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There seems to be confusion over whether or not Nepal subscribes to the American Indo-Pacific Strategy. What do you think?

Our neighbors and other big pow­ers often come up with such ini­tiatives that push their strategic, political and economic interests. Now, the US has come up with its Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS), which was earlier called ‘Asia Pivot’. Chi­na has its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and India its Look-East policy. So new policies and initiatives will continue to be launched. We do not have the luxury of rejecting such ini­tiatives outright, so we should adopt a cautious approach. Our reality also does not allow us to extend uncon­ditional support to any such initia­tive. From the Chinese perspective, the BRI increases two-way invest­ment, trade volume, and flow of tourists, and China takes the respon­sibility of building connectivity infrastructure.

It also emphasizes that the BRI strengthens member countries’ energy security, transit economy and strategic independence. On the other hand, the IPS talks about transparent and open investment and protecting individual sovereign­ty. The US is saying that, unlike Chi­na, it does not force any country to sign a document. It also says that it does not provide cumbersome loans but easy grants and aid, and as such there is a clear distinction between the IPS and the BRI.

Do you think our government is struggling to juggle between these two visions of China and the US?

Now there is some confusion. The government is making some effort to clarify its position. Our support for the BRI is conditional, in that the BRI should be in our national interest. When we select some proj­ects we should see that it helps us economically, increases our connec­tivity, and works to our interest. This applies to both the BRI and the IPS.

Should Nepal join the IPS only when its non-military nature is confirmed, if that is at all the case?

On the IPS, we have not been asked to be a member or sign a document. So there is no need to consider whether to join it or not. The question right now is whether we support it. The US is describing it as a geographical construct. If so, there are questions about whether we should support it, as Nepal lies between two big countries and the IPS is a strategy of a third country. There is some confusion because we are yet to draw a fine line. Now, there is a tendency of saying okay to both sides without taking a clear position. This approach does not work. Somewhere, we have to draw a clear line.

When there is a new strategy or initiative, we have to make four con­siderations. First, we have to stick to our national interest. Second, the initiative should be based on certain principles as Nepal is a non-aligned country and has certain norms. Third, we have to weigh the extent of economic benefits. Fourth, we should not compare one with another. We have to frankly tell our foreign friends that our approach on any initiative would be based on these four principles, which would also be a straight-forward approach.

How does Nepal handle the com­peting interests of China and the US?

There is new polarization in the world. China is emerging fast and there is a cold war-like relationship between China and the US. China is pushing for an alternative leader­ship of the world system. Whenever a new power emerges, the tussle between old and new is inevitable. We should not be a victim of their competing interests but rather look to protect our own. The problem right now is that we are yet to draw a clear outline. We are receiving huge economic assistance from the US. It is a superpower and has a big role in the operationalization of the world system. But China is also a big pow­er and our neighbor. And India has reservations over the BRI. Due to these factors, we haven’t made ade­quate progress. So my advice would be to move ahead with the help of the principles I talked about earlier.

So it really does not matter whether the IPS is a military strategy?

The Americans emphasize that it is not a military strategy and I trust them. They have not asked us to be a member of a certain military block. But they want other countries to be on their side, which is natural. The IPS seems to be aimed against China. Again, we have to clearly tell our foreign friends that we will always act in our national interest and won’t allow Nepal to be used against any other country. The prob­lem right now is that our approach is reactive, and even so we are not reacting the right way. If we come up with a clear policy on neighboring countries and big powers, it is not difficult to deal with these policies and strategies.

What could India’s role be in the Indo-Pacific Strategy and what would be its impact in Nepal?

India seems to be indifferent to the conflict in Nepal over the IPS and the BRI. India seems to have realized that it has been sidelined. In fact, this may be the first time that India feels sidelined in Nepal. Though India is a part of the Indo-Pacific, it does not seem too keen on it. Perhaps India is in a mood to work from behind the scenes for a change.

How does Nepal fit in the IPS?

After our foreign minister’s visit to Washington, the US State Depart­ment issued a press statement high­lighting Nepal’s central role in the Indo-Pacific. Before that, there was not much talk about our part in the IPS. Our foreign minister says he made no commitment vis-à-vis the IPS, and I believe him. A foreign minister cannot decide on such a big issue on his own. But there is no clarity on how we deal with it. We have to clearly say we would not join any alliance or block, whether it is led by India, China, the US, or any other country, but we support initiatives that are in line with our national interests. We have to clearly convey what is compatible with our interests and what is not. Yet, up until now, we have been afraid to take such a clear stand.

It appears that all American assistance to Nepal will be chan­neled through the IPS from now on. How do you see this?

Even before the BRI was unveiled China was supporting Nepal’s infra­structure development. So it would be problematic if it now decides to keep all past and present projects in a single BRI basket. Likewise, there is long-standing cooperation with the US, including military cooper­ation. It would again to unwise to put everything into one IPS basket. Only specific projects should be dealt with under the BRI because we have several other long-term projects which China. And with the US, the Millennium Challenge Coop­eration agreement was signed well before the the IPS was unveiled. So why see it as part of the IPS? If the BRI and the IPS become these all-encompassing strat­egies, people will natu­rally think that they are mutually exclusive.

Would you link the expected visit of Chi­nese President Xi Jin­ping to Nepal to the growing American activism here?

In his first term, Chi­nese President Xi visited many South Asian coun­tries but not Nepal. In my view, Xi’s visit did not take place due to the anti-China activities in Nepal after the 2008 Beijing Olympics and due to our volatile inter­nal political situation. Now there have been multiple high-level vis­its from Nepal to China and several agreements have been signed. As you mentioned, the US activism could be a rea­son for the visit. But our focus should be on how to advance Nepal-Chi­na bilateral cooperation during his visit, and not how a third country will be affected by it. There has been no progress on the BRI projects. First, we took a long time to sign the MoU and now there is a long delay over project selection. It would be wonderful if there is progress on these projects during Xi’s visit.

Some speculate that Xi will make a stop­over visit while oth­ers think he could stay here for a night. Whether he is coming here via Tibet or India seems to be another point of debate. How important are these things in diplomacy?

They matter a lot. For example, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi came here from Pakistan. This is meaningful. Likewise, our Presi­dent stayed in Beijing for nine days. When the Chinese foreign minister was in Nepal recently, he went on a trek, which suggests a lack of agen­da. But I think just the fact that the Chinese president will be coming after such a long time is significant in itself. And even if he is here only for eight or nine hours, that should be sufficient to talk to the Nepali president, meet the prime minister, attend a state dinner, and sign some agreements.

Finally, do you think Nepali negotiators somehow don’t understand their Chinese coun­terparts, which in turn hinders bilateral cooperation?

We have a long experience of working with the Chinese. On the BRI, I think most problems are due to a lack of clarify among our political leadership. After joining it, we were confused about the types and number of projects. Initially, we selected three dozen projects which have now been trimmed down to nine. Out of three doz­en projects, one dealt with build­ing a view tower in Nagarkot. This was laughable. When we deal with China, we have to think of how to secure connectivity, transit, and about maintaining our strategic independence

As a young boy, he recalls his grandfather—the legendary music maestro ‘Master Ratna Das Prakash’—reading out the names of the successful people featured in newspapers and magazines. “One day, I wish to see your name appear in a newspaper as well,” he told the young kid. With that as his inspiration, years later, Anup Prakash would have his name printed almost every month on one of the biggest entertainment magazines in the country—for 19 straight years. And that’s only one of his many achievements that make him among the most recognized names in the Nepali music and fashion industries.

He is neither a musician nor a singer, but Prakash’s contributions to the growth of the Nepali music industry still makes him a well-known figure. Now 48, Prakash has over three decades of experience as one of the most sought after photographers in the country, with his profile growing from an aspiring model to a photojournalist, a publisher, designer, and much more.

In the early 90s, when the seeds of modern forms of music like pop and rock were gradually being sown in Nepal, the music industry was in its embryonic stage. A handful of studios, a few music companies and a bunch of musicians—talented but clueless of the business end—strived to be heard and recognized. A few years later, the idea of locally-produced cassettes and CDs of Nepali musicians had been brewing. That is where Prakash stepped in to conceptualize and photograph for album covers.

“I have worked for the late Phatteman Rajbhandari to Nima Rumba and everyone else you can think of,” says Prakash, also mentioning that most of his works have remained undocumented because of the lack of digital media and the rapid frequency with which he had to churn out his works in the early days of his career.  

Prakash started his career by taking photos from analog cameras with film rolls, and with almost no other photography equipment. “There was no room for a mistake at the time. We had to be perfect,” he recalls. “Especially for indoors or band shoots, the setting was even more difficult. We had no instant reviews to take the perfect shots and no Photoshop to edit out our mistakes later.”

The whole process of taking photos with analog cameras was challenging, and expensive, as Prakash recalls. A Kodak film roll cost him around Rs 120-150 in the early 90s and offered only 36 exposures. A photographer’s main objective at the time was to make the very best of the roll and waste as few shots as possible.

Prakash had learnt photography from a private tutor in Mumbai for six months circa 1988 and he began by applying his skills as a photojournalist for a few publications. He was then drawn into the world of music and glamor. Despite low returns, he started taking professional photos of musicians for album covers and other promotional materials. “Modern music was at its primitive stage at the time and artists did not make much money either,” Prakash says. “Sometimes I even did photoshoots for free to support the musicians.”

Then, in 1994, Prakash along with a few like-minded friends conceptualized “Wave”—an English language entertainment magazine which would later become one of the most influential publications with 25 years (and running) under its belt. With Wave, Prakash as a publisher and photographer turned musicians into celebrities. He gave a touch of glamour to music. He put Nepali musicians on the cover of the magazine, which in turn sold like hot cakes in the late 90s and early 2000s and even started creating posters of Nepali artists which the audience loved. In his 19 years with Wave, a monthly publication, Prakash not only took photographs but also created events and promotional activities to support musicians.

No big musician of the time escaped his lenses. He was the official photographer and guide for Puerto Rican “King of Latin Pop” Ricky Martin’s personal 1999 visit to Nepal and official event photographer for Canadian popstar Bryan Adam’s 2011 concert in Kathmandu.

After his departure from the Wave team in 2013, Prakash lent his expertise as Managing Director to the Kripa Drishya Foundation—an organization devoted to music. It has a full-fledged record studio called Kripa Drishya Digital and also a television program called Kripa Unplugged where select musicians from different genres are featured.

Now retired from his position as the MD but still a board member at the foundation, Prakash has shifted his focus to business and product photography. He is also designing a reality show based on musicians. “The idea is to let people from all walks of life who have musical abilities but haven’t found a platform yet to spend time and eventually share the stage with their musical idols,” Prakash gives a little teaser of the program without divulging more. “It might air on television or just YouTube. Whatever the case, you will be able to enjoy the music to the fullest.”

When an APEX team visited Shukraraj Tropical & Infectious Disease Hospital at Teku, Kathmandu on the morning of September 9, there was a huge crowd inside its premises. Even those suffering from minor fever and throat problems seemed worried about possibly contracting the dreaded dengue and had thronged to the only tropical and infectious diseases hospital in the capital. They were lined up in long queues waiting to consult the doctors. Among the doctors they wanted to see was the hospital’s Chief Consultant and Spokesperson Dr. Anup Bastola. This morning he was busy checking patient reports and counselling people not to panic but to consume plenty of liquid (and medicines, when needed). Kamal Dev Bhattarai and Dinesh Gautam had caught up with Dr Bastola before the start of his busy shift to learn about the recent outbreak of dengue fever, preparations for its control, and possible precautionary steps.

Why has the dengue fever that had before been confined to some Tarai districts spread over Kathmandu and other hilly districts?

The mosquitoes which transmits dengue were prevalent in Kathmandu valley for many years, as was the case in Pokhara and other parts of the country. Dengue is spread through the bite of Aedes female mosquitos. When a mosquito bites a person who has dengue virus in blood, the mosquito gets infected. Later the inspected mosquito can transmit the virus to a healthy people. Similarly, mosquitoes that comes from eggs of infected mosquitoes can transmit dengue to people. Now, the temperature of Kathmandu is right for the growth of mosquitoes as well. Last year, we had identified some dengue-infected folks in Khusibu area who had gotten the virus via the dengue-infected people outside the valley.

Mosquitos then bit those Khusibu residents and the virus spread in other areas of Kathmandu. This year, too, the outbreak of denuge began from Khusibu, Thulo Bharyang and Balaju areas of Kathmandu valley and the number of infected is increasing by the day. It is spreading due to the travel of infected people from one place to another. As far as the hilly areas are concerned, there is rapid urbanization and development. Several goods and materials are transmitted there from Tarai/Madhes areas. The mosquitos also travel from Tarai along with humans and various means of transport.

Is it because of climate change and urbanization that dengue is spreading fast even in hilly areas?

Yes, dengue is spreading due to rapid urbanization. Even our hilly districts these days have the temperature and humidity suitable for the growth of mosquitoes. Human migration is a major reason for its spread. Dengue would not have spread in Kathmandu valley had infected people not travelled here. For example, during Dashain, people from Tarai/Madhes and even abroad visit Kathmandu, bringing the virus with them. It is not only in Nepal, dengue is fast spreading in other South East Asian and South Asian countries as well. Even the mountainous country of Bhutan is not immune. Dengue is spreading in the hilly areas of India too. Human migration, rising temperature due to climate change and urbanization are the major culprits.

Was such a rapid spread of dengue anticipated?

This year, there have been some unusual developments. In the past, there was an outbreak at the end of the monsoon season. So we expected dengue to appear during this Dashain season as well. But this year it started to appear in April-May. First, there was an outbreak in eastern parts such as Dharan and Morang. If you see our immediate history, there was a big outbreak of dengue in Tarai in 2009, then in 2013-2014, in 2017, and now. The numbers are already large this year. This will further increase in coming weeks and months.

Are we prepared to fight dengue?

The Epidemiology and Disease Control Division under the Department of Health has already taken some measures. Now, we have three tiers of government and we have allocated budget for all levels to fight dengue. We have purchased necessary kits. Similar, the division has launched training programs, inviting representatives from the concerned provincial and local level departments as well as health officers. But possible areas of dengue outbreak are always unpredictable. For example, on the basis of this year’s outbreak, we make preparations for next year but we may be wrong. What we lack is strategic planning.

There is a need to map out possible areas of dengue outbreak for successful prevention. But the government does not appear serious about it.

We make plan for next year on the basis of current outbreak. This approach is not flawless. After the outbreak in Khusibu last year, we had discussed the possibility of outbreak in other areas but we failed to come out with the right policy and planning. When it comes to controlling the dengue outbreak, the efforts of Ministry of Health and Population is insufficient. There is a need for integrated planning and intervention. There is a need for behavioral change at the individual level. Now, we have a strong government at the grass-root level and they can play vital role in controlling dengue. We need a systematic campaign to search and kill mosquito larvae. We can control it if every ward launches a campaign to search and kill the larvae. When it comes to long-term planning and policy, all line ministries should sit together. The government has to think seriously and all government bodies should be engaged. In the past, we used to think the outbreak would be confined to Tarai. We were wrong. There is possibility of a pandemic in coming years if we don’t start preparing now.

What kind of policy interventions can there be in controlling dengue?

Other countries have strong legislation. In Singapore, if government authorities find mosquitoes breeding in the houses of common people, they would be subjected to a fine of $200. In June, dengue larvae were found in the houses of 900 households in Singapore and they were punished. So only government efforts are insufficient. Now, we are in a very primitive stage. We have to start thinking long-term. Every social organization should be involved. In India, state governments are promulgating several laws. In Kathmandu, there are abandoned tires, mismanaged flower pots, unruly bushes everywhere. These are perfect breeding ground for mosquitoes. Along with laws, what is needed is a mega-campaign of people to control dengue.

What is the status of facilities and manpower at local level to fight dengue?

The staff adjustment process is underway. So there is lack of doctors in some places. Similarly, local governments are yet to manage the required human resources. We need to ensure manpower at local level who can identify the symptoms of dengue to prevent possible deaths. Now dengue has spread over 44 districts and Province no. 3 is highly vulnerable.

There are some misconceptions about dengue. Some say people would be infected only if mosquitoes bite during the day while others say morning and evening are the risky times.

You could be bitten round the clock. For example, if you go in the jungle or to a park in the day, such mosquitoes can bite you and you may develop dengue fever. But these mosquitoes will be more active in mornings and evenings. So it is better to stay at home in the evening and take precautionary measures. In broad daylight, the mosquitoes will be less active.  

What are the dengue symptoms? And how can it be cured?

The main thing to understand is that we can see symptoms only in 10 percent of infected people. For example, if 10,000 are infected, there will be clear symptoms only in 1,000 people. Of them, 500 show the symptoms of viral fever and remaining 500 show symptoms of dengue fever. But with proper medical care, only around 1 percent of those with dengue fever will die. This dengue fever is dangerous. Its symptoms are sudden high fever, severe headache, pain behind the eyes, severe joint and muscle pain, fatigue, and vomiting, among others. You may see red rashes in the body. People suffering from dengue should consume plenty of liquid and use only paracetamol, not other medicines. Only those people who suffer from repeated vomiting, pain in stomach and respiratory problems should be admitted to hospital.

Who are most vulnerable groups?

Infants, pregnant women, fat people, and people having other diseases such as blood pressure and diabetes are vulnerable. If these people contract dengue, they need to be admitted to a hospital as they are likely to see more complications.

What lesson can we learn from the current spread of dengue?

First, we have to think about safety measures to stay save. Our priority should be searching the larvae and killing them everywhere. For example, just like the Bagmati clean-up campaign, we need another mega-campaign. People and all institutions should come together for this. We have to decrease the density of mosquitoes. At the individual level, we have to change our behavior. It should be no less than a national agenda.

On 17 September 2015, Nepal’s Constituent Assembly (CA) endorsed a new version of the constitution and set September 20 as the day for its promulgation. The very next day, India dispatched its then foreign secretary S. Jaishankar as a special envoy to convince Nepali leaders to delay the constitutional process. Soon after landing in Kathmandu, Jaishankar went to then CPN-UML Chair KP Oli’s residence in Balkot and urged him not to issue the stat­ute in a hurry. Jaishankar then held talks with then Prime Minister Sushil Koirala and senior CPN (Maoist Cen­ter) leaders. There was apparently a harsh exchange of words between Jaishankar and Nepali leaders over the constitution and the demands of Madhes-based parties. Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal report­edly told Jaishankar that he should have visited 15 days earlier to make India’s case. All leaders conveyed a clear message to Jaishankar: the constitution would be promulgated on the set date as the CA had already endorsed it.

A senior ruling NCP leader recalls, “Jaishankar was furious. He warned that the constitution’s acceptance by other countries would be mean­ingless if India did not endorse it.” Oli then sent Pradeep Gyawali to Delhi as his envoy to convince Indian leaders of the validity of the constitutional process. Gyawali was meeting senior Indian government officials, including Jaishankar, when the constitution was promulgated back home.

Much water under the bridge

Coincidentally, Jaishankar was recently in Kathmandu as the Indian Minister for External Affairs for the fifth meeting of the Nepal-India Joint Commission. Through him, Prime Minister Oli extended an invitation to his Indian counterpart Narendra Modi to be the chief guest at Nepal’s Constitution Day cele­brations on Ashoj 3 (September 20). It’s probably too late now for Modi to accept the invitation, but the invite has raised an obvious question: Why did Oli extend it to the prime minister of a country that has not officially welcomed Nepal’s constitution? On 20 Sep­tember 2015, India had only ‘noted’ the promulgation of a new consti­tution in Nepal. Immediately after, it imposed an almost five-month-long economic blockade, ostensibly in support of the protesting Mad­hes-based parties; the real reason behind India’s disapproval of Nepal’s constitution remains a matterof speculation.

India even launched an interna­tional lobbying campaign to per­suade other countries that Nepal’s constitution is not inclusive and needs amendment. Only after the first amendment, which partially fulfilled the demands of the Mad­hes-based parties, did India lift the blockade.

A lot of water has flown under the bridge in the past four years. Madhes-based parties initially boy­cotted the 2017 local elections held under the aegis of the new consti­tution, but eventually joined the electoral process. They took part in the federal and provincial elections and have formed the government in Province 2. Similarly, they have lent support to the Oli government, and a top Madhesi leader Upendra Yadav is now a deputy prime minister. In a way, Madhes-based parties have accepted the charter, though they have not given up their demand for an amendment. India, however, no longer speaks about constitu­tion amendment. Jaishankar did not mention it in his recent meetings with leaders of Madhes-based par­ties. But India’s position in favor of an ‘inclusive constitution’ remains unchanged.

Kashmir conundrum

Observers say if Modi were to attend the Constitution Day cele­brations on September 20, it would signaled India’s endorsement of Nepal’s constitution. But why did PM Oli invite his Indian counterpart knowing full well that Modi has a packed calendar in September? He is scheduled to address an Indian audience in Houston, Texas on Sep­tember 22 and the United Nations General Assembly on September 28. Or was Oli hinting at the kind of impromptu foreign visits of Modi like his 2015 trip to Pakistan or 2018 visit to the Maldives?

“If PM Modi wanted to, he could have come to Nepal for a few hours on September 20,” says a foreign ministry official request­ing anonymity. “But it is also our fault. How could we invite India’s prime minister without any preparation?”

But this official also believes that Modi could have come here had the Nepal government taken a clear position on Kashmir, as Jaishankar had apparently urged PM Oli to do during his recent Kathmandu visit. India wanted Nepal to clearly state that Kashmir is an internal matter of India. But Nepal was under pressure from Pakistan and China not to issue such a statement.

In a surprise statement on Sep­tember 4, Foreign Minister Pradeep Gyawali said that amending the Indian constitution to change Jammu & Kashmir’s status “was entirely the domain of the Indian government… and so we have no comment on that decision.” Many analysts have interpreted this com­ment as an endorsement of India’s recent steps in Jammu & Kashmir. But is this enough to lure Modi to Nepal? They are unsure.

Oli’s surprise?

“If the government wants to cel­ebrate the Constitution Day as a national day by inviting foreign dig­nitaries, there has to be sufficient consultations and preparations,” says Vijaya Kanta Karna, a political analyst. “By inviting Modi, the gov­ernment seems to be angling for full Indian support for the constitution.”

Some Madhes-based parties and civil society groups observe this day as a ‘black day’, as dozens of Mad­hesis were killed during protests around the time of the constitution’s promulgation. This is why “Modi’s participation in the Constitution Day celebrations would have hurt the sentiments of the Madhesi peo­ple,” says a senior Madhesi leader requesting anonymity.

Madhes-based parties have been pressing the government to amend the constitution without delay. As soon as PM Oli returns from Singa­pore, where he is currently undergo­ing medical treatment, these parties are preparing to hold decisive talks on amendment. Leader of Rastriya Janata Party Nepal (RJPN) Raj Kishor Yadav says, “Our talks with PM Oli will determine our next move.” Pub­licly, Oli has made it amply clear that he is not in favor of another amendment.

Yet a section of the Madhesi lead­ership believes that Oli has ‘softened’ of late. “Perhaps it is the awareness of his mortality, but I find him much more amenable on Madhesi issues these days,” says another top Mad­hesi leader. “Perhaps he could just spring a last-minute surprise on constitution-amendment as well.”