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This was the day Mazar fell, and it was now absolutely crystal clear to one and all that Kabul would be next! Just a few days earlier, Afghanistan’s infamous Bagram Air Base and its prison with 5,000 inmates fell to the  Taliban. The prisoners were all immediately recruited  by the Taliban. It did not need rocket science for anyone  to understand that Kabul was now in serious danger and  that nothing and nobody was safe and nobody could or  would save Kabul, least of all the international troops,  who were fast packing their bags and heading back  home leaving behind a chaotic, messy, poverty-stricken country!  

Since the morning, speculation was rife in the Serena breakfast area that Ghani would be making a public  address announcing a so-called peace deal or power sharing pact with the Taliban. This was also what I had  heard from the Indian embassy officials, who seemed to  be more concerned about my presence there than about  assessing the ground situation, which was changing every  second. They once again asked me to leave, catching the first flight available. But I did not want to as I felt it was  my responsibility towards my readers and my viewers  to tell them what was happening on the ground. Just like  the diplomats there, I was also doing my job. 

This was the day I completed a week in Afghanistan, and I was bombarded with emails, messages and DMs  thanking me for my reportage. People wanted more such  reports because the other media organizations that had  sent reporters to Afghanistan only showed the ‘war’ in  its full glory, some by getting embedded with Afghan  soldiers and some by making ‘connections’ with their  sources. One reader said I was the ‘only’ journalist  delivering hard-hitting and meaningful reports from  Afghanistan. These encouraging words from those  whom I had never met or seen gave me the inspiration to  carry on with what I intended to do there.  

Back at the Serena, I began to make plans to visit Kandahar. I thought Kandahar, after Mazar-i-Sharif,  would be a good place to report from. But unlike Mazar,  Kandahar looked immensely challenging since it had  fallen to the Taliban a few days back, on Aug 12. But I had one source who said he could help. I did not want to miss this opportunity for anything. But flights  to Kandahar were thinning out by then, so I planned to  travel by road. Thankfully, my cab driver agreed to take  me. One of his aunts stayed in Kandahar, and we planned  to stay the night there. 

Kandahar was the birthplace of the Taliban and the  place from where Mullah Omar had ruled at one time.  Post the takeover by the Taliban in Aug 2021, while Kabul remained the capital of Afghanistan, its ideological  and spiritual capital was Kandahar. Also, once again the history student in me started to speak. After all, Kandahar was founded by Alexander the Great in 330 BC. Having come all the way to Afghanistan, I did not want  to miss out on the opportunity to explore that city, which  was steeped in history. Mullah Muhammad Omar had  risen to power in 1996 when he proclaimed himself  to be the leader of the Taliban in a grand ceremony at  Kandahar’s most revered shrine and got the title of Amir ul-Momineen—the highest religious title in Islam.  

Just as I began to pack my bags, my mobile phone rang. It was Hekmatyar’s men again, and this time they  did not seem as serious as earlier and spoke with a smile  in their voice. They informed me that Hekmatyar had  agreed to give me an interview but I could not bring  my own camera or mojo kit. The interview would be  shot in his studio... Needless to say, I was shocked  at the offer, because Hekmatyar was known to be very conservative. But I was happy, of course. Happy would  be an understatement... I was thrilled.  

Being a lone journalist in Afghanistan, I was relieved that I wouldn’t have to bother with the lights, camera  and mics and that my work would happen seamlessly. But they had one condition—his team wanted to take me out to dinner for an ‘informal chat’. I agreed. I was ready  to get this interview at any cost, and they seemed decent and polite enough to be trusted. They said they would  pick me up from Serena at 5 pm. The venue would  be disclosed later. 

As soon as I finished with the conversation, I packed my bags and left for Kandahar, which was supposed to be a day’s trip from Kabul. I hurried up as I had to return to Kabul by 5 pm. Besides, it was impossible to  stay back there anyway as the situation was fast turning grim. We crossed Kabul, which was comparatively more crowded than on other days, and straightaway hit the Kabul–Ghazni Highway/AH-1 and reached a place called Kala in a little more than an hour. News was now trickling in that Nangarhar had fallen as the Governor of  the province had surrendered Jalalabad. So the Taliban  had captured yet another semi-urban province without a fight. 

This effectively meant that the Ghani government was now left with only Kabul. The capital of Afghanistan would be the next to fall. While nothing was yet  confirmed, I dialed a few scholars and journalist friends who said panic had already taken over at Arg Palace, but they also spoke with surety about the president making a public address and some ‘solution’ being  found. However, they were unanimous on one point—‘Come Back!’ They asked me to come back to Kabul. If  the capital city fell, they said, then all borders would be choked and I would be ‘lost somewhere in the mountains,  never to be found’. We reversed direction. My aborted Kandahar trip remains an incomplete chapter of my life, the unfulfilled dream of a reporter. Maybe someday it will come true. 

On our way back I tried calling some of the senior Taliban leaders based in Doha to get an assessment of the situation and to find out what their plans were  now; and most importantly, if there was really any ‘solution’ coming out of the talks that were going on  there. I once again tried to connect with the press team of Dr Abdullah Abdullah and Dr Karzai, but they all seemed to have vanished into thin air. Something was amiss, I thought. Finally, I managed to speak to a Taliban leader (name withheld). It was a two- or three-minute WhatsApp call. He said, ‘Madam, ab Kabul duur nahin’, with pride in his voice. I shuddered. But still, I did not want to return to India. History was playing out in front of my eyes. How could I leave all  that and come back... I felt guilty at the same time as my family, especially my son, were waiting for me back  home. But I knew that one day he would understand,  that one day he would draw courage from this, and that  one day he would also learn what journalism is. He  would know that his mother did not sit in a TV studio  or in some editorial meeting dishing out meaningless, inauthentic stories or screaming at the top of her lungs  to attract viewers and readers; she had been there in the  midst of what was happening and had tried to bring back as many real stories as possible. 

By the time I reached Serena it was evening, and I waited for Ghani’s address, like millions of others around  the world. Just then, news came in that the Taliban had  reached the gates of Kabul and were camping there, even as they vowed not to take power by force and would avoid bloodshed.  

Excerpts from the book ‘The Fall of Kabul: Despatches from Chaos’

In Nepal, there is a notable pattern: Whenever there is a change in the federal government, the provincial governments often follow suit. Coalition partners tend to mirror this pattern from the central level down to the provinces, contributing to ongoing political instability.

This phenomenon has created a ripple effect, where the lack of a stable federal government leads to instability at the provincial level, affecting governance and development projects across the country.

The root of this instability lies in the difficulty of securing a parliamentary majority for any single party. This fragmented political landscape forces parties into coalition governments, which are often tenuous and prone to collapse.

Federalism, rather than facilitating development and revenue generation, has become a costly endeavor, exacerbated by frequent political shifts. The promise of federalism to bring governance closer to the people and spur localized development has been overshadowed by these political uncertainties.

This situation underscores the urgency of finding a viable solution.

Some leaders believe that amending the constitution could address these challenges and provide a path forward. A more stable and inclusive political framework could help ensure that the benefits of federalism are realized without the current drawbacks of instability and inefficiency.

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has already presented a seven-point agreement signed between the Nepali Congress (NC) and the CPN-UML during a parliamentary session. The agreement, which led to the formation of the new government, was signed by PM Oli and NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba. The second point of the agreement addresses constitutional review and amendments, stating that the new government will assess the constitution’s performance, address its weaknesses, and make necessary amendments for political stability.

PM Oli has been actively advocating for this agenda. In a recent meeting with the delegation of the Nepal Bar Association, he stated that amending the constitution is not a regressive move. He urged them to trust the people’s mandate and reminded them that the constitution includes a provision for amendment if two-thirds of the parliamentarians support it. He questioned how they could view constitutional amendments as a threat to democracy, emphasizing that such changes are a natural part of a dynamic and responsive governance system.

It is said that to amend the constitution, the government of Pushpa Kamal Dahal was ousted, and the two largest parties in the parliament have joined forces. The UML and NC are reportedly seeking amendments in the electoral system and equation, the process and pattern of choosing people’s representatives, and a reevaluation of the inclusion system. These proposed changes aim to create a more equitable and efficient political process that can stop political instability.

Those leaders advocating for these changes must invite all political parties for open discussions and hold a series of roundtable meetings to reach a political consensus. Constitutional amendment is a regular process globally, and it can be achieved in Nepal as well. I too believe it has become necessary to amend the constitution. But it cannot be done solely based on the decisions of two leaders.

Whether it’s small parties, big parties, national parties, regional parties, or any agenda-based parties, each one should be heard and be part of the political consensus. Whether it be the party of Narayan Man Bijukchhe or Chitra Bahadur KC or Rajendra Lingden or Upendra Yadav or CK Raut, or even those outside the parliament—everyone must be included. This inclusivity is crucial to ensure that the amendments reflect a broad spectrum of interests and are sustainable.

To facilitate this, a Constitution Amendment Recommendation Commission should be formed to prepare a draft based on political consensus. The commission should be led by a person recognized by Nepal’s political movements, an expert on law and constitution, and accepted by all—such as former Chief Justice Gopal Parajuli. Such a commission would bring credibility and expertise to the process, helping to navigate the complex legal and political landscape.

We should also listen to our neighbors, but ultimately, we must do what our country and citizens need. While external perspectives can provide valuable insights, the primary focus should be on addressing the specific needs and aspirations of the Nepalis. Amendments or decisions made without consensus or by excluding any parties will not provide stability or be long-lasting.

Moreover, constitutional amendments can lead to anarchy if all recommendations are not included. This potential for discord highlights the importance of a comprehensive and inclusive approach. To minimize or avoid these challenges, political consensus is a must. Only through collaborative effort and mutual respect can Nepal achieve a stable and prosperous future.

The author, a member of the Supreme Court Bar, has been practicing corporate law for around three decades

Breastfeeding is an act of feeding an infant or a child directly from the mother’s breast. There are tons of benefits of breastfeeding for both mother and baby as it helps to tackle various serious cases in the long run. Breast milk contains optimal nutrition, which provides an essential amount of carbohydrates, proteins, fats and antibodies to protect against various infectious diseases. It is rich in antibodies and immunoglobulins, which support the immune system of a child. Breast milk is easily digestible as it helps to prevent various gastrointestinal disorders. Various researches have shown that breastfeed babies have lower risk of chronic diseases such as diabetes, cancers, respiratory infections later in life. Breastfeeding contributes to newborns’ physical and mental development apart from acting as a natural contraceptive, which helps mothers in birth spacing. Breastfeeding creates a bonding between a mother and a child where they get connected emotionally. It is the cost-free source that benefits both the mother and the child. As a global public health recommendation, infants should be exclusively breastfed for the first six months of life.

World Breastfeeding Week is celebrated every Aug 1-7. The theme of Breastfeeding Week 2024 is ‘Closing the gap. Breastfeeding support for all.’ The theme guides us about the practices of breastfeeding and equal participation in supporting the mothers. This year’s theme is aimed at ensuring equitable access to breastfeeding support for all mothers and families, regardless of their socioeconomic status, race, ethnicity, or location. According to the Nepal Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS) 2022 report, 55 percent of children aged 0-23 months engaged in early initiation of breastfeeding whereas only 56 percent of children under six months were exclusively breastfeed. 

Looking at the table, we can observe that Nepal is not in a good phase as we need to work a lot and guide people about breastfeeding and its importance. The scenario is different today, due to modernization and working environment, mothers are more into work and children are suffering due to it. Maternity leave should be encouraged and the government as well as private sectors should be concerned about it. 

Investing in first 1,000 days

For mothers/primary caregivers of children aged 6-23 months, continue to breastfeed until your child is two years old, or beyond. Breast milk provides important nutrients, energy, and protection from illness and allergies, supporting healthy growth and development.

At six months, start feeding thick soft foods. Gradually introduce a variety of minced or mashed vegetables and egg/ fish/chicken/meat to enrich your baby’s porridge, feed fish/egg/chicken/meat at least once daily. Gradually increase the variety, frequency, amount and thickness of the food. For one year, give at least five food groups in every meal. 

Actively feed your baby. Avoid use of feeding bottles, gently and patiently encourage your baby to eat. Don’t force feed. Minimize other distractions.

Avoid giving young children sugary drinks and biscuits, tea, coffee, flavored milk, processed meat (such as sausages) or deep-fried foods.

ANC, PNC healthcare providers

• Routinely provide key messages and guidance at ANC and PNC contact points
• Be a positive model. Promote optimal dietary and feeding practices within the wider community

Pregnant and lactating women

• Eat a variety of foods every day from at least four food groups during pregnancy and lactation periods
• Before and during pregnancy, take folic acid and iron supplements, as recommended by the healthcare provider
• Eating fruits and vegetables and drinking water often helps reduce the risk of constipation from taking iron tablets

Up to six months after birth

• Put your baby to the breast immediately after birth
• Continue to feed only breast milk for the first six months of life
• Express your milk when you and your baby are separated following birth
• Breastfeed frequently when your baby demands, day and night, to build up your milk supply

Both the parents should be equally aware about the consequences of formula milk and also discuss time management skills. Father also plays an equal role in supporting the breastfeeding mother, he should know the importance of breastfeeding and how it impacts the health of his wife and a child. Family members play a crucial role in the health of the mother and the child, so they need to know about it and guide her if needed.

The author is nutritionist and dietician

The Constitution of Nepal, 2015 has given the National Natural Resources and Fiscal Commission (NNRFC) the authority to recommend the basis for determining the share of investment and returns for the federal, provincial and local governments while mobilizing natural resources.

Similarly, the NNRFC is also tasked with the responsibility for studying potential disputes regarding distribution of natural resources between three tiers of government, and providing suggestions for their resolution. The essence of federalism is the practice of autonomous governments. The constitution envisaged the NNRFC to play a coordinating role in potential disputes, tensions or claims over natural resources and finances between the three governments.

Likewise, Part 4 of the Constitution outlines policies regarding the conservation, promotion and utilization of natural resources under the Directive Principles, Policies and Obligations of the State. It states that the state will adopt policies to conserve, promote and sustainably use available natural resources in the national interest and in line with intergenerational equity, while prioritizing local communities and ensuring equitable distribution of benefits. Here, we will discuss how effective the NNRFC has been in fulfilling these obligations.

Now work for 72 employees

When this scribe reached the office of the NNRFC near the close of the previous fiscal year, employees appeared to have little to do. While other government offices were extremely busy, employees of the commission just signed the attendance register and remained idle throughout the day. Government employees are required to give eight hours to the office. “We don’t have even one hour of work here,” one staff member of the NNRFC told this scribe. “In reality, the NNRFC has no work.”

On condition of anonymity, the staff said the NNRFC has failed to work according to its establishment and objectives. According to Article 250 (1) of the Constitution, the NNRFC should consist of a chairperson and four other members appointed by the President on the recommendation of the Constitutional Council. The tenure of the Chairperson and members is six years from the date of appointment. Nearly six years have passed since the first appointment, but the committee members have not been able to accomplish much.

The NNRFC currently has only four office-bearers. Even they lack unity among themselves. “The NNRFC has not been able to provide any output. The taxpayers’ money is not being utilized properly,” the staff added.

In India and other countries, such commissions are formed for a limited time and are closed after completing specific tasks. “The objective of the NNRFC is not clear; there is no end to the work. Employees don’t even have an hour’s worth of work. We are just passing time,” employees told this scribe. “This is supposed to be a research-based office. The constitution envisioned it with great ambition and goals. But in reality, it has become a stagnant office.”

The federal, provincial, and local governments need to effectively mobilize financial and natural resources to provide services to the people while promoting cooperation, coexistence and coordination among themselves. The NNRFC is required to play a crucial role in ensuring balanced and equitable distribution of financial transfers and natural resources among the three levels of government. Primarily, it has the authority to make recommendations regarding revenue sharing, financial equalization grants, conditional grants, internal loans and distribution of natural resources among federal, provincial, and local governments. "But in reality, it hasn't accomplished anything," the employee says.

Problems galore

NNRFC Chairperson Dr Balananda Poudel acknowledges that the distribution of natural resources as per the constitutional mandate has not been smooth. He claims that over five years, they have conducted studies, made recommendations, conducted research, provided suggestions and facilitated various tasks. “We were supposed to recommend a framework for investment and returns from natural resources. The study for this hasn’t been completed. The NNRFC has realized the need to pay more attention to this work,” he added. He also pointed to political instability and interference in the bureaucracy as root causes of the problems. “Secretaries are transferred every month. There is no coordination when sending staff to the NNRFC. Interest, patience and expertise are not considered while sending staff. The state doesn’t consider what kind of knowledge, skills, and qualifications are needed for the NNRFC,” he said. Although Paudel claimed that the NNRFC has been working to its capacity, he has no  visible achievements to show. “I feel we could have done more than what we have accomplished,” he said, adding that the NNRFC has provided suggestions to the government about its problems in their annual report.

Slow collection of royalties

The modality for sharing royalties from natural resources has been determined. However, other laws play a more important role than the NNRFC in this. According to Section 7 of the Intergovernmental Fiscal Management Act, 2017, 50 percent of the royalties from mountaineering, electricity, forests, mines and minerals, water, and other natural resources should go to the federal government, and 25 percent each to the related provincial and local governments. The annual report of the Financial Comptroller General Office, 2021/22, states that a total of Rs 5.72bn was collected as royalties from  mountaineering, electricity, forests and mines and minerals and distributed among three tiers of governments. Of this, electricity contributed the highest at 53.4 percent, followed by forests at 22.9 percent, mines and minerals at 14.4 percent, and mountaineering at 9.3 percent.

Office-bearers not in friendly terms

Dissatisfaction and discord can be felt among office-bearers which has affected the NNRFC’s work. Amar Raj Mishra, a member of the NNRFC, expressed dissatisfaction with the chairperson’s work. “The NNRFC is being run by one person’s decisions,” he said. Mishra has even filed a writ petition in court against the chairperson’s conduct. “I have been saying that the NNRFC should not work in a haphazard manner. Now, I have become like an opposition. There is no consensus even on issues that need to be improved through discussion,” he added. Mishra said he moved the court to improve affairs at the NNRFC, but things have not improved. “The NNFRC’s work has been limited to formality. There is no proper procedure. Wrong data is being used. There is no profile for any project,” he added.

The NNRFC is supposed to recommend the equitable distribution of government-collected revenue among federal, provincial and local levels, and determine the amount of fiscal transfers to provinces and local levels. However, Mishra accuses the NNFRC of using inaccurate data for grant allocation and distribution of tax and royalty revenue. He claimed that local governments are being unfairly treated due to the use of old data by the NNRFC. Mishra has filed petitions against the NNRFC’s decision to recommend grant distributions without conducting any discussions within the commission. The NNRFC Regulations, 2019, stipulates that the distribution and division of work among the chairperson and members should be determined in commission meetings. Mishra, however, claimed that many decisions have been made arbitrarily.

Incomplete commission

The NNRFC is supposed to have five members including the Chairperson. For about two years, only the chairperson ran the NNRFC single-handedly. Later, three members were added. Currently, there are only four members. The position of a female member is still vacant. The other two members are Juddha Bahadur Gurung and Bipin Raj Niraula.

Gurung claimed that work is progressing in a satisfactory manner. “We have been handling responsibilities related to natural resources including royalty distribution,” he said. “Studies and research are being conducted. Sufficient work has been done since the NNRFC’s formation,” he said. “The seed has been planted and is sprouting. Studies are being conducted to define natural resources. Results will be seen gradually.” However, a staff member told this scribe that the software created to make the NNRFC’s work transparent and smooth has been sitting idle for two years.

Weak federalism

Federalism expert Khimlal Devkota believes that federalism itself has become weak due to the ineffectiveness of the NNRFC which is considered the main link in implementing federalism. “The federal government has become dominant. It either hasn’t given grants to provinces and local levels or has reduced them,” he said. “The NNRFC should put a strong pressure on the government in this matter, but it hasn’t been able to do so.” Devkota said there is no need for such an extensive structure if it is to only make general recommendations occasionally. “The NNRFC has failed to work according to the expectations of the parliamentary committee. The parliamentary committee is not satisfied with the NNRFC’s work,” he said, adding: “There is no point in continuing the NNRFC if it cannot come up with a substantial report.” Forest expert Naya Sharma Poudel also said that the NNRFC has not been able to work as expected. “Not much seems to have been done in the field of natural resources. Political parties and officials need to pay attention to this,” he said

Natural resources still overlooked

The NNRFC hasn’t been able to do anything concrete on the management of royalties for many natural resources. The NNRFC has said in its fifth annual report that there are some potential sources from which royalties can be obtained in the future from the mobilization of water and other natural resources. These categories include inter-basin drinking water, inter-basin irrigation, bottled water use, industrial use of water, groundwater resources, water transportation, water recreation, fish farming and hydrogen energy. Similarly, potential sources of royalties from the mobilization of other natural resources in the future include solar energy, wind energy, geothermal energy, thermal energy, fossil energy, nuclear energy, petrol, coal and telecommunications (frequency). But it has failed to suggest necessary legislation for the same. As per Article 251 (2) of the constitution, the NNRFC should conduct necessary studies and research on environmental impact assessment related to the distribution of natural resources and make recommendations to the government. However, the commission is lagging in this aspect as well.

More focused on fiscal part

Although the NNRFC is required to work on natural resources as well, it seems more focused on the finance aspect. Its work and activities are also finance-centered. It has no role in the protection and promotion of natural resources. The NNRFC’s focus is only their consumption. “Nepal is rich in natural resources. We are poor because we haven’t been able to protect and properly utilize them,” a staff of the NNRFC said. “The constitution created this commission to address this issue. But the focus is on how to consume natural resources and share royalties generated for them.”

This story has been produced with the support of the Internews Earth Journalism Network through the Media for Inclusive Green Growth project