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Shambhu Rishidev lost his son during the Covid-19 pandemic. The resident of Biratnagar could not get an oxygen cylinder in time for his son who was admitted at a government hospital.  “My son was given oxygen at first,” he says, “but there was none left when he needed it again.” The 14-year-old passed away a few days after he was admitted to the hospital.  Rishidev’s story echoes that of many people in different parts of the country. They all lost their loved ones because they could not arrange for oxygen cylinders on time. Dr Sher Bahadur Kamar, senior consultant physician, Seti Provincial Hospital, Dhangadi, says the hospital didn’t have enough oxygen cylinders for their patients, especially after the second wave of the covid. “There were patients lined up in every corner of the hospital, from corridors to the entrance of the emergency ward,” he says. Many of these patients were suffering from low oxygen levels. “We didn’t have enough oxygen at the time.”  Discrepancies Nepal’s 30m population had access to 840 ventilators at the start of the pandemic, according to the government’s Health Sector Emergency Response Plan dated May 2020.  As the pandemic escalated, the Ministry of Health and Population (MoPH) received bulks of equipment from several countries, UN bodies, and NGOs as donations. Besides, the government also bought medical resources to outfit the hospitals and health facilities across the country.  While the government claims that the available medical equipment and resources were distributed to hospitals all over Nepal, their numbers do not match what the hospitals received, according to ApEx analysis of the datasets from 2 Feb 2020 to 18 Oct 2022. The data were provided by the Logistics Management Section of the Department of Health Services (DoHS) and the government hospitals.  For instance, the number of oxygen cylinders received by Seti Provincial Hospital is 50, when according to the government’s data, the hospital should have received 79 cylinders. This sort of discrepancy was discovered in almost every government hospital around Nepal. And it was not just limited to oxygen cylinders, but also oxygen concentrators and ventilators, all of which were distributed by the Logistics Management Section during the covid pandemic period. Responding to our queries, Dr Dipendra Raman Singh, director general, DoHS, says such discrepancies are bound to happen when large numbers of equipment and medical resources are being delivered. “It does not necessarily mean that the equipment went missing,” he says.  Rana Bahadur Gharti Magar, chief of Logistics Management Information Resource Center, DoHS, completely denies that there were any inconsistencies. When presented with the gaps in the records, he had no explanation.  Other officials ApEx spoke to refused to comment on the issue.  Fatal repercussions The discrepancies in the distribution of medical equipment affected everyone, but minorities suffered the most. “Most people from minority communities live in poverty and can only afford government hospitals because of their lower economic status,” says Sundar Purkuti, member and spokesperson of the National Dalit Commission.  Since government hospitals lacked the medical resources and equipment, the repercussions were largely felt by the people from minority communities. Several individuals from minority groups that ApEx spoke to were unable to get their family members admitted to hospitals due to lack of beds.  Dr Baijnath Sah, former coordinator (till April 2022), Koshi Hospital, Biratnagar, says that it was difficult to manage the patient numbers that grew exponentially. Purkuti says that minorities have always been left behind in every sector. “One reason is the discrimination that still lingers in our society. Minorities have little to no opportunities to uplift their socio-economic status.”  The Asian Development Bank’s analysis of the national census data say that poverty incidences by caste and ethnicity are highest amongst the hill and Tarai Dalits. A significant 57.8 percent and 45.5 percent of the total hill and Tarai Dalit population were poor in 1996 and 2004, respectively. The hill and Tarai Dalits were still the poorest during the 2010-2011 Nepal Living Standards Survey, with 43.6 percent of poor amongst the hill Dalit population and 38.16 percent poor amongst the Tarai Dalit population. Following the Dalits, poverty incidences in 2011 were highest amongst other caste groups in the Tarai, then the hill Janajatis at 28.25 percent. Conversely, poverty incidence was at a lower proportion for Newars and hill Brahmins at 10.25 percent and 10.34 percent, respectively.  The latest Nepal Multidimensional Poverty Index Analysis (2021) shows that Karnali Province has by far the biggest percentage of residents living in poverty (39.9 percent), followed by Sudurpashchim Province (25.3 percent) and Madhes Province (24.2 percent).  Only seven percent of individuals live in multidimensional poverty in Bagmati Province, compared to 9.6 percent in Gandaki Province. Madhes Province is the most poverty-stricken, followed by Lumbini Province and Province One, in terms of population. During the covid pandemic, privileged communities were better able to afford equipment and medications as compared to lower-income and minority groups, according to Hari Mainali, secretary of Forum for Protection of Consumer Rights - Nepal.  Rishidev’s experience attests this situation. “It was already difficult to receive free medications distributed by the government and we were in no position to afford medicines that cost money,” he says. “Private hospitals are more expensive than the government ones. It was not an option for us.”  According to Mainali, a lot of equipment may have ended up being illegally traded. “A good deal of equipment was being sold in the black market at higher price, which people of lower economic status were not able to afford.”  Minority communities in Nepal have always fallen victim because of the government’s lack of interest in strengthening the health infrastructure of state-run health facilities.  “From minor medications to major health services, the minority communities have never gotten the right treatment,” adds Mainali. Government oversight Concerns regarding discrepancies related to the procurement and distribution of medical resources to fight covid were raised by the public in April 2020, but the matter was brushed aside by the then prime minister, KP Sharma Oli.  After continuous public pressure, the government formed the Covid-19 Crisis Management Center (CCMC), under the Ministry of Defense, replacing the High-level Coordination Committee for the Prevention and Control of Covid-19. The CCMC was mainly staffed by several high-ranking politicians for proper implementation and coordination of policies, as well as the Chief of Army Staff. The matter of securing and distributing equipment, such as oxygen cylinders, was under the jurisdiction of the CCMC.  Binoj Basnyat, a retired Nepal Army major general and security analyst, believes the CCMC is the government’s way of shielding itself from controversies.  “CCMC ensures massive army participation, which means the budget allocation, usage, as well as several other data would not be easily accessible to the public,” he says. “This gives politicians and civil servants leeway not to get caught in case any of them were to commit forgery.” None of these brings any comfort to the families who lost loved ones during the pandemic. “It is still hard to accept that I lost my son because there weren’t enough oxygen cylinders,” says Rishidev. “We felt hopeless. There was nothing we could do and nowhere we could go and ask for help.”     Annapurna Media Network’s district’s reporters Rakesh Karn, Ganga Khadka, and Rajendra Bahadur Karki contributed reporting Thankful to Thomson Reuters Foundation, and Emmy Abdul Alim for providing their support and guidance with this article

Laxmi Uprety, a 75-year-old voter from Jhapa in eastern Nepal, has been actively involved in the election campaigns since the first election held after the restoration of democracy in 1991. Despite having no formal education, getting married at a young age, and becoming a mother of eight, Uprety understands and values the importance of politics. Most of her family members were directly or indirectly involved with one political party or the other. She says politics before democracy was terrifying. “We had to witness a lot of bloodshed just because a certain political party believed violence was necessary for peace,” she says. She shudders when she recalls how terrifying those times were. Abductions and killings were everyday occurrences. She lost two of her maternal uncles because of political rivalry. “Luckily, my father’s younger brother managed to save his life when people came for his head. He fled to the capital and went on hiding,” she says. After democracy was restored, Uprety says people were finally able to openly support the party of their choice without having to risk their lives. During the 1991 election, Uprety was one of the many people who were involved in the campaigns. “Election campaigns used to be so different back then,” she says. She remembers going from one house to another asking for votes. She gets misty-eyed as she says she enjoyed them a lot. “This was when there was no social media or even mobile phones. Door-to-door campaigns were the only way to appeal for votes or promote your candidate,” she says. One thing that always upsets her is how politics was (and is still) largely a male-dominated sphere. There weren’t many women supporters, let alone candidates. Worse, women, especially those from underprivileged communities, were not aware of their voting rights or even the basic rules of voting. “They had never seen a ballot paper so they didn’t understand where to put the stamp. They also had no idea whom they should vote for and why,” says Uprety. She always carried sample ballot papers with her as she wanted to teach women how to vote. As a supporter of congress, she doesn’t deny that she might have influenced many women’s voting choices while teaching them how to vote. But her primary motive was to teach women how to exercise a basic right that might someday make their community a better place for them. “It was my way of empowering women, I guess,” she says. Now, she thinks things are a lot better. Elections have become quite fancy, if you could call them that, she says. Campaigns are easier and more accessible through social media and everybody seems to be aware of their voting rights. People, she says, also seem to be a lot clearer on whom they want to elect and why. But she misses the old days when election time was community time. Families in the village would mingle about and discuss things. “That was the best part of door-to-door campaigns for me,” she adds. Since there are so many other alternatives nowadays, people are way less on the street than they used to be. As someone who loves talking to and interacting with people, Uprety says she sometimes thinks she could have done a lot more—had more of an impact in politics maybe—if only she had a proper educational background. “Maybe I could have been a politician too,” she says. She finds herself daydreaming about this sometimes but she doesn’t dwell on it for long. What’s done is done, she says, no use crying over spilt milk and all that. Talking about her involvement with this year’s federal elections, she laments she hasn’t been able to be as immersed in it as she would like. Her health, she says, doesn’t allow it otherwise she would have loved to participate in door-to-door campaigns. She was quite disappointed about not being able to vote in the local elections as she was in Kathmandu to undergo surgery. During the election results, however, she was glued to the TV. Her family had to drag her on walks because she wouldn’t get up from the couch. She feared she would miss a crucial turning point. “I’m fascinated by the election. Its importance isn’t lost on me,” she says.

Women’s representation in Nepali politics has always been minimal. Although Nepal is one of the few countries with female presidents, it still lacks an adequate number of women representatives in parliament. The number of women representatives in parliament have been fluctuating since the first general election of 1959, which had only one woman lawmaker, Shree Dwarikadevi Thakurini. In the subsequent parliamentary elections, Nepal elected 8, 7, 12, 197, 176, and 90 women lawmakers respectively. The constitution of 2015 does not mandate to have a certain percentage of women in the House of Representatives, but only dictates that there must be one-third women representation when considering the elected women from both first-past-the-post (FPTP) and proportional candidacy. “Because there is no such mandate for the House of Representatives, parties refrain from putting female politicians forward in the FPTP,” says Dila Sangraula, a Nepali Congress leader. “Our society and political parties are not ready to see women in leadership positions.” Amrita Thapa Magar, of CPN (Maoist Center), echoes Sangraula. “Our society is evidently patriarchal. Party members and even the public are still not well-adjusted to seeing women in powerful positions.” Analyzing the past data, we see a significant increase in the number of women representatives in the election of 2008, when 197 women representatives were elected to the Constituent Assembly. “This was because the Maoist party that had just joined mainstream politics gave a higher number of FPTP candidacy to women representatives,” says Lok Raj Baral, political analyst. The party didn’t maintain that number in the following elections. Even in this year’s federal election, women candidacy in FTPT is high, but most of them, according to Baral, belong to parties that are unlikely to win the election. Old established parties have fielded fewer women candidates. “This automatically decreases female participation in the House of Representatives,” adds Baral. Krishna Khanal, political analyst, says that the male-dominated political parties of Nepal are not willing to make any effort to increase women representation in  any field, not just politics and parliament. The possibility of a female politician winning an election becomes even slimmer when they run independently. This year’s local elections can attest to this fact. When campaigning independently for the seat of deputy mayor for Kathmandu Metropolitan City, Sunita Dangol didn’t get as much support as people showed after she joined the CPN-UML. Most people in Nepal still favor parties over candidates, making it quite difficult for even the worthy candidates to win an election. “The established parties are already male dominated. Their leaders and central members are mostly men. There’s no space for the female candidates,” says Khanal. Sangraula says it’s also up to women leaders to fight for their rightful place in Nepali politics. “Expecting someone to leave their position to increase the number of female representation will take us nowhere.” She believes that unlike political parties, their leaders and members, the general public is highly in favor of women leaders. “The majority of the people, I believe, are willing to support a promising female leader. It’s just the political parties, their leaders and members who aren’t willing to trust women,” adds Sangraula. Magar agrees with Sangraula. “I can confidently say that most Nepalis are willing to put their trust on a female politician.” Khanal, on the other hand, does not agree with Sangraula. He believes that Nepali society is still male dominated and that it is still not ready to be led by women. “It’s the unwillingness of our society to elect female leaders that is affecting the female candidacy,” he claims. “No party will field a woman candidate knowing that the people are unlikely to vote for her.” Sangraula says a constitutional mandate is the only way to ensure female participation in politics and change our society’s attitude towards women leaders. Sangraula, Magar and other women in politics are hopeful for a better future for women in Nepali politics, though. They say increased political awareness among Nepali youths and the growing acceptance for an inclusive society are reasons to be optimistic about. “As the society changes its attitude, the parties, too, will be more accepting of women politicians,” says Sangraula.  

The elections to the federal parliament and provincial assemblies are expected to be different from the previous ones. Many voters seem to be more inclined towards new and young candidates. They see hope in independent candidates and new parties. Voters’ resentment against old established parties and their candidates is palpable. In this context, Anushka Nepal from ApEx interviewed 10 first-time voters to find out what they have to say about the upcoming elections and what they expect.   Shimran Poddar, 21 Being a first time voter, I want to give my vote to someone who is willing to make changes from the grassroots level. I want to see changes that benefit the locals directly, from their businesses to their basic needs. I will be voting from Sunsari and I want someone who is genuinely willing to represent and work on the issues faced by people from the area.  Rabindra Khadka, 22 The best candidate for me in this year’s election would be someone like Balen Shah, which I don’t see in my constituency. As a youth, I want to see a candidate like Shah, who after being elected the mayor of Kathmandu has done admirable works. Although this is not a mayoral election, someone with the same energy and ambition like Shah’s would have been a good fit to represent my constituency. But unfortunately, I don’t see that in any of the candidates.  Santosh Kandel, 21 If I was a voter from Kathmandu-4, I would without a doubt vote for Gagan Thapa. He is someone I think has a vision for this country. In my own constituency, I do see some promising new candidates, but they are unlikely to win. Nepali Congress usually gets the majority of votes from Kathmandu-1. I think it is time for our community members to move past the parties and vote for the candidate based on his or her capability.  Rose Singh, 21 I believe a political candidate should be chosen on the basis of merit and nothing else. It is high time that the issues faced by our society were addressed with proper policy measures to restore people’s faith in governance. So it is imperative for parties and candidates to preserve and promote the values of democracy.  Rajesh Regmi, 28 I am 28 years now and I have never voted in my life. The reason is I do not find anyone worthy. They all have tall promises for voters, but none are likely to fulfill them after the election. I wanted to vote this year, but, honestly, I couldn’t find any promising candidate from my constituency in Bajura. I would have voted if the ballot paper had ‘none of the above’ voting option. So, I won’t be voting this time as well.   Nikki Gautam, 22 It is high time we brought politics back to the people from the exclusive domain of a select few who are using it to cling onto power. We are people of dignity and integrity, and the old political parties and their leaders should acknowledge our needs. We need better roads, better health care and education, and better public services. Is that so much to ask? I don’t expect the old parties and their candidates to change. I demand it with no expectation. And I hope I am not the only one. It is important to vote wisely this time. I urge others to do the same.  Gehendra Dangi, 21 I am a voter from Surkhet. The candidates we elected to the House of Representatives in the past failed to address the problems faced by my constituency. I suspect that it will be the same way this time. This election, I will be voting for someone who has done comparatively better than others.  Nishant Giri, 20  I don’t have much idea about the parties, but I know that not a single one of them has lived up to the promises they have made so far. I will vote for someone who my family thinks is best. Personally, I feel that none of the parties are worthy of my vote. I will basically follow the advice of my parents. I do not have any favorite candidate or a party.  Suman Rai, 28 I do not have much of an idea on politics and I have been living outside Nepal for several years. I want to vote this year, but I genuinely don’t see someone quite worthy. Also, there are a lot of new candidates and new parties. And it is hard to believe that any of the candidates or parties will fulfill what they have promised. Dipen Niraula, 22 Until a few months ago, I was excited about the parliamentary polls but when I saw the political parties fielding the same old, tried, tested and failed candidates, I was left frustrated. If you have this same set of people to vote and choose, why do we need the polls? Let's select them without any contest and save all the expenses. I am in Kathmandu for my study and work but my hometown is Itahari. Why should I spend money to travel there to vote for the same candidate?

One of the most concerning issues for Nepal right now is climate change and every anomaly that comes attached to it. The weather is uncertain, several lands remain barren, and most of all, pollution has gone off the charts. With the federal election coming up, the public does expect to see some mention of climate change and ways of addressing its effect in parties’ manifestos. True, this time, there are a lot of changes that could be seen in the politics of Nepal. After the win of Balen Shah, several independent candidates have decided to run in the federal election. And new parties like the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), which have promised to eschew the old political culture, have gained considerable limelight. But none of these candidates or parties—both new and old—have nuanced and informed views on climate change and addressing its impacts. While several of these parties and candidates have committed to working on these issues in case of winning the election, most of those commitments are either surficial or far-fetched, say the experts. Talking about impracticality, when analyzing the manifesto of the RSP, some of their promises seem impossible to follow through. “They have mentioned putting a zero tax on electric vehicles (EV), which is impossible, as it is one of the sources for our revenues,” says Vijay Kant Karna, a political analyst. Bhushan Tuladhar, environmentalist, echoes Karna’s sentiment. He says that with that big of a change, the country will have to work on making proper roads suitable for EV, a proper supply of electricity, feasible workshops, and most of all, enough charging stations. “It is too much to do at once,” he says. “They could have instead promised to raise the tax on fossil-fuel run vehicles to encourage people to buy EVs and gradually move up the ladder than do everything at once.” The party has further mentioned establishing a Sewage Treatment Plant which will be used to clean up the sewage coming from every household, and also mandate every manufacturing industry to establish a chemical waste treatment center before the industrial waste is dumped into the river. Though the plan is good and can be realized, Karna says, he is worried about the age-old tendency of Nepali political parties and their leaders reneging on the election promises made to their voters. Established parties like the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center) have barely scratched the surface of climate issues on their manifestos. Congress has promised to work on making Nepal net zero by 2045. But that is already a global commitment made by Nepal. “Why not commit to something that could be addressed within the next five years?” says Karna. The commitments made by the UML and the Maoists are similar and perfunctory in nature, lacking in imagination. Both parties talk about nature and environmental protection. “If you study their manifestos, these parties are using heavy words and hollow jargons to deceive voters,” says Bishnu Dahal, political analyst. Many experts are critical of the political parties regarding their climate change pledge because of their decision to cut down almost 2.4m trees in the name of building an international airport in Nijgadh, which is a home for sati sal trees dating back to 400 years. Had the tree felling plan gone ahead, it would have resulted in the loss of several rare flora and fauna, causing an irreversible disturbance in the ecosystem. “How do we believe that they are pro-nature and pro-environment protection when they made a conscious decision to destroy the forest in Nijgadh?” asks Karna. The parties have also failed to address the closest matter at hand: reducing pollution in the capital city. “Going through all these manifestos, what disappoints me the most is that none of them have mentioned a single thing about dealing with the pollution even in the capital city,” says Dahal. While the RSP  does state that they will be coordinating with India to prevent inland pollution issues, Tuladhar says their priority should be reducing pollution in Kathmandu. Climate expert Madhukar Upadhya says, “If the parties were so concerned about the environment, why is there no mention of promoting ropeways instead of roads?” A study done by Ropeway Nepal shows that Nepal has the capacity to cater up to 2,000 ropeways, which would cost much cheaper than making a highway on the same route. Feasibility tests have been done on 62 of those possibilities, but Nepal only has five operational ropeways for human transportation and somewhere around a dozen gravity ropeways for goods’ transportation. With this potential, Nepal could easily shift to a ropeway system, which would decrease the use of fossil fuel-run transportation at an affordable cost. “But none of the parties have done any research on mitigating the climate change effect,” says Upadhya. “They have used climate change as an excuse to make their manifestos a bit more fancy.” Dahal agrees with Upadhya. “These manifestos are highfalutin, flights of fancy, utterly removed from reality.” Dahal says that parties are more focused on having the same solution for the many impacts of climate change. “Our country is geologically diverse. Solutions that work in the Tarai might not fit for the problem in the hill or the mountain regions.” Upadhya says the parties have not consulted experts or relied on research papers to come up with climate pledges in their manifestos. “These are uninformed pedestrian strategies.” Karna goes on to venture that the parties do not have any knowledge about climate change. Meanwhile, Tuladhar remains cautiously optimistic. “There is at least the mention of the terms like ‘climate’ and ‘nature protection’, which you would not find in past election manifestos,” he says. “We could still expect some change if the political parties actually work on some of the practical commitments they have mentioned.” Key points on parties’ manifesto regarding climate change  Nepali Congress

• Will work on the global commitment of achieving net zero carbon by 2045 and a roadmap of the green economy will be developed
• Will establish Climate Change Research Center

• Will work on forest and environment protection
• Will ensure policies for climate adaptation and disaster management

• Will formulate rules for nature protection and climate change effects’ mitigation
• Will create an environment-friendly sustainable infrastructure in the rural areas

• Will imply zero tax on electric vehicle
• Will research for alternatives to plastic

After Balen Shah won the local-level elections, we are witnessing a new era in politics. Most people see no hope from the parties. In the heat of this moment, many people have stepped up to contest this year’s federal elections independently. One of them is Shree Gurung. The 40-year-old is a candidate from sector number five in Kathmandu. He was born in Sankhuwasabha but has largely been brought up in Lazimpat, Kathmandu.  “Politics is not anything new for me,” he says. Coming from a journalism background, and with a doctoral degree in digital marketing and social media, Gurung believes that he has always been involved in politics directly or indirectly. But most importantly, he feels that he knows what people need and want from their elected leaders. “I have always been an observer of politics,” he says, “and I have done plenty of research on what the people want from those they elect.”  His main goal, if he wins in the upcoming elections, is to mainly focus on the four industries of Nepal: tourism, technology, trade, and energy. But his main priority is definitely going to be tourism, he says. “I believe every business, sector, and individual in Nepal can benefit economically from tourism,” he says. Being the member and project chief at Durbar Marg Development Board, Gurung has background knowledge on how tourism can flourish exceptionally in his sector. He says his work till now has armed him with information on how to collaborate with various stakeholders and organizations in Nepal that focus on tourism. “My journey from Sankhuwasabha to Kathmandu has shown me the true potential of Nepal,” he says. Having traveled to the many nooks and crannies of Nepal, he believes he has seen and knows what the country needs. Tourism, he believes, can put Nepal on the global map. Specifically, there are three things that Gurung would like to focus on through tourism; better revenue, employment, and foreign investment which in turn promotes Nepal. According to the World Bank’s data of 2019, 1.5m Nepalis benefited directly or indirectly after 1.2m tourists visited Nepal. There was an economic impact of 2.2bn. “So, why are we still wasting this potential,” says Gurung. From Nepali handicrafts to local beverages, all of these businesses, according to Gurung, have the potential of flourishing through tourism. “I want to be a voice in the parliament,” he says. He believes there need to be certain changes in policies and laws that will aid tourism in Nepal.  Talking to people and businesspersons from different parts of Nepal, hearing their thoughts and ideas and simply traveling and understanding the dynamics of different places in Nepal have given Gurung ideas on how the tourism sector can be given a boost. He sees this as an opportunity to bring more money into the country. Not only that but he also hopes to decrease the number of youths who go abroad for foreign employment. “If Paris can make itself the biggest tourist area in the world with a steel tower, imagine what Nepal can do with so much natural beauty,” he says.  Gurung says his first course of action in case of winning would be to make changes in the policies of the Nepal Tourism Board. He believes that the organization has become far more bureaucratic when it needs to be creative and autonomous to be able to promote Nepal internationally. “But it’s heavily influenced by politics,” he says.  Despite all his goals and noble intentions, there is a certain resistance that independent candidates have been facing for the upcoming elections and Gurung is no stranger to that. But Gurung has had his share of good things too. He’s received positive responses from some well-known people belonging to other parties, albeit in secrecy. They wished him luck and said they hoped he would emerge victorious. “It’s quite surprising to see people from some well-known parties be so supportive,” he says, “It just felt like even those party members were frustrated and wanted to see some change.”  Gurung says he is not against the party system but the people involved in it. “I think it’s a good institution when people with good intentions are involved,” he says. He adds that it’s not the party system he blames, but the people who like to cater to their selfish needs through politics. “If there is a chance that these parties can bring about an actual change, they will have my full support,” he says. “Until then, they will see a lot of independent candidates like me stepping up to do the work.” 

Every evening, at around 8pm, Sita Ram Chandra comes to Thamel, carrying a basket laden with merchandise, and sets up her shop on the steps of closed shutters. She has been doing this for the past seven years. Life as a street vendor is hard, but she has no other option. Chandra came to Kathmandu with her husband in 1985 and together, the couple raised six children. And over the years, the family has seen many ups and downs. “We used to sell clothes in Asan before the place was hit by 2015’s earthquake,” says Chandra, who is now 55-year-old. “My entire family depended on the clothes business and suddenly we had nothing.” With no other source of income, the family was suddenly on the brink of extreme poverty after the earthquake. That was when Chandra decided to become a street vendor. But it is difficult being a street vendor in Kathmandu. They have to be on a constant lookout, for the Kathmandu Metropolitan City does not tolerate their kind. If caught selling goods on the street, their goods could get confiscated. As I sat with Chandra talking about her life story on a recent night, there was a moment where she abruptly collected her belongings and sprinted towards an alley. She was running away after hearing the siren of an approaching police van. This is a routine that Chandra and other street vendors of Thamel go through every night. “This is the only option I have if I am to afford a living,” she says. Chandra is the only one working in her family. She lives with her husband. Five of their children have long married and settled down, and the sixth one is outside the country for employment. Her husband is an asthma patient and is unable to work. His monthly medicine expense alone is Rs 3,000, and then there is rent to pay and food to buy. Chandra says she has no option than to work that late at night, hiding from the police. “Without this work, we will be on the street with no roof over our heads and no money to buy food.” During the Covid-19 pandemic, Chandra says she had no work for nearly a year and had to rely on social organizations and charity groups for food. “What little savings we had got used up in no time. After that, we had to survive on charity,” she says. “Being the only breadwinner is hard.” Chandra resumed her work near the end of 2021. But this time, her health is not quite in her favor. She is in pain most of the time. Her back aches constantly and so does her hand. “Carrying this basket everywhere is difficult,” she says. “I don’t think I will be able to sit on a cold marble steps every night doing this” Chandra’s health scare increases with the start of the winter season. “I know it will get even tougher for me since the winter has started in Kathmandu,” she says. “And if I were to get caught by the police, that will be the end of it. I’ll be finished.” Chandra is not willing to go for a health check-up. She says she can barely afford to buy the medicines for her husband. She also doesn’t know how long she will be able to carry on with her job. “These days, I cannot stay past midnight. So, yes my age and health is catching up with me.” Asked about her plans for the future, she has no definitive answer, but she is confident something will come up. “I have made it so far and I’m sure I will find a way to survive,” she says.

Maiyadevi Shrestha, a well-known politician and philanthropist, has passed away. She was 95. Born in Bandipur, Tanahun, Shrestha didn’t have an easy life as a child. By her own account, she was abandoned at birth by her mother, who had been threatened by her husband to bear him a son. It was Shrestha’s grandmother who rescued the castaway baby. When she was just one month old, Shrestha and her family migrated to Chitwan, which is where she would start her journey in politics as a teenager. She was just 13 when she became a district working committee member of the Nepali Congress. Shrestha was a rebel by nature. She didn’t hesitate from speaking up and fighting for democracy during the autocratic rule. Shrestha went on to become a firebrand leader of her party from Chitwan, where she led several political and social movements. In 1991, she became a member of parliament for the first time. She also represented her party in the National Assembly between 2001 and 2006. Besides politics, Shrestha was passionate about social works. In 2015m she established Maiyadevi Trust Nepal to which she donated her house and all her wealth amounting nearly Rs 100m. Girls’ education had always been an important cause for Shrestha. She is the founder of Mayadevi Kanya College, an all-girls college in Bharatpur. She also donated 10 katthas of land to Balkumari Kanya School, an all-girls school in Narayangarh. Besides, she also donated a piece of land to the Nepali Congress, where the party’s district office is currently located. For many, Shrestha was like a mother figure. She was always there for those in need. In her twilight years, she was mostly focused on philanthropy works. Shrestha was awarded with ‘Nepal Aama Award’ for the contributions she made throughout her lifetime. “Maiyadevi is not a person but an institution.” says Rajeshwor Khanal, president, Nepali Congress, Chitwan chapter. “Her death is an irreparable loss for the party and the people of Chitwan." Shrestha never got married in her life. She lived her life with utmost simplicity and an undiminished spirit of charity. She was also very religious and lived in Devghat, a popular pilgrimage in Chitwan. Even in her old age, she used to visit temples quite often. Shrestha had been suffering from pneumonia for a while before she was admitted to Chitwan Medical College. She took her last breath on the morning of Oct 22. She is survived by her adopted son, Tanka Nath Poudel. Birth: 1927, Tanahun  Death: 22 Oct 2022, Chitwan