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Urbanization in Nepal has accelerated in recent years. The number of municipalities increased dramatically from 58 in fiscal year 2013/14 to 293 by 2017/18. Consequently, the population residing in municipalities surged from 17 percent to 66 percent. This sharp rise in urban areas is largely a result of reclassifying rural areas as urban, based mainly on population criteria. However, a significant concern remains the rapid migration from rural regions to Kathmandu Valley, turning it into an overcrowded city.

Urbanization is driven by both economic and non-economic factors. In rural areas, subsistence agriculture often fails to meet basic needs, pushing people to cities in search of better jobs and higher wages. The decline of rural industries, which once provided employment for many, has also led to increased rural unemployment and poverty, prompting migration to urban centers. Additionally, social factors such as caste-based discrimination, exploitation, and social inequality motivate rural residents to seek better opportunities in urban areas. Natural disasters like floods, landslides, and droughts, which destroy property and livelihoods, further compel people to relocate. Beyond escaping rural hardships, people move to cities for access to better education, healthcare, and modern amenities.

Benefits of urbanization

While urbanization has contributed to overcrowding in Kathmandu Valley, some economists, such as Arthur Lewis and T.W. Schultz, argue that it has positive effects on agricultural development. Growing urban incomes boost demand for agricultural products like milk and vegetables, which in turn stimulates agricultural production and rural incomes. Urbanization also increases the availability of capital, which can be used for farm expansion and modernization. Rural migrants working in cities often send remittances back home, further supporting rural economies and promoting capital formation.

Urbanization also brings opportunities for education and exposure to new ideas, expanding the horizons of rural people and making them more open to change. Returning migrants, having experienced urban life, can introduce innovations such as new crops and farming techniques in their home villages.

However, the nature of rural challenges has shifted. With much of the younger population migrating to cities, rural areas are increasingly populated by the elderly and disabled. As a result, once-valuable agricultural land is left barren, and rural marketplaces are often deserted except for occasional festivals like Dashain.

Costs of urbanization

On the other hand, some economists argue that urbanization can have negative consequences for both urban and rural economies. As urban populations grow, competition for limited jobs intensifies, contributing to urban poverty and unemployment. Social problems such as crime, prostitution, pollution, and inadequate housing also increase in overcrowded cities like Kathmandu. The rise in theft, robbery, and other crimes in the valley underscores these concerns.

Urbanization also strains public services such as housing, safe drinking water, sewerage systems, electricity, and transportation. Kathmandu’s growing water and sewage issues are clear examples. Due to budget constraints, the government struggles to keep up with the demand for improved public services. Additionally, urbanization can reduce agricultural output as rural labor declines, a significant issue for a country like Nepal that increasingly relies on imported food grains.

Strategies to slow urbanization

Unlike earlier views that saw urbanization as beneficial, many now consider it a contributing factor to urban underemployment and a symptom of underdevelopment. To curb excessive urbanization, it is essential to strike a balance between rural and urban economic opportunities by reducing the focus on urban areas.

Rural development initiatives that boost incomes and create jobs can help reduce migration to cities. As rural areas become more attractive, people are less likely to leave. Therefore, comprehensive rural development programs aimed at increasing production and improving quality of life offer a sustainable solution to excessive rural-urban migration.

Since agriculture remains the backbone of Nepal’s economy, modernizing agriculture is an effective strategy to generate employment and raise rural incomes. To retain young people in rural areas, farming must be made an attractive and viable career option. Agricultural modernization—encompassing diversification and commercialization—can increase incomes and act as an incentive for young people to stay in their villages.

Another key strategy is to promote rapid industrialization, focusing on both large- and small-scale industries. In a labor-abundant country like Nepal, developing agro-based industries and rural enterprises should be a priority. These industries not only strengthen the agricultural sector but also create jobs. However, it is crucial to adapt traditional skills and products to meet changing market demands. If young people have access to better income opportunities and higher social status in rural areas, they will be less inclined to migrate to cities.

The law-making process has seen many ups and downs in various parts of the world and in the course of that they have taken different paths and transformation. While in Europe, the 19th century was a period of significant transformation in homicide laws across various jurisdictions, reflecting broader societal changes and the evolution of legal systems.  For example, in France, the Penal Code of 1810, established under Napoleon, was a cornerstone, prescribing death for crimes such as assassination and parricide. England’s approach to homicide law was characterized by the gradual reduction of capital offenses throughout the century, culminating in the Offences Against the Person Act of 1861, which limited the death penalty primarily to murder and high treason. Across the Atlantic, the United States’ legal system was in its formative years, with the American Revolution catalyzing the development of a more unified legal framework that included the establishment of courts, policing and prisons. 

From the late 18th century, Ottoman sovereigns and advisors valued French legal codes and fiscal rules as valuable tools of state-building and utilized the French language as a means of wielding soft power on the European continent. Meanwhile, in China, the Qing dynasty’s legal code attempted to comprehensively define crimes and appropriate punishments, with a particular focus on maintaining cosmic balance and social order. These diverse legal landscapes illustrate the complex interplay between law, culture, and society during a century of profound change. In neighboring British India, the Indian Penal Code of 1860 was drafted on the recommendations of the first law commission of India established in 1834 under the charter Act of 1833, and chaired by Thomas Babington Macaulay. After its reunification under the leadership of King Prithivi Narayan Shah, Nepal attempted to implement various acts, including Rajkaj Ain. However, in an attempt  by Colonel Ujir Singh in 1822, no documented legal code was encountered. Prior to the passage of the first legal code in 1854, the country was ruled on the basis of Hindu Dharmashastras, which had prevailed in Nepal since ancient times.

Homicide Law in 19th century Nepal

A Study of the Muluki Ains and Legal Documents by Rajan Khatiwoda presents a comprehensive exploration of Nepal’s legal history during a crucial period. This work, part of the ‘Documenta Nepalica’ series and published by Vajra Publications, is now accessible to Nepali and South Asian audiences, offering a meticulous examination of the Muluki Ain of 1854 (Nepal’s codified legal code) and 1870, with a particular focus on its articles concerning homicide.

The Muluki Ain of 1854, along with its amendment in 1870, marks a significant legal milestone in Nepal’s history. These legal codes were developed during a period of political consolidation under Shah Kingdoms and  the Rana regime, particularly under Jaṅga Bahadura Rana. Khatiwoda’s work highlights how these legal documents played a crucial role in shaping modern Nepal’s identity by codifying conceptual development of a rule of law that was both comprehensive and innovative for its time.

The book is structured in two main sections. The first part addresses the formation and enforcement of the Muluki Ain, exploring its historical context and legal significance. Khatiwoda examines the political turbulence and the rise of the Rana dynasty, which necessitated a unified legal code. The codification of the Muluki Ain is depicted as a strategic move to stabilize the country and assert the authority of the Rana rulers. This section also discusses how the Ain served not just as a legal document but as a tool for social engineering, particularly through its codification of the caste system, which further entrenched social hierarchies in the Nepali society.

The second section of the book provides an in-depth analysis of the homicide laws codified in the Muluki Ain. Khatiwoda meticulously examines the structure and content of the articles on homicide, comparing the original 1854 code with its 1870 amendment. This comparison reveals significant shifts in the legal approach to homicide over time, reflecting broader changes in the society and governance. The book details various categories of homicide, the conditions under which capital punishment was applicable, and exceptions to such severe penalties.

One of the key contributions of this study is its exploration of how these laws were implemented in practice. Khatiwoda extends his analysis beyond the theoretical aspects of the Muluki Ain to its practical application, drawing on contemporaneous legal documents to demonstrate how these laws influenced judicial decisions. This practical approach is bolstered by translations and editions of key articles and related legal documents, providing readers with direct access to historical texts.

Khatiwoda’s work has made an important contribution to the field of legal history, particularly for those interested in South Asian studies. By focusing on the Muluki Ain, he uncovers the complexities of the 19th-century legal practices in Nepal, offering insights crucial for understanding the evolution of the country’s legal and social systems. The book also serves as a valuable resource for scholars of comparative law, situating legal developments in Nepal within broader South Asian and global contexts.

‘Homicide law in 19th century Nepal’ is more than just a historical account; it is a critical exploration of the legal transformations that have shaped Nepal. Khatiwoda’s meticulous research offers a compelling look into the Muluki Ain, providing readers with a deeper understanding of how law was used as a tool for governance and social control in 19th-century Nepal. From that perspective, this book is an invaluable resource for anyone seeking to comprehend the legal and historical underpinnings of modern Nepal.

Being raised in a society that discriminates based on caste is like having a continual cloud of uncertainty, anxiety and insecurity. This cloud represents a reality that affects every part of the life of individuals who belong to the untouchable castes, not just a metaphor. The caste system in which Dalits are reared determines their value and potential long before they have the opportunity to establish their own identities, which contributes directly to the inferiority complex that develops among Dalits.

A lifetime of covert and overt reminders of one’s ‘place’ in the social hierarchy fosters the development of this inferiority complex. Dalits are painfully made aware from an early age that they are ‘different’ and that everyone around them view them as inferior because of their caste. Whether it is through the condescending attitudes of teachers, the dismissive behavior of neighbors, or the whispered insults of classmates, the message is clear: Dalit are not equal, and they never will be.

The psyche is deeply scarred by these experiences. Dalits start to absorb the idea that they are essentially less valuable than other people and that, as a result of their caste identity, they should not be given the same opportunities and respect. Dalit’s self-fulfilling prophecy affects their relationships, confidence and capacity for success in life. A voice that murmurs, ‘You don’t really deserve this,’ lingers in the background of a Dalit’s mind even after they accomplish something notable. Colleagues who don’t value them often serve to confirm this doubt.

I recall a particular incident from my time working as a Deputy Team Leader for a consultancy firm. Most of the reports in that office were drafted by me, serving as the foundation for my colleagues’ work and ultimately receiving approval. Despite my central role in the team, I encountered a team leader and member from the management team who consistently treated me with disrespect. This wasn’t just a clash of personalities; it was a deep-seated issue that triggered my long-standing feelings of inferiority. Instead of engaging in constructive dialogue, I found myself on the defensive, constantly trying to prove my worth in the face of his dismissive attitude. This experience not only disrupted my work but also made me leave the office forever.

This sense of isolation is compounded by the lack of understanding or empathy from colleagues. When Dalits express anger or frustration, it is often met with confusion or defensiveness, rather than a genuine attempt to understand where they are coming from. Colleagues may see this anger as irrational or unjustified, not realizing that it stems from a lifetime of dealing with the subtle and not-so-subtle indignities of caste discrimination.

Dalits frequently experience a sense of alienation and a lack of belonging in jobs where the majority caste is higher. They are distinguished by their caste identities, and it is far too simple to blame any unfavorable encounters on these underlying distinctions. It feels less like a professional dispute and more like an attack on their identity when someone challenges or disagrees with their thoughts; they are being rejected not for the quality of their arguments but rather for the perceived inferiority of their caste.

There is a praiseworthy attempt in many contemporary organizations to develop gender-friendly cultures where workers of all genders are treated with decency and respect. In many workplaces, policies including the promotion of gender equality, gender sensitivity training, and zero tolerance for gender-based violence, sexual exploitation and abuse, and sexual harassment have become the norm. These initiatives aim to foster an environment at work where everyone, regardless of gender, feels safe, respected and appreciated in addition to following the law.

Caste should be subjected to the same degree of sensitivity and intolerance. It ought to be immoral to treat someone differently based on their caste, just as it is wrong to treat someone unfairly based on their gender. In order to guarantee that no one feels less than or uncomfortable due to their caste identification, offices have to be welcoming to Dalits.

To achieve this, workplaces must implement policies and practices that actively promote caste sensitivity. All staff members should get training on the effects of caste discrimination, the value of inclusivity and the necessity of treating everyone with respect. Team leaders and managers need to be especially aware of how caste dynamics might manifest in the workplace and try to foster a culture where all workers, regardless of caste, feel respected, safe, and supported.

Even after a careful search, it can be challenging to locate even one Dalit within a large organization! This is a result of their systematic exclusion rather than a lack of qualifications or ability on the part of Dalits. Understanding and being able to communicate with Dalits is crucial. It is even forbidden for a Dalit to pose inquiries at the office. Dalits are proven wrong even when they are correct. This concerns not just justice, but also fundamental human dignity.

Dalits are also human beings! Putting oneself in their shoes will help you understand their challenges. Reminding a Dalit of their ‘place’ each time serves to perpetuate an oppressive system that has no place in a fair and just society. 

Recognizing Dalits’ humanity and fostering an environment where they can flourish are more important goals of developing a Dalit-friendly workplace than merely following rules or checking boxes. It’s about making sure that no one’s caste identification causes them to feel inferior or unfit. We won't be able to start tearing down the profoundly embedded caste-based discrimination that still exists in our culture until workplaces are genuinely inclusive, considerate, and encouraging. Although achieving equality will not be simple, we must travel this route together.

The author is a sociologist 

[email protected]

It is not solely about being sick if you have raised blood pressure. Your doctor or healthcare provider may discover that your blood pressure is elevated and request a series of blood tests, electrocardiography or echocardiography. If your blood pressure remains consistently high, you may be prescribed medication to lower it to a normal level.

Often, we associate taking medicine with being sick. Yes, medicine is typically taken to treat a disease. However, when it comes to certain conditions that currently do not cause any trouble or symptoms, we often question why we should take medicine. Yes, that is a valid question—why should I take medicine?

Blood pressure—normally we measure it as systolic and diastolic. The normal range for systolic blood pressure is 90 mmHg to 120 mmHg. It can vary within this range, meaning it could be any number between 90 and 120, such as 96, 104, 110 or 120. All of these measurements are considered normal. Diastolic blood pressure should fall between 60 mmHg and 80 mmHg, and can also vary within this range.

This blood pressure refers to the pressure exerted by the blood ejected from the heart into the arteries. It is influenced by factors such as the pumping force of the left heart, the characteristics of the vessel wall and the pathway between the left heart and the arteries, including valves and any muscular narrowing.

If the blood pressure measurement is higher than 120 mmHg systolic or 80 mmHg diastolic, we consider it to be above normal. If it exceeds 140 mmHg systolic and 90 mmHg diastolic, we classify it as hypertension.

If blood pressure consistently remains on the higher side, it can have numerous negative effects on our vital organs. It may damage the kidneys, heart, brain, eyes and peripheral vessels. Although persistently high blood pressure may not be felt as discomfort by the body, its slow and continuous effects are detrimental to vital organs. The continuous adverse effect on the brain can lead to a stroke, on the heart can lead to a heart attack, on the kidneys can lead to kidney damage, and on the eyes and peripheral vessels can cause damage and narrowing. Statistics show that stroke, heart attack and kidney damage are more frequently observed among individuals with hypertension.

So, medical science, along with simple logic, suggests that keeping blood pressure within the normal range is important in order to decrease the risk of stroke, heart attack and kidney damage. When there are no symptoms, it is understandable that we may question the need for medication and be hesitant to take any. However, there are also alternative options available.

Making certain changes to our lifestyle can help reduce blood pressure. Brisk walking for at least 30 minutes a day, five days a week, may lead to a reduction of 4-5 mmHg. Including green leafy vegetables and fruits in our diet can further contribute to lowering blood pressure. Following a low-salt diet is also effective in reducing blood pressure. Reducing weight, if overweight, can also help reduce blood pressure. Quitting smoking is known to reduce blood pressure. Meditation or deep breath exercises, along with relaxation techniques, can lead to a decrease in blood pressure. Additionally, avoiding stress reduces blood pressure. Good sleep and management of snoring can also help reduce blood pressure.

So, there are many lifestyle management techniques that can help reduce blood pressure. However, if following a healthy lifestyle does not result in a reduction in blood pressure or if one is unable to maintain a healthy lifestyle, it is important to prevent damage to vital organs caused by consistently elevated blood pressure.

Try to maintain a healthy lifestyle, even if you do not have hypertension. If your blood pressure falls between systolic 120-139 mmHg or diastolic 80-90 mmHg, continue to prioritize a healthy lifestyle. However, if your blood pressure does not appear to be under control or remains high after a few months, do not hesitate to start taking medication.

Medicine is simply a pill that helps maintain normal blood pressure. We frequently discuss side effects, and this is indeed true. Many medications have no side effects, while others may have a few or even serious ones. Your physician will discuss this matter with you.

But when considering rare side effects, hypertension can increase the risk of fatal adverse effects and even death.

Therefore, it is important to control our blood pressure, either through a healthy lifestyle or with medication.