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Recent demolitions of informal settlements across the Kathmandu Valley have left hundreds of families in uncertainty, raising serious questions about the government’s preparedness to handle the aftermath of such large-scale actions.

Led by Kathmandu Metropolitan City in coordination with national security forces, the operation cleared settlements in Manohara, Shantinagar, Thapathali, and Jadibuti. According to official data, 773 families were evicted from the Manohara area in Bhaktapur, 638 families from Shantinagar along the Bagmati River (476 on one side and 162 on the other), 143 families from Thapathali, and 114 families from the Milan Chok area in Jadibuti.

Residents from Manohara opposed the demolition, leading to clashes on April 25 when a police team and media personnel came under attack. Twenty-two security personnel were injured in the incident.

On April 26, authorities escalated the operation, deploying around 2,000 personnel from the Armed Police Force, Nepal Police, and Metropolitan Police, who then entered the settlement and began demolitions.

The settlements flooded every rainy season, and many have acknowledged that this risk has now been removed. But the question remains: was the aftermath of this decision adequately considered?

While the move has been framed as necessary for environmental restoration and city planning, the situation on the ground tells a more complex story. Many residents left homes where they had lived for years, often with little time to prepare. Scenes of families salvaging belongings in the rain, children clutching school materials, and elderly residents struggling in unfamiliar surroundings highlighted the immediate human cost.

Temporary shelters have been arranged in ashrams, training centers, and hotels, but concerns remain about their adequacy. For many, relocation has also meant the loss of livelihoods, as proximity to the city center has provided access to informal work.

The metropolis has arranged free food, shelter, and basic medical services for those who registered. Officials state that mental health support teams, including psychotherapists, have been deployed to address trauma—particularly among children and the elderly.

While the government’s effort to clear unplanned settlements has been acknowledged, critics say the execution lacked comprehensive planning. Housing alone, they argue, does not address the broader needs of displaced families. The apartment complexes built in Nagarjuna during former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai’s tenure were intended as solutions, but fall short of ensuring livelihoods, healthcare access, education, and social stability.

The impact has extended beyond housing. Education has been disrupted for many students, including those preparing for examinations, while teachers face uncertainty about their jobs after schools within the settlements were demolished.

Saraswati Basic School in Manohara, located in Madhyapur Thimi Municipality-1, was demolished on Monday morning, leaving around 280 students without a learning space. The school, which provided education up to grade 8, served both local residents and children from squatter families, who made up roughly half the student population. The futures of its 15 teachers and one office assistant now remain uncertain.

Vulnerable groups, including pregnant women, children, and the elderly, are among those struggling most in temporary arrangements. Beyond human displacement, concerns have also been raised about animals. In a statement shared on social media, Animal Nepal highlighted that forced evictions leave behind “invisible victims,” including pets and strays that are often injured, displaced, or abandoned during demolitions. Groups such as Sneha Care and Community Animal Treatment have been actively involved in feeding, rescuing, and providing medical care to affected animals, addressing a largely overlooked consequence of the eviction drive.

Ranju Darshana, a House of Representatives member from Kathmandu, said that genuine squatters were left in confusion and fear due to short notice and unclear information during the Thapathali settlement removal. She apologized for the panic caused, stressing that affected residents should be given proper options and not treated as a political vote bank.

At the Radhaswami Satsang site in Sundarighat alone, around 161 individuals were being housed as of Wednesday. Authorities say health workers are available around the clock, with special attention given to vulnerable groups.

“The services here are very good. The team has been taking care of us very well,” said an elderly woman at the shelter. “They have provided mosquito nets and are trying to make us feel at home, although the pain of leaving our place still remains.” “We have been providing mental health support services to the displaced families,” said a member of the Council Department of Psychology at Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur. “They appeared more severely affected on the first day but are gradually beginning to adjust. Our team is conducting a needs assessment, with particular focus on pregnant women, children, and elderly individuals.” As of Wednesday, the team had already worked with 43 families.

“The Nepal Electricity Authority is working to restore lighting in the area, and tents were provided from Tuesday,” said a municipal worker. “Food distribution has also improved. On the first day, people were given packed meals, but now we have shifted to a buffet system where they can serve themselves and take as much as they need. We are also trying to meet specific needs—infants are provided lito, elderly people receive appropriate food, and pregnant women are given suitable nutrition.”

A police officer at the Satsang site said, “We have been instructed that journalists will not be allowed to enter on Thursday, as per directions from the Prime Minister’s Office, and our focus is currently on maintaining security.” He noted that the number of families is likely to increase in the coming days, and that arrangements are being made to shift pregnant women and elderly individuals to hotels where they can receive better services.

The demolitions have also exposed deeper structural issues. While authorities acknowledge the presence of  “fake squatters” occupying valuable land, many genuine landless families remain without clear alternatives. Critics argue that while the removal of settlements may have been inevitable, the lack of clear communication, phased planning, and sustainable rehabilitation measures has led to confusion, fear, and resentment among affected communities.

In Hotel Smarika, Mitranagar, 35 individuals from Thapathali and Shantinagar are currently staying. Naramaya Pariyar, 71, had been living in Shantinagar since 2058 BS with her family. She was unaware that her settlement would be demolished that day and was not informed in time. She remains hopeful that the government will make arrangements for them soon. Her granddaughter is staying at a friend’s house and continuing her studies, while her son has been unable to go to work since the relocation.

“The officers who brought us here have assured us that we will be relocated as soon as possible, and that arrangements are being made for our settlement,” she said. According to her, the hotel staff have been treating them well, regularly checking on their needs and allowing them to share their concerns.

Hotel Smarika’s owner, Tarak Sharma Pantha, said he was grateful to host them, noting that officials visit regularly for monitoring and have provided documents for daily movement and registration. He expressed dissatisfaction, however, with the use of the term “vulnerable” in the registration papers.

Pantha said he was informed about their transfer only a day in advance. While he acknowledged that the relocation was eventually expected, he stressed that the government should have ensured proper pre-planning, including arrangements for settlement, food, and consideration of the difficulties residents might face.

Nir Kumar Puri, 53, had been living in the Thapathali settlement for nine years with his family. His wife is currently staying at her parental home, his daughter is married, and his son is staying at a friend's house. He said he has no belongings with him except the clothes he is wearing, and that they were informed about the situation only a day before, leaving them wholly unprepared.

He said he wishes to be provided with proper settlement for his family and noted that, being physically able, he can continue working and earning on his own. But the loss of his home has left him deeply shaken.

“Because of this, we are facing mental problems. My roommate, a young boy, is also suffering. He does not speak much or leave the room often. The police have been supporting us throughout this phase. One person fell sick on Tuesday and was immediately taken to the hospital and brought back by them.”

He added that the situation is especially serious given that elderly people, persons with disabilities, infants, and pregnant women are among those affected, and expressed hope that until a permanent location is arranged, they will be cared for with attention and dignity.

The Kathmandu Valley’s situation is not without international parallel. Dharavi—one of Mumbai’s largest informal settlements, home to nearly a million people—illustrates both the importance and complexity of such communities. While slums often face poor housing, sanitation, and flooding risks, they also support strong local economies and tightly knit communities. Residents of Dharavi run significant informal industries in recycling, tailoring, and pottery. Yet redevelopment plans have raised concerns about displacement and inadequate consultation—reflecting a global tension in which efforts to “improve” slums can threaten the very communities they are meant to help.

Similarly, in Delhi, the demolition of Madrasi Camp—home to around 370 Tamil migrant families who had lived there for decades—was carried out following a court order declaring it an encroachment. Residents were left homeless with limited notice and inadequate rehabilitation. Across Delhi, thousands of slum dwellings have been removed in recent years, often relocating the urban poor far from their workplaces and excluding many through strict eligibility criteria.

In Nepal, the actions taken under Prime Minister Balen Shah reflect attempts to address unmanaged settlements and urban risks. While such steps are often seen as bold and necessary, they equally underscore the importance of careful planning, proper consultation, and humane resettlement to ensure that development does not come at the cost of the communities it claims to serve.

Rising prices are becoming a daily reality for consumers across Nepal, with the cost of transport, fuel, and essential goods climbing steadily over the past six months. Wherever you go, people are talking about the rising cost of goods and services. The issue has become so pressing that it is now discussed everywhere.

A few days ago, I used inDrive after about a month. It usually costs Rs 130–140 to travel from my office to home, but this time I paid Rs 210. When I spoke to the rider, he said, “Because of the high petrol cost, we have to raise prices to maintain our earnings.” 

Public transport fares within the Kathmandu Valley have also risen significantly in recent days. Fares increased by 25.96 percent, effective from April 11. The Department of Transport Management has applied this change not only to urban transport but also to long-distance passenger and service-oriented vehicles. Long-distance bus fares have increased by 16.71 percent.

Similarly, service vehicle charges have gone up, with goods carriers rising by 15.75 percent on Tarai routes and 21.68 percent on hilly roads, reflecting the broader impact of rising fuel costs. The situation is tied not only to domestic factors but also to the tensions in the Middle East involving Iran, Israel, and the United States. Concerns over disruptions in oil supply, especially through the strategically vital Strait of Hormuz, have driven up fuel prices, affecting import-dependent countries like Nepal.

People across Nepal have also struggled to access LPG gas, with many shifting to induction cooking due to shortages. The government has even implemented weekend holidays as a temporary measure to cope with fuel shortages and rising prices. These responses reflect a broader pattern of short-term adjustments rather than long-term solutions. Markets are becoming increasingly expensive, and many people can no longer afford basic goods at previous prices. Inflation is now visible across nearly every sector.

The Asian Development Bank warned last month that prolonged disruptions in energy markets could raise inflation in developing Asia and the Pacific by 3.2 percent and reduce economic growth in the region by 1.3 percent by 2026–2027.

“I travel daily from Kirtipur to Ratnapark for my graphic design internship, using my own vehicle,” said 25-year-old Rojesh Maharjan. “Earlier, petrol used to cost around Rs 100–150, but now it has reached around Rs 200.” “As an intern, I don’t earn much, and I spend around Rs 250 per day on fuel. It’s not enough. I often skip lunch to manage expenses,” he added. “Because of rising costs, I’ve started considering public transport when money is tight.”

“If prices continue to rise, salaries should increase accordingly. Only then can people cope,” Maharjan said.

Fuel prices have surged sharply between mid-March and mid-April, making the market increasingly unaffordable. Petrol, which cost Rs 157 per litre just a month ago, has risen by Rs 62 to Rs 219. Diesel and kerosene prices have also climbed significantly, from Rs 142 to Rs 237 per litre.

The impact is visible across sectors. LPG has increased by Rs 100, reaching Rs 2,010 per cylinder. Domestic aviation fuel prices have more than doubled, rising from Rs 127 to Rs 262 per litre, while international aviation fuel has jumped from $966 to $1,716 per kilolitre.

“Inflation is being driven by multiple factors, including ongoing conflict in the Middle East and supply chain disruptions,” said an official from the Department of Commerce, Supplies and Consumer Protection. “We seized around 6,300 LPG cylinders from dealers last month and redistributed them. Since then, such cases have declined,” the official added. “If we receive complaints of hoarding or black marketing, we will take action.”

Many people are aware of the broader causes. Rukesh Shah, 34, from Rautahat and now living in Bhaktapur, works collecting scrap materials.

“This situation has been created by tensions between Israel, the US, and Iran,” he said. “If India faces difficulties in securing goods, Nepal is in even greater trouble.” “Our income has remained the same, and as daily wage workers, we are sometimes paid even less. This directly affects our daily lives,” he said, urging the government to act.

Parbati Sah, a shopkeeper, said she understands the reasons behind rising prices. “Dealers tell us costs have increased, and they cannot sell at a loss,” she said. “In most items, prices have risen by around 23 to 30 percent.” She added that the situation has strained customer trust. “Customers often don’t believe us when we say prices have gone up. Sometimes we are forced to sell at lower prices and bear the loss.”

Her husband, who helps run the stall, said rising costs have forced them to adjust prices. “Earlier, we sold samosas for Rs 20; now they are Rs 25. Other items have also increased,” he said. “This has affected our small business.” He added that inflation is affecting more than just goods. “Room and shop rents have also increased, making it even harder to manage.”

A customer at the shop offered a different perspective: “Inflation is happening because of corruption and political rivalries among leaders,” he said, adding that this is how the situation appears from a consumer’s point of view. The cost of essential goods has also risen. Sunflower oil has increased by Rs 40 to Rs 295, while mustard oil has gone up to Rs 375 from Rs 325.

According to the Department of Commerce, the price of General Sona Mansuli rice in the Kathmandu Valley has increased by Rs 36, reaching Rs 95 per kg from Rs 59. Steamed Jeera rice has risen to Rs 102 per kg, while basmati rice now costs Rs 185 per kg. Other staples have also become more expensive. Maize flour now costs Rs 127 per kg, while wheat flour has risen to Rs 60 per kg.

Even water prices have increased in some areas. The Federation of Nepal Water Industries recently stated that shortages of raw materials—such as plastic bottles, caps, and packaging materials—have driven up production costs.

“The prices of raw materials used in the water industry have increased by around 40 percent,” the federation said. “This is not profit-driven but a result of rising production and transportation costs.” As a result, bottled mineral water in parts of Kathmandu now costs Rs 25–30, up from Rs 20.

As prices continue to rise across fuel, transport, and essential goods, the burden is falling most heavily on ordinary consumers. From commuters and daily wage workers to small business owners, many are being forced to cut expenses and adjust their lifestyles just to cope.

While global factors such as geopolitical tensions and supply disruptions play a role, public concern is growing over the lack of immediate relief and long-term solutions. Inflation is no longer just an economic indicator—it has become a lived reality shaping everyday decisions and survival.

Federation of Nepal Water Industries stated that raw material prices, including plastic bottles, caps, jars, and wrapping rolls, have risen by around 40 percent. “This is not a profit-oriented decision, but a forced situation,” the federation said. In several parts of Kathmandu, mineral water now sells for Rs 25–30, up from Rs 20.

As prices continue to climb, the burden falls hardest on ordinary people. Commuters, daily wage workers, small business owners are all forced to cut back and adjust just to get by. Global factors like geopolitical tensions and supply chain disruptions are significant contributors, but the public's growing frustration is with the absence of immediate relief and credible long-term solutions. Inflation is no longer just an economic indicator. It has become a lived reality, shaping everyday decisions and survival across Nepal.

Sudan Gurung, Nepal's youngest Home Minister, was appointed on March 27 and has quickly emerged as one of the most talked-about figures in the country. He is also the founder of the organization Hami Nepal. His appointment to the Home Ministry came as a surprise to many observers.

Since taking office, he has worked efficiently toward his stated goals and made decisions that have captured public attention. On his very first day after taking the oath, he ordered the arrest of former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and former Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak, a move that is rare in political history anywhere in the world.

The arrests were made over their alleged role in the deaths of dozens of people during the GenZ protests that toppled the government in September last year. The move has been widely praised by those who view it as a strong stance on accountability.

Gurung also personally visited Nepal Police Headquarters, where he directed officers to adopt a policy of zero tolerance against corruption and irregularities, stating that no one involved would be spared. Following this, several arrests were made in connection with money laundering cases. He has since been seen visiting police offices, meeting victims, and closely monitoring law enforcement operations. He has also reinforced a no-VIP-treatment policy on the road system.

His work has drawn comparisons to Anil Kapoor’s character in the Bollywood film Nayak. However, his positive attitude and unconventional approach have sparked debate. On social media, he faced criticism over older photos from when he was a DJ. More recently, his frequent unusual posts—sometimes consisting of numbers only, possibly representing arrest figures—have added to the conversation.

According to Hemanta Malla Thakuri, former Deputy Inspector General of Nepal Police, “Maturity is essential for someone holding a position like this. While the actions he has been taking may appear proactive, many of these tasks are actually the responsibility of the police, not the minister. Traffic management, for example, is not a minister's role—it requires trained traffic police personnel. When a minister steps into such operational duties, it does not necessarily send a positive message to the public.”

Abhinash Nagaju,26, from Bhaktapur said, “Based on his recent actions, I would say he's doing a good job. But at the same time, I feel a bit unsure. While his work appears positive, it sometimes feels like it might be staged, done more for show than substance.” He added that Gurung's social media posts are a good idea, as long as the information shared is not sensitive or related to national security. “It helps people like us understand what's actually going on,” he said. “I think he's trying to win public trust for now, and perhaps he’ll gradually evolve and raise his level as he goes.”

Sushila Hada from Suryabinayak said Gurung has been doing well, but the real challenge is whether he can sustain it. “He is still in a learning phase, and it seems like he is learning and working at the same time.” On his social media presence, she noted that while updates are not always consistent, he must now be more cautious than ever as a public figure. “His platforms can become a source of truth not just for the Nepali public, but also for international media and observers.” She added that there is no fixed rulebook for how a Home Minister should conduct himself, so he should follow his own moral compass while staying within proper boundaries and not being overly influenced by others.

A woman who did not wish to be named offered a similar perspective: “He doesn’t need to rush or try to do everything at once. He should take a moment to breathe. It feels like he’s acting out of excitement right now, which is understandable. But if he continues at this pace, there may come a point where, if he slows down or fails to deliver something significant, he could end up facing criticism or controversy.”

Spokesperson at the Armed Police Force of Nepal, Bishnu Prasad Bhatta, expressed optimism: “We have a lot of hope in our new Home Minister. He is very action-oriented, and we truly appreciate his efforts. He has past experience working with national organizations and has been helpful in the past.” Bhatta added that while Gurung demonstrates strong teamwork, working without coordination could hamper his effectiveness. “He has been actively involved in conducting training and programs with the team, and has urged us to be prepared for future challenges and rescue operations. Overall, he is expected to address our problems and find effective solutions.”

Divya Shrestha, 21, described Gurung as a confident and outspoken political figure who makes a visible effort to stay connected with the public. “On social media, his bold and engaging presence helps him connect with supporters, though his tone can occasionally feel overly informal for someone in such a senior role. He shows clear promise, but a more measured, disciplined, and professional approach will be important as he grows into the responsibilities of the position.”

Shiva Tamang, 25, from Swayambhu echoed similar thoughts: “His actions reflect practical, ground-level engagement, though questions sometimes arise around consistency and long-term vision. His communication is bold and direct, but can occasionally come across as emotional or confrontational. For a role as significant as Home Minister, a higher degree of professionalism, discipline, and balanced communication is essential. He has clear potential, but a more refined and consistent approach will be crucial as he settles into this responsibility.”

Ayush Basnet from Nala offered a measured take: “Gurung is a capable politician, though he appears to lack experience at this stage. His actions come across as very straightforward, sometimes in ways we haven’t been accustomed to seeing. It also feels like he may be signaling intentions ahead of bigger moves. For now, his style of working is gradually making me more appreciative of his approach.”

Amid his recent activities, Gurung was also linked to a controversy over land he leased near Phewa Lake in Pokhara for an adventure tourism project worth Rs 15–20m. The work was halted after authorities identified the site within a restricted 65-metre buffer zone, with conflicting claims emerging between Gurung and the landowner.

He held a meeting with Swiss Ambassador Danielle Meuwly, requesting Switzerland’s cooperation in investigating whether illicit funds from Nepal have been deposited in Swiss banks. He also conducted an on-site inspection of flood-prone areas along the Roshi River in Kavrepalanchok, assessing risks to settlements and infrastructure and directing authorities to strengthen preparedness and coordination ahead of the monsoon season.

Gurung's first two weeks in office have been marked by bold decisions, high visibility, and an unconventional style that has quickly set him apart. While many praise his energy, accountability-driven actions, and direct engagement with the public, others raise concerns about consistency, experience, and the need for a more measured approach.

As he navigates the responsibilities of one of the country’s most critical ministries, Gurung stands at a defining moment, where sustaining momentum, refining his leadership style, and balancing action with strategy will determine whether his early promise translates into lasting impact.

Veteran Indian playback singer Asha Bhosle has passed away at the age of 92 following cardiac and respiratory complications. 

She was admitted to Breach Candy Hospital in critical condition on Saturday and was in the ICU before her death.

Her son Anand Bhosle confirmed the news on Sunday, with last rites scheduled for the following day, Hindustan Times wrote.

One of the most iconic voices in Indian music, Asha’s career spanned decades, making her one of the most prolific singers in Hindi cinema. She was often compared to Lata Mangeshkar and carved her own legacy with versatility across genres.

A seven-time Filmfare Award for Best Female Playback Singer winner, she also received two National Film Awards for songs like “Dil Cheez Kya Hai” from Umrao Jaan and “Mera Kuch Saamaan” from Ijaazat.

Born in 1933, she began singing at a young age and rose to prominence in the 1950s, remaining a dominant figure in the music industry for decades in India. Her contributions to Indian music have left an enduring legacy.

CPN-UML Secretary Mahesh Basnet has criticized the arrest of former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and former Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak, calling it an act of political revenge and prejudice.

In a social media post, Basnet criticized the current government led by Prime Minister Balendra Shah, particularly the appointment of Home Minister Sudan Gurung, describing it as controversial and inexperienced.

Calling for action, Basnet urged party members and supporters to participate in demonstrations to safeguard democratic values and oppose what he described as “revenge politics.” He added that further details of the protest program would be announced following a party secretariat meeting scheduled for the morning.

Once a voice of protest through music, Balendra Shah aka ‘Balen’ is now at the center of Nepal’s political future—carrying both the hopes of a generation and the weight of rising expectations.

Shah has built an identity as an engineer, rapper, mayor and now the most preferred prime minister. Over the years, his music has resonated with the people, blending artistic expression with a clear sense of social direction. 

Through his songs, Shah questioned those in power, provoked thought, and sparked public conversation. His engineering background, meanwhile, translated into tangible work, helping rebuild earthquake-resilient homes and contributing to urban infrastructure projects. His political journey has since reinforced a simple but powerful argument: willingness to act is what politics most desperately needs. 

Most of his songs map social and political grievances onto a larger call for change, which resonates deeply among his followers. Farbin Napit, 21 says he has been a fan of Shah since grade seven. 

“Personally, I believe he was influenced by politics even before he became mayor, and I think he will do great—if not the best—for our country’s development and for raising Nepal’s profile on the world stage.”
Shah’s discography tells its own history. Sadak Balak, released 13 years ago, follows a homeless teenage boy without access to education—a portrait of Nepal’s street children struggling for survival.

Prahari—also released 13 years ago, is about the controversial moment when police cut people’s hair on the pretext of preventing crime, an action that triggered student protests in 2070 BS.

Other notable tracks include Aam Nepali Buwa, Tathya, Nepal Haseko, Balidan, Savage, Sabailai Hataar Cha, and Local Thito. A common thread runs through all of them: political awareness and a deep connection to social issues. At a 2014 rap battle with Little Grizl, Shah declared, “History is meant to be changed. Balen has not come yet!”  In hindsight, it reads less like a boast and more like a prophecy.

Those who have followed Shah reflect that sense of inevitability. Aayushi Shakya, 22 says she admires him because he is the first well-educated, well-known person to approach politics in this way.

“I started following him from his song Nepal Haseko. It was quite touching as a growing youth. I see him as a literate, self-confident person who truly believes he can change the nation. I also believe he will perform better than previous leaders.”

Samira Kiju, 20, says Shah is different from traditional politicians, which is refreshing. “I started following him more seriously around the 2022 Kathmandu mayoral election. Before that, I knew him mainly as a rapper, but his entry into politics made me pay closer attention.” She notes that Shah’s foray into politics never felt unconventional.

“He talked about social issues, corruption, and frustrations of youth through his music. So his political journey didn’t feel sudden. He always had political awareness—his journey into office made it official.”

Rajiv Maharjan, 20, has followed Shah since his mayoral campaign in Kathmandu. “As a person, I find him visionary, bold, and action-oriented. His rap showed social awareness; his political journey feels like a natural extension of that voice.” Rajiv is cautiously optimistic about Shah’s prime ministerial journey. “He has strong potential, but long-term results will matter most.” 

Krishal Maharjan, 19, echoes that admiration. Like others, he discovered Shah through music and thinks his political instincts were present long before he ran for mayor. 

A relative who knows Shah closely offered a more personal portrait. “He has a sharp memory and remembers people for a long time. He is very data-driven and tends to analyze things with a positive perspective.” The relative also pushed back against one common perception:“Some people think he is hard to approach, but he is actually open to those who reach out. He has clear plans and executes them smoothly. He speaks less, but when he does, his words are impactful.”

Political scientist Chandra Dev Bhatta says that public expectations from Shah are exceptionally high. “People are hopeful that Balen Shah will do his best for the nation. There is a strong sense of trust and optimism surrounding him.” He highlighted Shah’s working style as a defining characteristic. “Unlike many traditional political figures who tended to talk more and work less, Balen believes in working more and speaking less.”

On the question of political experience, Bhatta says while Shah may not have decades of political exposure, he has already proven himself as the mayor of Kathmandu. “He may not have long-term experience, but he has already proven himself through his work. “As an independent mayoral candidate, he not only won the election but also performed effectively.” 

Bhatta adds experience alone has never been a guarantee of a competent leader. “Willingness and intent matter as much as experience. Previous leaders may have had 50–60 years of experience, but that alone did not produce results. Shah’s commitment to change and his focus on action could be more impactful than rhetoric.”

Bhatta is also aware of the challenges that lie ahead for Shah after he has been sworn-in as the prime minister. Meeting high public expectations, ensuring good governance, managing fractious political landscape, and navigating complex geopolitical relationships will test whether Shah can prove his mettle at the national stage. 

Shreya Shrestha from ApEx had a conversation with Narayan Man Bijukchhe, president of NMKP, about the party’s performance in Bhaktapur-1. Excerpts:

For so many years, NMKP has been winning in Bhaktapur-1, why do you think the RSP won this time?

NMKP is a national and international party in principle and ideology. That is why NMKP has entered the elections not only in Bhaktapur-1 but also throughout the country. This time too, we fielded candidates from east to west and north to south across the country. During that time, new and old friends from Bhaktapur went to the districts. And this move indirectly benefited the RSP in Bhaktapur-1.

Do you think the people of the current generation are a bit disconnected from NMKP?

According to the Election Commission’s code of conduct, we did not put the young new generation forward in the elections. But other parties used new propaganda tools to influence the new generation and put mental pressure on the parents, which the Election Commission could not assess. It was reported that parents were being threatened and told, “If you do not vote on the symbol we have given, we will not send money home, we will not return home or we will not live in the country,” and there was a lot of crying in the houses. Such activities were definitely a form of threats and mental torture, which the Election Commission could not have anticipated in advance.

What do you think the new party will do now? Do you have faith in them?

Even if they are dedicated to serving the country and the people, no matter how much they succeed in the election, if they do not commit to working according to the parliamentary system, there will be many things to complain about. In the dissolved parliament, old and new MPs committed many immoral acts and corruption scandals. In the past, people have likened MPs to monkeys and miscreants. This is the country, this is the society, if the new MPs do not learn parliamentary behavior, there will be fights and corruption scandals like before.

There is also a claim that older parties were very confident in this election. Your thoughts? 

This is not true, but this time we are feeling satisfied that our cadres have honestly taken the trouble to cooperate and study the reasons behind our setback in various districts. It is said that a soldier who loses a war knows how to fight better. Our new generation also got the opportunity to understand Nepal not only spiritually but also physically.

Has the party learned anything from this defeat or gained experience?

Certainly, NCP workers understood the shortcomings of the government and the Election Commission and directly experienced that the current government is still under the influence of the US and India and that the Indian propaganda machine has interfered in Nepal's democratic activities. The entry of foreign journalists and photographers into the counting centers and the presence of US troops in some districts can give an indication of the direction of Nepal’s foreign policy.

Will the RSP be able to fulfil the agenda it has set for five years?

Their activities will determine whether they manage to fulfil the agendas within the given timeframe.  

Do you think people ignored whatever work your party did in the past?

Our country has been practicing democracy for just a few years, while Western countries have been practicing it for 400-500 years. Also, our country was a semi-colony of Britain for about 200 years and for about 70 years it was struggling under the shadow of Indian monopoly capital. In such an environment, the parties are not accustomed to standing on their own two feet and focusing on self-reliance. Every subject is a learning process and we believe that the Nepali people will learn relevant lessons soon.

March 5 marked a historic shift in Nepali politics, as voters of all ages—from Gen Z to older citizens—signaled a clear desire for change. The election results made this evident, with the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) securing a stunning victory. Just two seats short of a two-thirds majority, the RSP swept through the so-called strongholds of traditional parties with remarkable ease.

Bhaktapur-1, which includes Changunarayan and Bhaktapur municipalities, was one such constituency. For more than a decade, the Nepal Majdoor Kisan Party (NMKP) had been the dominant political force there. But in the March 5 election, voters delivered a shock to NMKP candidate Prem Suwal by electing RSP’s Rukesh Ranjit. Suwal received 28,147 votes against Ranjit’s 33,436.

Ranjit has a long history of involvement in politics and social service. He began his political journey during his college days as a member of the CPN-UML-aligned All Nepal National Free Student Union and became active in the RSP only two years ago.

Krishnabuddha Ranjitkar, a 78-year-old voter from Bhaktapur-1, says people voted for Ranjit because they wanted to give someone new a chance—someone who could bring positive change to the constituency and its residents. “I hope the new leader will bring more improvements to this city.” 

Nhachetuko Suwal, another voter from the constituency, says he expected the RSP to defeat the NMKP this time. “People wanted change. They felt it was time to give a new party a chance.”

The 73-year-old adds that although many older voters preferred the NMKP to continue in Bhaktapur-1, the election ultimately tilted in favor of the RSP largely because of younger voters.

“Families whose children and grandchildren are abroad also voted for the RSP. They wanted change, and they got it.”

One voter, who requested anonymity, says the popularity of the RSP and its prime ministerial candidate, Balendra Shah, played a crucial role in the election. “Many voters didn’t even know who the RSP candidate was. We hardly saw any election rallies, and yet the party managed to win.”

According to him, many adult voters cast their ballots for the RSP at the suggestion of their children and grandchildren, who had grown disillusioned with traditional parties, particularly after the deadly Gen Z protests last September.

Ranjit attributes his victory to voters’ desire for change. “Many voters, particularly those in Changunarayan Municipality, felt ignored by their previous representatives,” he says. “They believed that NMKP leaders were mostly focused on Bhaktapur city. I was able to convert their dissatisfaction into votes.”

Many RSP supporters share a similar view. While they acknowledge the NMKP’s contributions to heritage conservation and tourism in Bhaktapur’s old city, they say the party paid less attention to other pressing issues across the constituency, such as water supply.

Ranjit echoes this sentiment. “While the work carried out by the NMKP in the fields of heritage conservation and tourism is praiseworthy, the party did little to address the concerns of people in other areas.”

Suraj Ranjitkar, a local Nepali Congress leader, admits that traditional parties failed to read the voters’ mood not only in Bhaktapur-1 but across much of the country.

“Older parties were overconfident because they were used to winning elections in their strongholds. They were not aware of the growing disconnect between them and the people.”

The hype surrounding the RSP and its strong social media presence also influenced many voters, especially younger ones.

Twenty-year-old Shristi Prajapati says she is pleased to see young and educated people entering politics through the RSP. However, she also expresses concern that some candidates may have won largely because of their social media popularity. She believes candidates such as NMKP’s Prem Suwal in Bhaktapur-1 and Kulman Ghising of the Ujyaalo Nepal Party, who contested from Kathmandu-3, deserved to win.

“Social media clearly influenced many voters, who cast their ballots without fully knowing the candidates,” she says. “I just hope the newly elected young and educated representatives work together to bring positive change across Nepal.”

The RSP’s surge reflects a growing desire among young voters for alternative politics and tech-savvy communication. While the NMKP has a strong legacy in education and health, many younger voters felt it was not keeping pace with modern economic pressures such as jobs and digital opportunities.

“I hope for transparency, digital-first governance, and opportunities for local entrepreneurship under the RSP government,” says 19-year-old Binisha Chitrakar. “I wasn’t expecting Ranjit to win given NMKP’s historical strength, but the social media campaign and the turnout of first-time voters made it possible. Voting is just the first step; true political awareness means holding leaders accountable for better roads, jobs, and governance.”

Seventeen-year-old Nilsan Koju says he had expected the Nepal Workers and Peasants Party to win because of what he described as the party’s contributions in Bhaktapur-1. However, he was surprised when the RSP candidate secured the victory.

“Many people were heavily influenced by social media,” Koju says. “They supported Shah and voted for the bell symbol of RSP without really knowing the candidate.”

According to him, social media played a major role in the election. “NMKP has also done many good things, but those achievements are rarely recognized online. Instead, a few negative issues are amplified, and people tend to focus only on those.”

Koju says he remains hopeful about the RSP, noting that people clearly want change.  

Following his electoral victory, Ranjit says he focused on setting realistic agendas that could be achieved during his tenure rather than making promises that could not be fulfilled within five years.

“Building stadiums and promoting sports is important, as they are ornaments of Nepal,” he says. “But I prioritized addressing the basic needs of Bhaktapurians first. Other issues can be managed gradually once the fundamentals are taken care of.”

Looking ahead, Ranjit has ambitious plans for Bhaktapur: establishing a university within five years, building a Bir Hospital-level facility to serve patients from all 77 districts, and creating employment opportunities for locals. He also wants to convert the industrial area into a “craft village,” reviving traditional cottage industries while relocating pollution-causing factories.

Ranjit envisions building an international-level exhibition and conference center in Sallaghari to boost economic activity and hopes to make Bhaktapur a destination where tourists stay overnight. He plans to involve locals directly through homestays, allowing residents to earn income from tourism.

Addressing concerns that his plans may be overly ambitious, Ranjit says, “Tourism and homestays don’t require huge investments—they can use existing infrastructure. Management is key. For these projects, I have already consulted with the proposed Prime Minister Shah regarding central funding.”

The March 5 election in Bhaktapur-1 ended decades of NMKP dominance, reflecting voters’ clear desire for change. While the party has a strong legacy in heritage conservation, education, and public services, many residents felt economic stagnation and limited opportunities for young people demanded new leadership.

Ranjit’s victory comes with high expectations: creating jobs, improving infrastructure, and preserving Bhaktapur’s cultural heritage. His ambitious plans will test his ability to balance innovation with tradition.
When asked to Prem Suwal about the situation and his thoughts on this, he refused to answer it this soon.

The election also sends a strong message across Nepal: no political stronghold is permanent, and leaders must continually earn the trust of the people.

Fifty-year-old Nirmala Suwal says NMKP has done many good things for Bhaktapur over the years, but this time voters wanted to give a new party a chance. “If we don’t see changes, people may choose differently in the next election.”