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Rupak Sapkota has just ended his tenure as the Deputy Executive Director at Institute of Foreign Affairs (IFA). A Phd in International Relations from Renmin University of China, Sapkota is among Nepal’s most-promising young foreign policy experts with a specialization in security and geopolitical studies. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to him about Nepal’s changing foreign policy picture.

What are the key foreign policy challenges for Nepal?

The rise of China as a strong power center and its competition with the US, which had alone dominated world affairs for decades, has changed global geopolitics. As the US proposes different strategies to continue its dominance, a new cold war is simmering between these two giants. For Nepal, China’s immediate neighbor, this cold war will pose many challenges.

China and India currently have a war-like situation at their border. Further, India has embraced close ties with the US, and together, they have formed geopolitical alliances and strategies such as the IPS (Indo-pacific Strategy) and QUAD, both of which seem directed against China. It will be immensely challenging for Nepal to stay out of all this.

Should Nepal then review its non-aligned foreign policy accordingly?

Nepal’s non-aligned foreign policy was a result of the Cold War between the US and the USSR. And the policy has been with us for almost seven decades. I won’t say it has lost its relevance, but it is certainly not enough. To meet the challenges posed by current world politics and our ambitions for development, a non-aligned foreign policy alone does not sufficiently address our priorities. So, while continuing our nonalignment, we must also look to preserve, promote, and expand our strategic autonomy.

How do you see the ‘MCC vs BRI’ debate in Nepal?

Both the ideas were viewed with the economic lens early on, but later, with great geopolitical shifts, both were heavily politicized. Because of this, we have failed to make a headway on either.

Also, small states like Nepal are more cautious on their foreign policy, diplomacy, and security. So, to settle this ‘MCC vs BRI’ debate, political leaders and experts should convince the public about both, and future decisions must keep public interest at heart.

You suggested a recalibration of Nepal’s foreign policy. How do you do that?

By endorsing and updating our non-aligned foreign policy and the principles of Panchsheel, we can enhance our relations with other countries to gain strategic autonomy and achieve economic development. And most importantly, every diplomatic approach must prioritize our wellbeing amid the climate crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic. We must stay away from any military- and security-related projects and alignments. 

In 1970, Nepal proposed to declare itself a ‘zone of peace’. Do you think we should give it another go?

In the present geopolitical context, declaring the country a ‘zone of peace’ alone won’t mitigate our foreign policy threats. Along with it, this is the time to endorse a neutralist policy because we might witness a confrontation between our neighboring countries soon and, during those times, we will have to make our stance clear.  

H.E. Hou Yanqi, Ambassador of China to Nepal

What was your first impression of Nepal when you landed here as an Ambassador? 

Before my appointment as ambassador to Nepal, I have visited Nepal for many times and been impressed nicely every time. Nepal is a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, and multilingual country, where different cultures collide each other to create different colors. Whether it is the historical city of Kathmandu, or the trekking paradise of Pokhara, the Buddhist holy land of Lumbini, or the animal’s heaven of Chitwan, it makes me linger all around. Since taking the post as ambassador, I have received strong support and help from people from all walks of life in Nepal with whom I have forged a deep friendship. My love for the country made of hundreds of flowers goes even more. Nepal has become my second homeland.  

What are the similarities between Nepal and China?

There are too many similarities between China and Nepal. For example, the two countries are with ancient civilizations and both of them enjoy a time-honored history and splendid culture. The two countries are very rich in tourism resources, and both have beautiful natural scenery and unique cultural landscapes. In addition, both countries are developing countries, and we are both yearning for national development and pursuing a better life.  

What are the three milestones you feel you have achieved as China’s Ambassador to Nepal? 

Firstly, In 2019, the heads of state of China and Nepal conducted a historic exchange of visits. President Bhandari paid a state visit to China and attended the second Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation. During President Xi Jinping’s state visit to Nepal, the two heads of state jointly announced that bilateral relationship was elevated to a strategic partnership of cooperation featuring ever-lasting friendship for development and prosperity. China-Nepal relations have got on a new historical starting point. 

Secondly, In December, 2020, President Xi Jinping and President Bhandari exchanged letters to jointly announce that the new height of Mount Zhumulangma (Sagarmatha) is 8,848.86 meters. As an important symbol of the China-Nepal traditional friendship, “China-Nepal Friendship Peak” has got a new height, which showcased the high level of the continuous development of ChinaNepal relations. This year marks the 60th anniversary of the signing of the border treaty between China and Nepal. We will continue to promote border cooperation and build the border between China and Nepal into a border of peace, friendship, and cooperation.

Thirdly, since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Chinese and Nepali governments and people have always watched out for and helped each other to overcome the difficulties together. At the difficult time for China to fight the pandemic, Nepali friends donated masks to China and expressed support in various forms. Later, the pandemic situation  in Nepal gradually deteriorated. China has donated anti-pandemic materials such as masks, PPEs, testing kits and oxygen generators to Nepal, and provided nearly 15 million doses of COVID-19 vaccine to Nepal, which makes China the largest donor of medical materials and supplier of vaccines to Nepal. These have become a vivid reflection of building a community of shared future between China and Nepal.  

How are the people-to-people relations between Nepal and China and how can the relationship be further enhanced? 

In recent years, China-Nepal people-to-people exchanges have developed vigorously with various forms of exchanges. “China Mania” and “Chinese language Mania” have continued to heat up in Nepal. Before the pandemic, China became Nepal’s second largest and fastest-growing origin of tourists for many consecutive years. The Chinese government provides many scholarships to Nepal every year. The Chinese Embassy has actively organized painting competitions, video competitions, book donations and other activities to promote exchanges between the youths of the two countries. Local communication between the two countries are also very close. 13 pairs of sister cities have been established and Tibet-Nepal cooperation has yielded fruitful results. I believe that after stabilization of the pandemic situation, with our joint efforts, more Chinese friends will come to Nepal to visit and tour, making every year “Nepal Tourism Year”.  

What do you like the most about Nepal? 

I like Nepal’s beautiful natural scenery, long historic culture. Particularly I like Nepali people the most. They have the traditional virtues of hard-working and kindness as well as a positive and optimistic attitude towards life. One can see happy smiles on their faces wherever he or she goes. The time spent with Nepali friends is always unforgettable. I hope to get to know more Nepali friends after the pandemic.  

Where do you think Nepal as a country should improve? 

As a developing country, Nepal faces the important task of developing its economy and improving people's livelihood. I suggest that Nepal further enhance its infrastructure construction, continuously improve the business environment to attract more foreign investment, and embark on a development path suitable for Nepal’s national conditions.  

Is there anything you have planned but are yet to achieve in Nepal? 

I planned to travel to seven provinces in Nepal during my tenure and have been to Pokhara, Chitwan, Lumbini, Surket and some other cities as well as the two China-Nepal border ports of Tatopani and Rasuwa. However I have never left Kathmandu since the outbreak of the pandemic. I hope that after the pandemic situation stabilizes, I will have the opportunity to visit more places in Nepal to see a more colorful Nepal. 

Personal Message

Nepal, located in the southern Himalayas, is a friendly neighbor of China. There are beautiful scenery of snow peaks and limpid lakes, the birthplace of Buddha, the legend that Manjushri split the Kathmandu Valley, the unique and inclusive world cultural heritage sites, and the uncompromising and kind people. The towering snow peaks witness the diverse cultures of both sides of the Himalayas and the friendly people-to-people exchanges across the mountains. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1955, China and Nepal always support and treat each other equally, and develop mutual beneficial cooperation on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. Nowadays, China-Nepal relations are facing new prospect for development. The two countries are jointly advancing the Belt and Road Initiative to promote the cooperation in connectivity, trade and investment, energy, agriculture, culture and tourism. The increasing people-to-people exchanges are deepening the friendly feeling between us. I would like to take this opportunity to wish friendly Nepal prosperity and the people happiness and well-being.

Quick Questions

Favorite Nepali food: Momo. Because it is very similar to Chinese dumplings, a traditional food very popular in China .
Favorite place in Nepal: The Durbar Squares in Kathmandu, Patan and Bhaktapur. I took some photos in Durbar Squares and posted them on social media in order to promote Nepal’s tourism resources in China, which attracted widespread attention from Chinese netizens.
Favorite Nepali song: Resham firiri. Because this song is a well-known traditional folk song in Nepal and its melody is beautiful and pleasant. During Dashain Festival last year, I sang this song with my colleagues in the embassy.
Favorite trek in Nepal: Sagarmatha trek. I once arrived at the Everest Base Camp on its North Slope and hope to have the opportunity to visit the Everest Base Camp on its South Slope.
Favorite season in Nepal: All the four seasons in Nepal. Kathmandu is like spring all year round and the climate is pleasant.
Favorite Nepali festival: Tihar. Because it symbolizes the spiritual “victory of light over darkness, good over evil”. There is a Chinese traditional festival called Lantern Festival, during which people also light lanterns to exorcise evil spirits and pray for a bright life

Ranjit Rae served as the Indian Ambassador to Nepal from 2013 to 2017. In this period, Nepal witnessed some historic developments including drafting of a new constitution in 2015. In the aftermath, India imposed an economic blockade on Nepal when Rae was the ambassador.

Recently, Rae has published a new book titled ‘Kathmandu Dilemma: Resetting India-Nepal ties’ that examines India’s perspectives on these developments, in the context of the civilizational and economic underpinnings of the India-Nepal relationship, as well as issues that continue to prevent this relationship from realizing its true potential. Kamal Dev Bhattarai talked to Rae over the phone.

Over the past few years Nepal has been pressing for the review of the 1950 Treaty on Peace and Friendship but India remains mum. Why?

Clearly, the 1950 treaty has become an irritant. Nepal is unhappy and wants a review of the treaty. For any treaty to be meaningful and effective, it must benefit both sides. As you are aware, the treaty is a fine balance between security and economy, or national interest treatment of the two countries. At the high political level, India has conveyed its readiness to review the treaty and consider any proposal Nepal presents. I am confident that two foreign secretaries can work out a revised text based on the changed global context, taking into account the interests and concerns of both the countries.

Also read: Maoist’s revival: Challenges galore 

How do you view China’s growing influence in Nepal?

As China’s strength and riches have increased, so has its influence and outreach all over the world, as well as in South Asia and Nepal. Following the Nepal visit of President Xi in November 2019, bilateral relationship between the two countries has been elevated to the strategic level, and not only between the two governments but also at party-to-party level. There has been a comprehensive upgradation of bilateral ties. Nepal today is a signatory to Chinese Belt and Road Initiatives, and it has reservations on the US sponsored Indo-Pacific Strategy, which it feels is aimed against China.

These developments are taking place in a troubled global and regional context where we see a growing contestation for influence between the United States and China. The relationship between India and China is also at low ebb. The fact that Nepal has been unable to endorse the US $500 million grant MCC project is another pointer to China’s growing influence. And a new China-led SAARC subgroup has set up a Poverty Alleviation Center. Clearly, these developments are significant and need to be monitored.

How do you see the future of Nepal-India ties?

There is no option but to strengthen India-Nepal ties. Our futures are intertwined; we must build upon solid civilizational bonds by stepping up our economic engagement through enhanced connectivity and stronger partnership. We should envision BBIN as an open interconnected and interdependent economic space where each country is able to exploit its comparative advantage to the fullest. Cooperation in hydropower is the surest way to strengthen the engagement. Recent decisions enabling Nepal to send its electricity to the Indian market as well as Bangladesh via India would go a long way towards meeting the objective.

'Kathmandu Dilemma: Resetting India-Nepal ties' a book by Ranjit Rae

Let’s turn to your book. What motivated you to write ‘Kathmandu Dilemma’?

A couple of factors. First, I felt there were a lot of misperceptions and lack of awareness of each other and of the nuanced, multi-layer relationship between our two countries. I wanted to bring greater clarity and frankness in our mutual understanding. Second, I wanted to explain to the general public the logic of Indian policy towards Nepal, particularly India’s role in certain pivotal moments in Nepal’s contemporary political history. Third, I wanted to provide what I feel should be a template for our relationship for the future in a world that looks very different.

What are some of the important issues you deal with in your book?

The book is broadly divided into two sections. In the first part, I discuss the nature of Nepali nationalism. I see it in some detail and this is an undercurrent throughout the book. Thereafter, I examine India’s understanding, approach and role in two seminal developments of Nepali history, namely the peace process that ended the Maoist insurgency, and the constitution drafting process and its aftermath. 

In the second part of the book, I examine some key irritants such as the 1950 treaty and boundary issues. In addition, I look at main drivers of relationship, the civilizational linkages, and the economic dimension including humanitarian assistance and disaster relief during the earthquake. I also discuss the role of other countries, notably China in Nepal. I conclude with a chapter on the way forward.

These days, CPN (Maoist Center) is doing everything it can to bounce back in Nepali politics—either by training party cadres or by conducting massive membership distribution drives. Are they doing the right things to get back on the political stage? Also, why would the people join the Maoists rather than the Nepali Congress or the CPN-UML? There have also been discussions on finding a successor to even Prachanda, who often expresses his desire to unite all left-wing groups. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to political analyst and Tribhuvan University lecturer Bishnu Dahal on the issue.

Is the revival of Maoists possible?

Politics is a game of possibilities, so we can’t close the door to any event in the future. But it is not a straightforward path for them to reach that destination.

What steps should the Maoists take to ensure their revival?

The progolonged disputes between China and India affect all surrounding nations—which make the Asian geopolitics always volatile. So, firstly, Maoist should clarify their stand in Asian and world politics. Their economic plans, foreign policy, stand on climate and environmental issues, and agenda for the betterment of the livelihood of Nepalis are the things that will matter in the coming days.

If they succeed in convincing the public that they are indeed in favor of progress and that their armed revolution led to the restructuring of the state, they might stand a chance to bounce back.

Are the Maoists different from the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML? How?

If we look at the historical background of the Nepali Congress, it claims to have gradually accustomed the people about democratic practices and developed the nation through an open economic policy.

Similarly, the CPN-UML advocated for a mixed economy with people’s participation in social development. But, the Maoists said the structure of the state was what was keeping us behind in development.

So, the Maoists’ view differed from that of other parties. But as of now, I find that all political parties are the same, it’s just that they have a different name and a logo.

Also read: JSPN fissures will benefit Nepali Congress 

The Maoists succeeded in implementing their agenda, but they focused on changing the ruler. They didn’t deal with the lifestyle of the masses—whose condition never changed, even when the state was restructured.

Nepali political parties could not establish a culture of competition. Rather, they opted to share power and resources through consensus.

Who do you think will lead Maoists after Prachanda?

We changed the structure of the country but not economic policy. A party only needs a new leader if it changes its policy. But Maoists have not done that.

So, whoever comes in Prachanda’s place, little will change. Yet, I find a quote from Baburam Bhattarai relatable in this scenario, “We have achieved the agenda set by the Maoist revolution, so there is no option but to dissolve this party and come up with newer progressive agendas.”

There is no place for a new leadership without new agendas. But, if you ask me about Prachanda’s successor, I see Janardan Sharma and a couple of others.

Do Maoists have the strength to unite all the left-wing groups in Nepal?

Prachanda has the potential to either unite or break other communists’ groups, but what matters here is, can he prove the necessity of such unification? I don’t think so.