursuing medical degrees, are enrolled in various Bangladeshi universities. According to Nepal’s embassy in Dhaka, about 400 students remain in Bangladesh. However, the students’ demands extend beyond the current emergency situation; they are calling for a permanent change in the law to allow internships in Nepal. 

Additionally, the students have urged the government to address the shortage of medical seats in Nepal, which forces many to seek education abroad. “We are forced to go abroad for medical education due to the lack of seats in Nepal. This not only affects us but also has economic implications for the country. If we could study here, we could do so safely,” read the statement submitted by the students to various ministries.

On Aug 14, the House of Representatives (HoR) endorsed the third amendment to the Enforced Disappearances Enquiry, Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act—a significant step toward addressing the cases of human rights violations that took place during the decade-long conflict.

Following the HoR’s approval, the bill is now with the National Assembly (NA) awaiting another endorsement, after which it will be presented to President Ram Chandra Poudel for final authentication. The government aims to complete this process within the next few days, paving the way for new appointments to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Commission of Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons—two transitional justice bodies established 10 years ago.

For a long time, major political parties had differing views on some provisions of the bill, but the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center) now claim to have reached an agreement. All parties in Parliament supported this consensus. However, conflict victims have begun voicing concerns about the new deal. Without their support, the transitional justice mechanisms may struggle to achieve meaningful progress.

While the agreement among the three major parties is a positive development, it does not guarantee that the two commissions will be able to address the approximately 65,000 complaints filed by conflict victims. Experts also caution that it could take years to investigate all the cases and deliver justice.

US Ambassador to Nepal Dean R Thompson was among the first diplomats to welcome the bill. “Pleased to see the transitional justice bill passed by the House of Representatives. Congratulations to the people of Nepal. This is a meaningful moment in Nepal’s journey to shaping its own peaceful, prosperous, resilient, and democratic future,” he wrote on X.

UN Resident Coordinator to Nepal Hanaa Singer-Hamdy also expressed support for the bill through her X post: “Endorsement of TJ bill is a crucial step in completing the peace process. This milestone brings victims closer to truth, justice, and reparations. It is imperative to engage victims at all stages of its operationalization. As a partner for peace, the UN stands ready to support.”

Veronique Lorenzo, Ambassador of the European Union to Nepal, stated: “Congratulations to Nepal and Nepali people for this historic achievement: passing of Nepal-led and owned, victim-centric TRC bill by House of Representatives.”

However, on Aug 20, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the International Commission of Jurists issued a joint statement acknowledging that while the law includes many positive provisions that could advance justice, accountability, and redress for widespread human rights violations committed during the 1996-2006 conflict, it still contains elements that could undermine a successful outcome.

The joint statement stressed, “To ensure the integrity of the process and bring the law into compliance with Nepali and international legal standards, serious accountability gaps need to be addressed by lawmakers. In addition, all institutions involved in the administration of justice—including the courts, the transitional justice commissions, and the Attorney General—should ensure the bill is construed in accordance with international law and Nepal’s Constitution.”

“Transitional justice in Nepal is long overdue, and the new law can be an opportunity to finally deliver justice for victims, strengthen the rule of law, and create a positive precedent for the region,” said Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “This should not turn into yet another exercise in which victims are encouraged to accept compensation without truth and justice.”

A previous attempt at a transitional justice law, which provided the possibility of amnesties for serious crimes, was found unconstitutional and in violation of Nepal’s international human rights obligations, as well as against the Supreme Court ruling of 2015. While the new law includes several significant improvements, parts of it again appear designed to shield those responsible for wartime crimes from prosecution.

In Nepal, many survivors and families of those subjected to violations and abuses have lived in hardship for years, often suffering lasting mental and physical injuries, in desperate need of reparations, while struggling to learn the truth about their loved ones, to receive official recognition, and to see the perpetrators brought to justice. The lack of accountability for serious crimes under international law has contributed to ongoing rights violations and a wider crisis of impunity.

“Victims have been waiting for full acknowledgment of the harms they have suffered and reparations for almost 20 years. For a transitional justice process to accomplish its aims, all five essential pillars—truth, justice, reparation, memorialization and guarantees of non-recurrence—must be pursued,” said Mandira Sharma, senior international legal adviser at the International Commission of Jurists. “Current gaps in this law could threaten the outcome of the process and defeat the purpose of providing effective remedies to victims.”

The transitional justice bill envisages a major role for donor funding to implement the process. Once it is finally adopted as law, donors and Nepali authorities should develop and implement a system for oversight of the management of funds to support transitional justice. This will facilitate access to expertise and safeguard against political and other unwarranted interference, particularly in the handling of justice and reparation processes. The vagueness of the law on some points, and lack of detail in many areas, mean that interpretation and implementation of the mandates of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Commission of Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons will be critical. The appointments of highly qualified and independent commissioners, and of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission secretary, will be especially important early decisions.

It is critical that the transitional justice process be implemented in a robust and independent fashion and that safeguards are established to achieve credible and durable outcomes. Past governments have repeatedly failed to deliver truth, justice and reparations for conflict-era crimes. Transitional justice is a major outstanding commitment of the 2006 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which ended a decade-long armed conflict between the then-royal government and Maoist rebels, and inaugurated a peace process that included constitutional reform.

“In the past, the commissions have failed to win trust from victims due to repeated political interference in the appointment of the commissioners,” said Smriti Singh, South Asia director at Amnesty International. “The commissioners must be trusted by victims’ groups for their work to be effective and credible. This requires victims’ rights and views to be at the center of a fully transparent nomination and appointment procedure. Commissioners must be competent, impartial and fully independent from any political party.”

The new law, officially titled the “Bill to Amend the Disappeared Persons’ Enquiry, Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act, 2014”—widely referred to as the transitional justice bill—was introduced in Parliament in March 2023 and finally passed in the lower house with the support of Nepal’s three largest political parties following protracted negotiations. 

However, the joint statement by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the International Commission of Jurists says that “there has been little formal consultation with civil society and victims or their families, who hold a range of views on the legislation. While all agree that progress toward addressing their rights and needs has been unacceptably protracted, many also continue to voice concerns that the law as presently drafted might not deliver justice, calling for reform of the bill.” 

Under the current bill, crimes committed during the conflict are either classified as “violations of human rights” or “serious violations of human rights.” While offenses defined as human rights violations could be granted amnesty, “serious violations of human rights” could be referred to and prosecuted in a special court. The definition of “serious violations” is limited to “rape or serious sexual violence”, “intentional or arbitrary killing”, enforced disappearance, provided that the victim’s whereabouts remains unknown; and “inhuman or cruel torture.” These definitions, the statement asserts, are not consistent with international laws and exclude other serious crimes.

For instance, the prohibition of torture and the requirement that it be criminalized is absolute, and there can be no qualification for “inhuman or cruel” torture, since torture by its nature is inhuman or cruel.

The law defines “violations of human rights” as “any act except serious human rights violations committed in contravention of Nepali laws, international human rights, or humanitarian law” (emphasis added). In previous iterations of the law, this category of crimes was completely excluded from prosecution. In the current version, it appears that the special court can adjudicate violations of human rights (not defined as “serious”) that are not granted amnesty, which the Truth and Reconciliation Commission can provide if the alleged perpetrator fulfills certain conditions (such as disclosing the truth, making an apology to victims, or paying compensation), and with the consent of the victims. “The language of the law is imprecise, and while an expansion of the mandate of the special court is an improvement, any amnesty for serious crimes is contrary to Nepali and international law and standards and violates victims’ right to effective remedy and reparation,” the statement adds.

A provision added to the law during the final phase of negotiations would allow the attorney-general, except in cases of rape or “serious sexual violence,” to make a binding request for a 75 percent reduction in the sentencing for those convicted of serious violations. This provision, amounting to a disguised amnesty, contradicts the principle that criminal sanctions must be proportionate to the gravity of the crime and undermines the judiciary’s fundamental role and competency. The court should decide what reduction may be appropriate, if any, based on its own consideration of the facts and submissions by the parties to the proceedings.

“The law now permits the special court to adjudicate disputes related to reparations, an important expansion of its role. However, it still provides for the appointment of only three judges to the special court, which was envisioned when the court’s jurisdiction was more limited. With the expansion of the court’s jurisdiction, the number of judges should be increased to fulfill its expanded mandate,” the statement concludes.

Nepal is highly vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, ranking as the 10th most affected country globally according to the Climate Risk Index 2021. The Global Vulnerability Index 2019 also indicates that Nepal ranks fourth globally, experiencing rapid glacier retreat, landslides, and flooding. 

Despite this, Nepal contributes minimally to global climate change. As noted in Nepal’s first Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) report in 2011, the country’s greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions are only about 0.027 percent of total global emissions.

This highlights the importance of climate justice. The principles of climate justice emphasize that those who contributed the least to climate change should not bear its costs disproportionately, ensuring that climate actions are equitable and just, especially for those most affected yet least responsible for climate change. According to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) framework, climate justice involves equity and common but differentiated responsibilities, recognizing the varying capabilities and responsibilities of different countries.

In Nepal, climate justice is a relatively new concept within climate change policy. The focus has mainly been on adaptation and mitigation, with climate justice issues often limited to campaign slogans about compensation from developed nations and the polluter pays principle.

To achieve climate justice and address these challenges, Nepal needs robust legal frameworks. However, Nepal has not even a Climate Change Act yet. Experts suggest that a dedicated climate change act is essential to ensure proper support for vulnerable communities and their representation in policy processes.

Without a dedicated Act, how is Nepal addressing climate change? Here is an explainer of Nepal’s major climate change-related acts, policies, and regulations.

Supreme Court order

On 25 Dec 2018, the Supreme Court directed the government to enact a new climate change law to address the effects of climate change, reduce fossil fuel consumption, and promote low carbon technologies. The court determined that a new law was necessary for Nepal to fulfill its international obligations under the Paris Agreement and its domestic responsibilities. It deemed the Environmental Protection Act of 1997 inadequate for addressing the need for climate change mitigation and adaptation measures. Despite this directive, the government has not yet made an integrated climate change Act. Although the Nepal Law Commission drafted a climate change Act, it has not been enacted.

Nevertheless, after the Court’s order, the government passed the Environment Protection Act of 2019 and the Forests Act of 2019, both aimed at addressing climate mitigation and adaptation measures.

The Environment Protection Act of 2019 includes provisions for Climate Change Adaptation (CCA) and mitigation planning. It stipulates that adaptation plans must prioritize vulnerable groups such as women, persons with disabilities, children, senior citizens, economically disadvantaged communities, and those in vulnerable geographical areas. The Act also establishes an environmental protection fund to manage climate change and other environmental issues.

Meanwhile, the Forest Act of 2019 was formulated to manage and utilize various types of forests in Nepal, including state-managed forests, community forests, collaborative forests, leasehold forests, religious forests, and private forests. Its provisions encompass benefits from carbon sequestration, emission reduction, and climate change adaptation as determined by the government.

Local government and risk reduction

The Local Government Operation Act, 2017 includes provisions for disaster management, environment conservation and protection, land management, and natural resource management as a joint responsibility of the federal and provincial governments. However, the Act overlooks special attention to climate change risks and necessary adaptation measures. Local governments have an environment and disaster management unit, but due to poor capacity, providing timely and effective responses for vulnerable communities (such as the poor, Dalit, marginalized, and indigenous people) during disasters is challenging.

Similarly, the Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Act, 2017 provides a legislative framework for managing disaster risks, including those exacerbated by climate change. It emphasizes preparedness, response, and recovery strategies. The Act establishes the District Disaster Management Committee and the Local Disaster Management Committee, which have functions and powers related to relief, recovery, rehabilitation, and resettlement. However, the Act is silent on issues of tenure security and tenure rights. Additionally, it includes provisions for a disaster and emergency fund to support disaster relief and response activities.

Climate change and environment policy

The National Climate Change Policy, 2019, is Nepal’s primary document on climate change, replacing the National Climate Change Policy, 2011. It aims to incorporate climate change considerations into all government policies, strategies, plans, and programs across various levels and sectors to promote low-carbon development and a green economy. The policy outlines agriculture-based adaptation programs targeting poor, marginalized, landless, indigenous people, vulnerable households, women, and persons with disabilities. However, it does not recognize women and marginalized groups as agents of change. It mandates that at least 80 percent of the climate finance received from international mechanisms should be used for local-level climate change projects.

The National Environment Policy, 2019, focuses primarily on addressing pollution and other environmental issues. It emphasizes environmental justice by applying penalties to environmental polluters (following the principle that polluters must pay) and compensating affected individuals and communities.

Net zero emission strategy

Nepal's Long-term Strategy for Net Zero Emission, 2021, aims for the country to achieve net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2045. The strategy emphasizes maximizing clean energy sources such as hydropower, solar energy, and biogas; decarbonizing the transportation sector; promoting sustainable agriculture; increasing and maintaining forest cover; and enhancing international cooperation on climate change mitigation and adaptation. It reaffirms the principles of Gender Equality and Social Inclusion (GESI) and Leave No One Behind (LNOB) during the implementation phase.

NDC and adaptation plan

The Second Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), 2020, explicitly targets gender sensitivity in both mitigation and adaptation components, identifying Gender Equality and Social Inclusion (GESI) as a crosscutting area. It mandates “equal access to women, children, youth, indigenous people, and marginalized groups during participation, decision-making, and benefit-sharing.” By 2030, it requires all local governments to prepare and implement climate adaptation plans focusing on women, differently-abled individuals, children, senior citizens, youth, and indigenous people.

The National Adaptation Plan 2021-2050 outlines short-term priority actions until 2025, medium-term priority programs until 2030, and long-term adaptation strategic goals until 2050. These aim to help Nepal better integrate actions and strategies to address climate risk and vulnerability. The plan recognizes women, indigenous people, and persons with disabilities as “vulnerable to current and projected climate hazards.”

L&D framework

In response to the Paris Agreement and the increase in extreme events within the country, the government developed the National Framework on Climate Induced Loss and Damage (L&D) in 2021. This framework presents a comprehensive strategy to address the impacts of climate change on the nation. It provides financial support, including insurance and compensation schemes, as well as technical and institutional assistance to communities adversely affected by climate change. The framework demonstrates Nepal’s commitment to tackling climate change challenges and protecting its people and environment from the adverse effects of climate-induced loss and damage.

A research paper published by ActionAid Nepal and conducted by the Environment and Engineering Research Center (EERC) indicates that key elements of climate justice are either missing or not clearly integrated into Nepal’s current climate-related laws and policies. The paper highlights the prevalent belief that poor, vulnerable, and marginalized communities should receive disaster preparedness training and support for rescue, relief, rehabilitation, and resettlement. However, these groups are often seen merely as recipients of support rather than as individuals or communities with rights to protection from climate-induced disasters.

The research paper highlights several challenges in implementing and enforcing climate-related laws and policies. One major issue is the presence of competing legal provisions, with overlapping jurisdictions among federal, provincial, and local governments, especially in areas like disaster management. Additionally, inadequate inter-ministry coordination at both horizontal levels (such as between conservation and development ministries at the federal level) and vertical levels (federal, provincial, and local) hinders progress. The complex nature of carbon emission mitigation and climate adaptation demands synchronized efforts, which are often lacking.

Capacity gaps at subnational levels further complicate the situation, as provincial and local governments frequently lack the necessary understanding and resources to address climate vulnerability and its impacts on agriculture, food security, public health, infrastructure, livelihoods, and forests. The issue is compounded by data deficiency, with Nepal suffering from a lack of updated and aggregated data on climate-induced hazards, loss, and damage. Overlapping jurisdictions can lead to scattered data across different levels of government, impeding comprehensive national-level data collection and analysis.

Inadequate budget allocation and climate finance management also pose significant challenges. Competing national priorities result in insufficient funding for climate initiatives, with a heavy reliance on international sources. The late climate budget tagging exercise and a lack of prioritization based on climate impact evaluation further weaken climate finance management.

Climate finance

Addressing climate change effectively requires legislative frameworks that facilitate adequate financing mechanisms for climate justice, particularly in adaptation and mitigation activities. However, several legislative gaps hinder the mobilization, allocation, and utilization of climate finance. The current legislative framework often lacks clarity on funding priorities and the distribution of climate funds, and it does not clearly define funding for priority areas and vulnerable populations.

Key financial funds and mechanisms established by law include the Environmental Protection Fund, created under the Environment Protection Act, 2019, and the Disaster and Emergency Fund, provisioned by the Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Act, 2017. Additional sources of climate finance come from national budget allocations, international climate finance through UNFCCC mechanisms, and climate-related budgets secured through bilateral relations and multilateral organizations, such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank (ADB).

The COP28 UN Climate Change Conference in Dubai concluded with a historic agreement on the operationalization of funding arrangements to address loss and damage. Commitments to address loss and damage started pouring in immediately after the decision was finalized, accumulating over $661m to date. But can Nepal benefit from these funds?

Lawmaker Madhav Sapkota notes that Nepal still lacks about nine essential Acts, which complicates the process of securing loss and damage (L&D) funds. He suggests establishing informal forums such as a ‘Climate Parliament’, an international cross-party network of legislators focused on combating climate change and promoting renewable energy. He points out that neighboring countries like India, Bangladesh, and Bhutan are already part of the Climate Parliament.

Development of climate change legislation in Nepal

• 1992: UNFCCC conference in Brazil
• 2005: Kyoto Protocol
• 2010: Readiness preparation proposal for REED
• 2010: National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA)
• 2011: Local Adaptation Plans for Action (LAPA) framework
• 2011: Climate change policy
• 2012: Rio+ 20
• 2015: Paris Agreement
• 2016: Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC)
• 2018: National REED+ strategy
• 2019: Climate change policy 2019
• 2019: Revised LAPA framework
• 2019: Climate change budget code
• 2020: Second NDC
• 2021: National Adaptation Plan (NAP)
• 2022: National framework on climate induced L&D
• 2022: Strategy for net-zero emission
• 2022: Assessment of climate financing allocation
• 2023: NAP 2021-2050

On Monday, Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli celebrated a significant milestone for the Kathmandu-Tarai/Madhes Fast Track project, marking the completion of the Ghattepakha-Dhedre Tunnel breakthrough. This expressway is a crucial project for the nation, signifying both pride and strategic importance.

The ceremony took place at Dhedre in Bakaiya Rural Municipality-12, highlighting the 1.728-kilometer tunnel’s completion. This follows the earlier completion of a 1.653-kilometer tunnel segment towards Nijgadh-Kathmandu. With these milestones, the tunnels under package 11 are now fully opened. Prime Minister Oli officially marked the occasion by activating a switch to signify the tunnel’s breakthrough.

The Nepali Army is overseeing the implementation of this project. During the event, Chief of the Army Staff, Prabhu Ram Sharma, briefed the Prime Minister on the progress and challenges faced. He noted that the project is 35.98 percent complete.

Progress has also been made on other tunnel sections. The 1.612-kilometer Lendanda tunnel towards Nijgadh-Kathmandu and the 1.633-kilometer tunnel towards Kathmandu-Nijgadh are both finished. The Mahadevtar Tunnel, measuring 3.322 kilometers towards Nijgadh-Kathmandu, has reached 2.29 kilometers in completion, while the 3.386-kilometer segment towards Kathmandu-Nijgadh is at 2.88 kilometers. Both tracks are expected to open within a year.

The fast track project is divided into 13 packages. Of the 89 bridges planned, 85 are in various stages of construction. However, progress on the remaining four bridges, located in Khokana, Lalitpur, is delayed due to land acquisition issues.

The Nepali Army aims to complete the expressway by mid-April 2027. The road will stretch 70.977 kilometers from Khokana, Lalitpur to Nijgadh, Bara, with widths of 25 meters in hilly areas and 27 meters in the Tarai. Six tunnels totaling 10.399 kilometers will be built, including:

• Devichaur: 1 km
• Sisautar: 0.39 km
• Chandram Bhir: 2.25 km
• Mahadevdanda: 3.355 km
• Dhedre: 1.691 km
• Lendanda: 1.623 km

Additionally, 89 bridges covering 12.885 kilometers will be constructed. The project will also feature rest stops in Budune and interchanges and toll plazas in Khokana, Budune, and Nijgadh.

On 4 May 2017, the Council of Ministers assigned the construction management responsibility to the Nepali Army. The foundation stone was laid by then Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal on 28 May 2017, in Nijgadh. The project transitioned from the Road Department to the Nepali Army on 11 Aug 2017.

The event was attended by Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Bishnu Paudel, Physical Infrastructure and Transport Minister Devendra Dahal, Defence Minister Manveer Rai, Forest and Environment Minister Ain Bahadur Shahi, and the Ambassadors of China and South Korea to Nepal.

A Saurya Airlines passenger plane crashed during takeoff at Tribhuvan International Airport in Kathmandu on Wednesday, resulting in the deaths of 18 people.

The plane, carrying two crew members and 17 others (15 of whom were airline technical staff), was en route to Pokhara for a comprehensive maintenance check known as a “C-check.” This inspection, conducted every 18-24 months or after a specific number of flight hours, involves a thorough examination of an aircraft’s systems, components, and structures, typically taking several weeks.

Among the deceased were four senior officers from Saurya Airlines: Sagar Acharya, Ashwin Niroula, Yagya Prasad Poudyal, and Dilip Verma. Also on board were Priza Khatiwada, wife of Saurya IT officer Manu Raj Sharma, and their four-year-old son, Adhiraj, who all perished in the crash.

The other victims were identified as Sushant Katuwal (co-pilot), Amit Man Maharjan, Sudip Lal Joshi, Sarbesh Marasini, Shyam Bindukar, Navaraj Ale, Rajaram Acharya, Uddhab Puri, Santosh Mahato, Punya Ratna Saahi, and Aref Reda, a Yemeni national. All were staff members of Saurya Airlines. The bodies were recovered by the afternoon and transported to Tribhuvan University Teaching Hospital in Maharajgunj for postmortem examinations.

Captain Manish Ratna Shakya, the pilot, was the sole survivor. He was rescued from the wreckage and rushed to a nearby hospital with injuries to his eyes but was reported to be out of danger.

According to the Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN), the aircraft (CRJ 200, Registration: 9N-AME) took off from Tribhuvan International Airport at 11:11 am from Runway 02. Moments after takeoff, the plane veered off to the right of the runway, resulting in the crash. Eyewitness accounts and video footage on social media showed the plane catching fire upon impact.

Nepal’s aviation safety record is poor, with numerous fatal light plane and helicopter crashes over the years. The European Commission has banned all Nepali carriers from its airspace due to safety concerns. Nepal’s airports are among the most challenging in the world, with runways flanked by snow-capped peaks and difficult approaches, even for experienced pilots. Rapidly changing weather conditions in the mountains add to the hazards.

The last major commercial flight accident in Nepal occurred in Jan 2023, when a Yeti Airlines flight crashed while landing in Pokhara, killing all 72 on board. This was the deadliest accident since 1992 when a Pakistan International Airlines plane crashed near Kathmandu, killing all 167 people on board. Earlier that year, a Thai Airways flight also crashed near the same airport, killing 113 people.

In 2019, a US-Bangla Airlines flight from Bangladesh crashed at Tribhuvan airport, killing 51 people while 20 survived. An investigation confirmed that the plane was misaligned with the runway and its pilot was disoriented when the plane crashed.

In 2015, a Turkish Airlines jet skidded off a slippery runway while landing in dense fog at Tribhuvan International Airport. The plane was carrying 238 people, but there were no serious injuries.

The government has formed a five-member probe committee to investigate the crash. An emergency Cabinet meeting on Wednesday evening established the committee, led by former Director General of CAAN, Ratish Chandra Lal Suman. The committee includes Deepu Raj Jwarchan, operation director of Nepal Airlines Corporation; Sudip Bhattarai, head of the Department of Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering at IOE, Pulchowk; Sanjay Adhikari, board member of Shree Airlines; and Mukesh Dangol, member secretary at Air Traffic Control, CAAN. The committee has been tasked with investigating the crash and submitting its report within 45 days.

The government also declared a day of mourning on Thursday and ordered the national flag to be flown at half-mast.

Vishnu Kumar Agarwal is the Managing Director of the MAW Group of Companies and the Honorary Consul General of the Czech Republic in Kathmandu. He actively supports the bilateral relationship between Nepal and the Czech Republic. Agarwal is also the dean of the Honorary Consular Corps-Nepal (HCC-N), an organization of non-residential consuls. In this interview, Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talks to Agarwal about the role and work of Honorary Consuls. Excerpts:

What are the key responsibilities of Honorary Consuls?

Honorary Consuls play a crucial role in diplomacy. As the Honorary Consul General of the Czech Republic in Nepal, I represent the Czech Republic, which is a significant responsibility. If any Czech citizen encounters issues in Nepal, they should contact us for assistance. This is our primary objective. Additionally, we facilitate visits for Czech delegations and embassy officials.

Our role also includes developing relations between the Czech Republic and Nepal for mutual benefit. We promote cultural exchange, showcasing each country’s culture in the other. Furthermore, we foster trade, investment, and tourism between the two nations.

How do Honorary Consuls help in trade, investment, and tourism?

Honorary Consuls facilitate bilateral and multilateral agreements that promote regular discussions on trade and investment. Individually, we promote trade and investment through various means. For instance, my office has many Czech-related books and catalogs that we promote in Nepal.

For the Nepal Investment Summit 2024, we invited all Honorary Consuls and embassies. Through them, invitations reached the business community, resulting in significant participation from the sending countries. We also organize events to promote trade, investment, and tourism. Honorary Consuls in Nepal represent 63 countries, and about 15-20 percent of tourists visiting Nepal come from these nations. These countries also participate in trade fairs, education consultancy, and investment activities.

What were the key takeaways from the peace conclave in Lumbini in March 2024?

The two-day event, ‘Global Peace for Prosperity,’ in Lumbini was organized by HCC-N and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Our goal was to highlight Nepal’s advocacy for peace and the importance of peaceful conflict resolution for a sustainable future.

We invited all ambassadors from the sending countries, and around 20 attended, along with 45 Honorary Consuls and Foreign Ministry officials. This gathering significantly improved diplomatic relations.

The event also aimed to showcase Lumbini, a significant yet underexposed tourist and historical site in Nepal. Many delegates visited Lumbini for the first time and were captivated by the Maya Devi Temple and the story of Lord Buddha’s birth in Nepal. We believe this exposure will boost tourism in the region.

Another objective was to attract participants for the Nepal Investment Summit. Sushil Bhatta, CEO of the Investment Board of Nepal, presented at the event, providing attendees with insights into the summit.

What are the key objectives of the gathering on July 23?

The 17th General Assembly and Charter Day of HCC-N will take place on July 23, where we will hand over leadership. HCC-N, established on July 23, 2007, brings together all Honorary Consuls and Honorary Consul Generals and is affiliated with FICAC, a global network of consular associations. This network allows us to collaborate effectively and address common challenges.

HCC-N has been very successful, especially in facilitating aid during the Covid-19 pandemic and the 2015 earthquake. The Dean serves a one-year term based on seniority among Honorary Consuls.

How are you coordinating with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA)?

Our engagement with MoFA is extensive. We work closely with MoFA whenever delegates arrive or when individuals from the sending countries need assistance or coordination. MoFA acts as our patron, and we collaborate closely with them. We have received excellent support and assistance from MoFA. Our work indirectly supports and complements MoFA’s efforts.

What are your expectations with the new Minister for Foreign Affairs?

I believe the new Minister is highly experienced in foreign affairs. She has been in public service for a long time and understands diplomacy well. I am confident that under her leadership, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs will achieve new heights in both bilateral and multilateral relationships. Her extensive experience in dealing with people will likely be transformative for MoFA.

The fifth season of Nepal Idol, which is produced by and broadcast on AP1 HD TV, concluded recently, with Karan Pariyar of Bardiya winning this year’s contest. Each episode of the international reality television singing competition franchise, has garnered over one million views on YouTube. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx interviewed Suresh Poudel, the show director, about the Idol’s success and its future. Excerpts: 

Nepal Idol Season 5 concluded recently. How was your overall experience this season?

We used the experience and lessons learned from the previous four seasons. We paid attention right from the audition, which we conducted in all seven provinces. To those who missed out the first round of auditions, we held an audition in Kathmandu as well. The talents selected by the show judges were all phenomenal. To elevate their talent we had an experienced, agile, and smart production team. Asif Shah and Rima Bishwokarma were amazing as the show hosts. I believe that season 5 was the most powerful and weighty edition of the show so far. 

We saw the winner of Nepal Idol being congratulated by the prime minister and other senior political leaders. How do you think this recognition will impact the show and its contestants?

This is very exciting, as this is probably the first time that the winners of a television show have been awarded and honored by the prime minister. It has also proved that the presence of Nepal Idol is unique in the crowd of many franchised and non-franchised reality shows, so of course the judges and organizers are naturally happy, and so are the contestants. I think there will be more excitement among the contestants of the next season. If everything goes according to the plan, we could get the prime minister to give away the prize.

How do you see the future of reality shows like Nepal Idol?

The future is determined by three things. Firstly, the way the show evolves over time; secondly, the confidence of the advertising market; and thirdly, the availability of good talent. In this sense, I am confident that the future of Nepal Idol is good. The future of other shows is also bright as they too provide platforms to talented people forum around the country. 

How has the audience response evolved over the seasons?

We are pleased to see the maturity of the audience after reaching the fifth season. They are very much capable of picking out deserving winners from among the group of highly talented and gifted contestants.   

How has Nepal Idol contributed to the careers of past contestants, and do you keep track of their progress?

There is a good presence of singers in the Nepali music scene who came from the Idol background. Yes, the show gives them exposure, but putting in the hard work is up to them.  

There were reports that the finale of Nepal Idol Season 5 was going to be organized abroad. Why didn’t it happen?

There were talks with some parties but the financial deal did not work out. We could not afford to shoot the grand finale abroad. There was also talk about doing the show in a stadium in Kathmandu, but it was not wise to do so during the rainy season. So eventually, it was held at the AP1 studio. 

Can you tell us about any upcoming projects you are working on or planning for the future?

Nepal Idol Junior is about to start shortly, then there is the season 6 of the Idol. In AP1, I’m trying to do a documentary version of Tamasoma Jyothirgamaya talk show where we are researching about how to live 100 years. Besides that, I have some outside projects that I have to do. Let’s see.

How do you enter the television industry?

I joined Nepal Television for a children program, but my interest was in documentary making. After 93 episodes of the children program, I was transferred to the documentary section of Nepal Television. My first documentary was about Mustang, titled ‘Nepal: Beyond the Himalayas’. It was made for the SAARC Audio Visual Exchange Program and aired on national television in all SAARC nations. In seven years at Nepal Television, I made almost 45 documentaries, and to this day, my documentaries are regularly shown on the four channels of NTV. 

Then I joined Kantipur TV from its establishment time and made documentaries under the title ‘Bikalpa’. Documentaries have rebroadcast value, so I think these shouldn’t be seen merely as one-time financial means. For example, I made a documentary related to Dharahara in 2007. In 2015, it fell due to an earthquake. After that, Kantipur played that documentary many times, highlighting its rebroadcast value. Now, I am with AP1, mainly focused on Nepal Idol and television operations.

All seven provinces of Nepal have unveiled their fiscal plans for 2024/25, in line with the Intergovernmental Fiscal Arrangement Act 2017. A common theme across these budgets is a heavy reliance on federal grants, with a focus on infrastructure, education, healthcare, agriculture, and tourism.

The combined budgets for Koshi, Madhes, Bagmati, Gandaki, Lumbini, Karnali, and Sudurpaschim provinces total over Rs 278bn.

Koshi: Rs 35.28bn

Koshi Province aims to foster a ‘Clean, Happy, and Prosperous’ region with a budget of Rs 35.28bn. The province’s GDP is projected at Rs 903bn, with a significant rise in per capita income from $934 to $1,336. Electricity generation has increased sharply from 121 MW to 577 MW, ensuring access for 97.7 percent of the population. Priorities include agriculture, infrastructure, urban development, and energy sectors.

Madhes: Rs 43.89bn

Madhes Province has allocated Rs 43.89bn, with Finance Minister Bharat Prasad Sah designating Rs 16bn (36.45 percent) for recurrent expenses and Rs 27.89bn (63.55 percent) for capital expenses. This represents a slight 0.5 percent reduction from the previous year. The budget emphasizes education, health, agriculture, and tourism.

Bagmati: Rs 64.54bn

Bagmati Province’s budget of Rs 64.54bn marks an increase of Rs 1.83bn from the previous year. Economic Affairs and Planning Minister Jagannath Thapaliya allocated Rs 26.1bn (40.44 percent) for current expenditure and Rs 36.93bn (55.23 percent) for capital expenditure. Key sectors include education, healthcare, agriculture, and tourism. Additionally, Rs 1.5bn has been earmarked for fiscal management, and a ‘Skill Year’ program has been initiated.

Gandaki: Rs 32.97bn

Gandaki Province’s budget of Rs 32.97bn includes Rs 13.16bn for recurrent expenses and Rs 19.51bn for capital expenditures. Minister for Economic Affairs and Planning Takraj Gurung highlighted a focus on quality infrastructure, production, employment, social justice, and good governance. The province aims to collect Rs 5.17bn from internal sources and anticipates receiving Rs 7.64bn from federal financial equalization grants, among other sources. It also plans to raise Rs 1.7bn through domestic borrowing.

Lumbini: Rs 38.96bn

Lumbini Province has maintained its budget size at Rs 38.96 bn despite reduced federal grants. Minister for Economic Affairs and Planning Chet Narayan Acharya allocated Rs 11.24bn (28.87 percent) for recurrent expenses and Rs 23.58bn (63.09 percent) for capital expenditure. Funding sources include internal revenue, federal grants, and cash reserves. The province aims to collect Rs 7.51bn from internal revenue and anticipates receiving Rs 12.15bn from revenue sharing from the federal government, among other sources.

Karnali: Rs 31.41bn

Karnali Province has reduced its budget to Rs 31.41bn, with Rs 18.75bn allocated for capital expenditure and Rs 4.83bn for local-level fiscal transfers. Minister for Finance Mahendra KC stated the budget’s goal is to achieve ‘Prosperous Karnali, Happy Karnalis’. Priorities include physical infrastructure, employment programs, and cultural preservation. Notably, Rs 1.16bn has been earmarked for the Chief Minister Employment Program.

Sudurpaschim: Rs 31.62bn

Sudurpaschim Province has presented a budget of Rs 31.62bn, with Rs 11.72bn for current expenditure and Rs 17.53bn for capital expenditure. The budget aims to generate substantial revenue from internal sources and federal distribution, focusing on infrastructure development, education, and healthcare. The province aims to collect Rs 1.6bn from internal revenue and nearly Rs 10bn from revenue distribution.

‘Provinces struggle with budget cuts’

Uma Shankar Prasad, Economist and Member of National Planning Commission

Provinces face budget cuts due to limited internal revenue sources, increasing reliance on federal grants. The provincial budgets have decreased compared to previous years. Ideally, more funds should be allocated to provincial and local levels in a federal system, but in Nepal, the federal budget remains larger. This discrepancy indicates a gap between policy and practice.

‘Challenges in implementation’

Chandra Mani Adhikari, Economist

The budgets of all provinces focus on agriculture, infrastructure, and tourism, aligning with the federal budget. However, both provincial and federal levels face significant implementation challenges. Provinces struggle to increase income as the federal government retains 80 percent of major revenue sources and taxes. Grand slogans and projects are often announced without proper planning. No province has confidently declared they could spend 75 percent of their budget; in the current fiscal year, none have spent even 50 percent.