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Recent elections in neighboring India and results thereof continue to be scrutinized from several perspectives—both within India and elsewhere in the democratic world. The staggering number of eligible voters, 970m, alone was good enough to attract global attention in this five-yearly electoral exercise which began in 1951—almost four years after it ceased to be a British colony.

Interest in elections in the South Asia region was obviously higher than other regions, mainly because of  geographical proximity. Those sharing borders with India, including China and Pakistan, closely monitored the process with main focus on its outcome. For other neighbors, the process too was equally important. Cultural affinity also played its role as was palpable in Nepal. That the political party with commitment to Hindu nationalism continued to dominate other forces across India was bound to generate additional curiosity in a Hindu-majority Nepal. The keenness was natural.

Cultural affinity has a linguistic dimension as well. And that was in full view through media outlets, particularly during the oath-taking ceremony held for newly-elected parliament (Lok Sabha) members. As was visible, two of the lawmakers took oaths in Nepali language: Indra Hang Subba from Sikkim and Raju Bista from Darjeeling (West Bengal). Subba (35) belongs to Sikkim Krantikari Morcha and was first elected in 2019. Bista (38), a member of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), is re-elected this year. Although they had different political affiliations, both Subba and Bista took pride in taking oath in Nepali.

Incidentally, what can be the decisive feature identifying a person of Nepali ethnicity in a throng of 543 men and women in a spacious chamber? It is neither food nor attire. It is the language—the Nepali language—which helps to single out who is who. A ‘Topee’(cap) may occasionally offer a clue, but is not a reliable substitute for the language.# 

Realistic recognition

Nepali is one of the 22 languages recognized by the Constitution of India. But the recognition was not easily acquired; It came by only after a concerted campaign and struggle the Nepali-speaking Gorkhas conducted for decades. Nepali language was included in the eighth schedule of the constitution in 1992. 

According to India’s census of 2011, 2.9m people in India have identified Nepali as their mother tongue. Apart from Sikkim and West Bengal, Nepali speakers are to be met in Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya, among other places. For example, Raju Bista, who represents Darjeeling, has his origins in Manipur. On the Western flank, Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh are the two main states with sizable Nepali-speaking populations. Delhi is also listed as a place where a significant number of Nepali speakers are said to be residing.       

In Sikkim, Nepali has traditionally been a lingua franca–i.e. it is understood and spoken by all other communities of the state, and beyond. Prominent Indian diplomat Harsh Vardhan Shringla is one of those high-ranking individuals having their lineage in Sikkim, and therefore speak Nepali flawlessly. When Sikkim’s university bestowed an honor on him, he chose to address the audience in Nepali. Shringla once visited Nepal as India’s foreign secretary, and was seen to be enjoying conversation in Nepali. One of his predecessors, who happened to be India’s first female foreign secretary, Chokila (Tshering) Iyer, was also conversant in Nepali; Darjeeling was her birthplace. 

For the people of Darjeeling-Sikkim region, July 13 is a special day when they pay tribute to the late Nepali poet Bhanubhakta Acharya. In 2016, President Pranab Mukherjee attended the function held at Chowrasta, marking Acharya’s 202nd birth anniversary. “We would like to strengthen this unique relationship amongst us,” Mukherjee said, referring to India’s ties with Nepal. 

In nearby Bhutan, Nepali remains one of the three main languages despite a mass eviction, in the 1990s, of Nepali-speaking Bhutanis. As a reporter, I have recollections of some occasions when visiting Bhutan ministers preferred to issue statements in Nepali. To further east, trouble-torn Myanmar (Burma) is another country where a significant segment of its population speaks Nepali.     

Knee-jerk reaction

Back to the oath-taking ceremony in the Indian parliament last month. Marking the occasion, this writer offered a comment on X (Twitter), in Nepali, essentially saying the obvious: That thousands of people had contributed to the campaign that led to the recognition of Nepali language in early 1990s. My observation generated some instant reactions and responses.While most of the X users cheered the news, some appeared rather inquisitive. The question was if India has constitutionally recognized Nepali, why can’t Nepal reciprocate in kind? In other words, a sort of imperative call to include Hindi in Nepal’s constitution. Ostensibly, this  is an innocuous query posed with a concomitant suggestion. My brief reply to the concerned readers contained the following points: 1) Nepal’s system runs in accordance with Nepal’s constitution; India’s governance is conducted on the basis of their statute. 2) India’s territory is large, and so is India’s population.

How is it possible to have equality between the two in every respect? 

3) Unlike Nepali, which is Nepal’s lingua franca, Hindi is yet to gain that status inasmuch as it is not accepted in India’s southern states where English continues to be the official language. 

Here I want to add a point which I did not insert in my quick response to X users: What all of us inside Nepal and intelligentsia across the southern border need to acknowledge and understand is the fact that Nepali language was included in the Indian constitution to expressly address the grievances of their own important constituency—of Gorkhas. No one in post-independent India can afford to underestimate their bravery, and the professional soldering the Gorkhas have rendered for the safety and security of India. Those who think Nepali language has been recognized by the Indian constitution merely to appease Nepalis of Nepal are living in a great illusion.    

Knee-jerk reactions, which surfaced through social media platforms like the X, are bound to be based on superficial understanding of the issue at hand. It is a pity that the emerging crowd of digital users tend to pay scant attention to the history and social background of the very country they belong to. Barring exceptions, grownup boys and girls of this ‘postmodern world’ seem to find ample time for socializing and recreation, but can spare little for serious study or research. Westernized lifestyles have made them self-centered, often at the expense of collective well-being.

Views are personal

Nepal’s farm sector needs a shot or two in the arm in view of changing weather patterns amid a deepening climate crisis and forgotten yet effective traditional agricultural practices. 

For revitalization of this sector, every farmer needs to know what crops (traditional, modern, cash crops, etc) can grow well in their land. It is the duty of every local government to make sure that the farmers know this.   

Who among these farmers want to opt for subsistence farming? Who wants to go for commercial farming and who prefers surplus farming?

Relevant authorities should take a call on this because the needs of these separate groups of farmers are quite different.    

Subsistence farmers need nothing, surplus farmers need guaranteed markets at their doorsteps whereas commercial farmers need guaranteed connections of national markets and knowledge to preserve their productions in a variety of ways. 

It is the duty of Palikas (rural municipalities) to lease the parcels of land to the poor people interested in farming or sell it to them by accepting payment in installments.  

Farmers also need to bear in mind that our ancestors switched to new crops in keeping with changing climatic conditions, including the availability of water. They need to realize that food patterns have been changing over generations and time has perhaps come yet again to change our food habits in keeping with a changing climate.  

In this regard, we can take a leaf from Vedic ancestors, who taught us to blend science and intellect and sustain it culturally.  For example, they taught us how to tap into the cosmic energy to rejuvenate ourselves. Planting Tulasi, Pipal and Sami was their way of ensuring a steady supply of pure oxygen and antioxidants.

Let us learn about sustainable development goals (SDGs) from our religious texts and cultural practices, and unlearn from the past efforts of government as well as non-government organizations (GOs/NGOs), if we are to indeed give sustainable development a boost in our soil. 

Commission-oriented practices of politicians and businesspersons, in particular, have led to soaring imports of substandard foodstuffs of inferior quality, making the Nepali farmers reluctant to cultivate crops. So, we must make it loud and clear to our neighbors that these food imports have made our people lazy, and increased health hazards.

Our import-oriented economy throws ample light on the country’s crop production scenario. Politicians least bothered about crop yields, a labor-intensive farming system, unethical business and trade practices, and consumption-oriented mindsets are responsible for inviting this situation. 

To overcome this scenario, let us make a matrix of our food demands, our production, the gaps, crops that we must grow, and local governments that can grow these crops.  This matrix will help to move ahead with crop production plans.  

Commitment requires continuity—in saying and doing—something, which can be done by developing all political parties’ consensual intent, programs, funding mechanisms and an accountable implementing agency, which will remain there regardless of who comes to power. But none of the rulers and potential rulers are heading in that direction, pointing at the absence of their commitment to the cause. 

Summing up, the Nepalis possess a number of indigenous skills to fill up their stomachs.  

Ignoring this heritage, we followed westernization in the name of modernization in the farm sector as well. So, let’s first learn to differentiate between the two and go for modernization of what we have. Secondly, our developmentalists adapted the deficiency thesis. Let’s follow an efficiency thesis to enable poor people for a self-sustaining economy.  Thirdly, let us encourage industrialists and businesspersons to establish organic industries.  Fourth, we exhausted our land by using chemical fertilizers and pesticides, sidelined the local and indigenous wisdom, and replaced indigenous crops. Let’s move ahead by learning lessons from these mistakes. Fifth, we became consumers and inhuman businesspersons to feed long grain rice and poisonous vegetables, poultries and pigs laced with chemicals. Let’s reflect on this moniya culture (money is supreme) and work for human and nature- friendly productions.

From the land of Sagarmatha, the highest peak in the world, I congratulate Keir Starmer on being elected the prime minister of the United Kingdom.

The 2024 UK general election was held on Thursday, July 4, to elect 650 members of Parliament (MPs) to the House of Commons, the lower house of the UK Parliament. The governing Conservative Party under Rishi Sunak was defeated in a landslide by the opposition Labor Party under Starmer.

The arrival of the new Prime Minister has ushered in a wave of changes. With a message to the world—‘We’re back’—Starmer envisions Britain taking a more prominent role on the global stage, following years of strained relations with Europe over Brexit and internal political turmoil.

In the hours following his inauguration, Starmer engaged in a series of calls with world leaders, including US President Joe Biden, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, European Union leader Ursula von der Leyen, and Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

Starmer assumes office amid multiple crises, including conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East.

He recently traveled to Washington, DC for NATO’s 75th-anniversary summit, affirming that Britain’s steadfast support for Ukraine will continue. He has also pledged to increase UK military spending to 2.5 percent of GDP.

On July 18, Starmer will host European leaders at England’s Blenheim Palace for a meeting of the 47-nation European Political Community. This gathering presents an opportunity to begin repairing ties with the UK's European neighbors, which have deteriorated since the UK left the European Union in 2020.

Starmer aims to reduce some of the post-Brexit barriers affecting the movement of people and goods between Britain and the EU. However, he insists that he will not reverse Brexit or seek to rejoin the EU’s single market and customs union.

Starmer’s demeanor, gestures and body language all signal that the UK is ready to reassert itself. He will need to navigate the rising influence of France and Germany within NATO by backing up US decisions, as well as the dominance of the US in the West.

In developed countries, foreign policy and international relations typically remain stable despite changes in government. However, with the arrival of a new government following a significant election result in the UK, the Labor leader has the potential to positively impact the UK’s international relations, foreign policy, economy and peace efforts. His leadership appears intelligent and bold, promising to steer the country effectively on multiple fronts.

Let’s hope the new government addresses all the gaps left by the previous administration. In his first speech as British PM, Keir Starmer promised to ‘rebuild’ a country that voted en masse for a change in direction amid widespread public anger over deteriorating public services and a faltering economy. The new government faces significant challenges, including boosting economic growth, reforming the social care system and securing new funding for local authorities.

In just a few days on the job, six key issues have emerged as immediate priorities for Prime Minister Starmer: immigration, NHS strikes, the prisons crisis, planning reforms, relations with nations and regions, and EU relations. These priorities demonstrate that he is focused on addressing both national, regional and global issues.

A nation’s power is not solely determined by its wealth, military strength, population, or territory; the leadership and diplomatic skills of its leader are also crucial. Effective leadership can harness these resources to navigate challenges, inspire progress and foster a cohesive and resilient society. Given a landslide victory, Starmer is well-positioned to lead effectively. With a strong mandate from the electorate, he has the political capital to implement his vision and address the pressing issues facing the country. This overwhelming support can enable him to drive substantial changes and navigate the complexities of governance with greater confidence and authority.

The author is a member of the Supreme Court Bar and has been practicing corporate law for around three decades

Having grown tired of Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s power politics and the constant maneuvering for a ‘magic’ number in parliamentary politics, the chiefs of the two major parties in the country, KP Sharma Oli and Sher Bahadur Deuba, have sketched a new roadmap aimed at ensuring political stability at least until the next general election. In a rare display of parliamentary partnership, the two largest parties in the Parliament have agreed to form a government, though the formal agreement is yet to be made public officially. 

According to the agreement, the two parties will alternate leadership of the government between Oli and Deuba over a three-year period. Oli will serve as Prime Minister for the initial half of the tenure, while Deuba will lead for the remaining period until the next general election. Ministries in the federal government will be equally divided, and the positions of chief ministers in the provinces will also be equally shared. Both the parties have also agreed to amend the constitution, especially on the electoral system though it is not an easy job.  

As per the agreement, the Nepali Congress has given a vote of confidence to the Chief Minister of Madhes Province from the CK Raut-led Janamat Party has joined the government there. In other provinces, UML ministers have resigned to facilitate the formation of new governments. Following the power-sharing agreement in the federal government, both the parties have endorsed the deal in their respective central meetings. Leaders of both parties are committed to implementing the agreement sincerely, despite facing various conspiracies and pressures from different quarters. This time, people have given both the parties the benefit of the doubt, overlooking the past.  

On July 12, Prime Minister Dahal is set to seek a vote of confidence in the parliament, though odds are stacked against him. Despite this, Dahal’s decision to face the parliament should be respected as a constitutional right of any Prime Minister. If Dahal had morality, he should have resigned immediately after the CPN-UML withdrew support to him. Shocked and traumatized by the Oli-Deuba alliance formed to sideline him, Dahal will again present himself as a ‘revolutionary’ and ‘progressive’ leader in revenge and might call movements from different fronts. This has been a hallmark of Dahal, who has made compromises with all parties and foreign powers to save his government. Whenever he quits government, he appears as a rebel, but such politics doesn’t work these days. While his next steps remain uncertain, he is likely to be relegated to a weaker position as the opposition leader, marking a turning point in the Maoist party’s decline.

Dahal’s failure to garner a trust vote means UML Chair Oli will become the Prime Minister of Nepal under Article 76 (2) of the Constitution. Some argue that Oli cannot be appointed Prime Minister under the same article again, but the Supreme Court has clearly ruled that the same article can be invoked multiple times if there is a possibility of government formation. Ultimately, it depends on the President under which article he calls upon the parties to form the next government. 

Let the law take its own course.

The major concerns now are political stability and the continuation of developmental works initiated during Oli’s second premiership from 15 Feb 2018 to 13 May 2021. As Oli prepares to become PM for the third time, a sense of hope has spread across the nation. Among Nepal’s contemporary politicians, Oli stands out as a leader with a vision and conviction, having earned the trust of the people. Therefore, the agreement between the two major parties to share power and have Oli lead the government has been seen as a beacon of hope as Nepali people are fed up with deceptive politics.

In the last parliamentary election, no party secured a majority to form the government, leading the third party to control the power dynamics with the so-called magic number. The leader of the third party, Dahal, alternately and deceptively led the government with support from the first and the second largest parties. However, his political maneuvering has come to an end, and he has now returned to the sidelines as a frail leader. Reflecting on this, his former colleague and now leader of a fringe party, Baburam Bhattarai, expressed his satisfaction thus: “You can’t fool all the people all the time.”

Some have speculated that external powers, particularly Western ones, played a role in uniting the two major parties, but these claims are unfounded and baseless. Certain intellectuals often suspect external interference in significant domestic developments, but this is merely a form of self-satisfaction. Neither neighboring countries nor Western nations such as the US contributed to bringing the two parties together. It was Oli and Deuba, who decided to sideline Dahal’s messy and opportunistic politics from within the domestic political landscape.

Foreign interference in Nepal’s internal affairs has significantly diminished compared to the past. Ambassadors from neighboring countries in Kathmandu have maintained diplomatic decorum, engaging with all stakeholders equally. However, political inconsistencies have negatively impacted diplomatic relations. With Oli likely to become the next PM, this temporary strain on diplomatic relations is expected to end. The government formed by the two major parties will be stronger and more stable, fostering harmonious relations with both neighboring and powerful countries while prioritizing Nepal’s national interests.

The new government will address the genuine concerns of India and China, but will also firmly warn them against any interference in Nepal’s domestic affairs. Oli’s administration will maintain a balanced foreign policy, ensuring that Nepal’s sovereignty and national interests remain paramount. Strengthening ties with both India and China, the government will work towards mutual cooperation, economic development and regional stability. Additionally, Oli’s leadership is anticipated to bring renewed focus to developmental projects and economic initiatives initiated during his previous terms. This will not only help boost domestic growth but also enhance Nepal’s strategic partnerships with neighboring countries and international allies.

But, this power alliance of Nepali Congress and CPN UML should not be limited only in form but in substance too. Cornering the CPN (Maoist Center) or Dahal shouldn’t be the sole goal of the alliance, it should inject hope and that should be seen in action, for action speaks louder than words.

Views are personal