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The term ‘police’ itself carries significant weight and pride. Public trust and confidence in law enforcement hinge on their role as the authority responsible for establishing and maintaining peace and order through the implementation of law. The effectiveness of the chain of command within police is crucial in upholding the trust placed in them, ensuring officers remain conscientious and steadfast in their duties. If this chain of command starts to waver, questions will arise regarding the organization’s ability to function effectively and maintain public trust. These concerns have not only arisen from the public but also from the officers, who have held key responsibilities within the police force. Some retired police officers argue that the chain of command, essential for an organization comprising approximately 78,000 troops, is weakening. If the central structure of command, considered the heart of the police organization, deteriorates, the accountability and a people-oriented approach within the police force will be affected.

And if the leadership of a professional and principled police organization, dedicated to the values of truth, service and security as embodied in the slogan “Satya Seva Surakshanam”, succumbs to political pressure, the organization risks weakening. This compromises its legitimacy, inviting continued scrutiny in the future. The police, tasked with conducting in-depth assessments of overall security, formulating integrated security plans and executing them effectively, must maintain autonomy.

Some retired police officers say they have seen dominance of politics within the structure of Nepal Police in recent times, which is a matter of serious concern. Practices influencing transfers, promotions and professional development of police personnel have taken a toll on the organization's integrity. Such activities may prompt complaints from aspiring police officers, even those aspiring to become Inspector General, who feel their safety is compromised. There is a looming question about the potential professional deviations in police personnel and the insecurity they may face upon retirement due to injustices in their career development. 

Reports suggest that financial transactions with the involvement of power centers play a role in the appointment and transfer of police personnel. It is disheartening that the chain of command within the police force is entangled in these matters, posing a threat to the organization's structural integrity. The fear is that ongoing political interference may lead to a deterioration of the police structure.

A police organization operating on an honest and professional chain of command is not a business entity, an industrial venture, or a commercial organization. Yet, internal competition and dynamics have turned certain activities into open secrets. Accepting maneuvers by police personnel for personal gains, influenced by power centers within political parties, raises concerns about encouraging unethical behavior. The unprofessional competition for the position of Inspector General is viewed as potentially weakening the chain of command within the police. Addressing these issues is crucial for preserving professionalism and integrity of the police force and maintaining public trust.

The imperative for development is pressing in a poor country like ours. Achieving the status of a developing nation requires collaboration at every level. To expedite our developmental pursuits, it is crucial to promptly halt the unwarranted interference of political leaders. The foremost priority is to recognize that restoring peace and security is the initial step toward the country's development. The security organization entrusted with safeguarding the nation and its people follows its own operational methods and procedures. It is not an entity directed by political appointees. However, as the influence of politics encroaches upon this organization, led by an individual with years of experience in a disciplined setting, doubts begin to surface regarding the chain of command and the autonomous responsibilities fulfilled by this crucial institution. When those leading the organization, funded by taxpayers, start functioning like the leaders of sister organizations of political parties, skepticism among ordinary citizens about the police organization becomes inevitable.

The pervasive influence of politics on the daily operations of the police has compromised the trust of honest, professional and dedicated officers, who envision a future in the police profession. The impact of political interference is evident in the skewed career advancement, where some officers, owing to political connections, ascend to higher ranks, undermining professional development of their honest counterparts, who refrain from seeking favor from leadership. Looking back at past events, we see a tense competition for leadership roles within the police force. Unfortunately, even those who attain leadership positions appear hesitant to champion the organization's interests independently, succumbing to pressure from groups with divergent agendas. Instead of prioritizing the welfare of the organization and its dutiful employees, leaders seem preoccupied with cultivating alliances with political parties and their leaders.

It is undeniable that an organization catering to the interests of political parties, despite awareness of wrongdoing within its ranks and leadership, and remaining indifferent to its committed employees, is destined to weaken and deviate from its overarching goals. The persisting question remains: When will the interference of political parties in the chain of command of the Nepal Police cease? It is difficult to find an easy answer to this question.

“Nepal has many histories. It has histories of the Malla era and the Shah era, but a comprehensive history of the country is lacking. So, there is no history uniting the Mechi in the east Mechi with Mahakali in the west….” This is the gist of what the renowned historian Surya Vikram Gyawali said to Kedar Man Vyathit right after the latter’s appointment as the Chancellor of Nepal Rajkiya Pragya Pratishthan about 54 years ago in his capacity as a member of the Pratishthan, stressing the need to connect the Nepalis with the history of Nepal.

Even after the erstwhile Royal Nepal Academy got a new name, Nepal Prajna Pratishthan, after a wave of political changes that occurred about 17 years ago, Gyawali’s words remain relevant. 

Fifty-four years later, Gyan Vallabh Jwala, who was with the academy back then, cited this communication at a program that Pashupati Area Development Trust had organized recently to collect opinions from scholars for the establishment of a Shri Pashupati Hindu University. 

Gyawali’s communication with Vyathit features in ‘Vichar-patra’ of a committee formed to step up preparations for the establishment of the university and also in this journalist’s recently completed MPhil dissertation. 

My research is based on a unique perspective of Professor Harold A Innis, a Canadian scholar associated with communication theory, in particular ‘The Bias of Communication’ and ‘Time-Biased Communication’. This theory is based on the premise that the identity of a nation is built upon its own cultural heritages and civilizations. 

So, the plans for the development of a Shri Pashupati Hindu University have this journalist naturally elated. Indeed,  the Pashupatinath Temple, a UNESCO world heritage site, is one of the several religious-cultural-spiritual heritages that makes Nepal known to the world. If the university manages to emerge as the very best among similar other institutions in due course of time, with support from the government and other stakeholders, it will further boost Nepal’s image globally. 

At this point, it will be contextual to quote the author Stephen R Covey. He says, “What you do with what you know is far more important than what you know. If you do not use what you know, you can forget it or lose it. To share what you know is like planting a seed. If you plant a seed in the soil, it will germinate in the soil, grow in the field, and go to another place, and it will not die. If you throw it in the mud, it will rot, and if you throw it elsewhere, it will dry up. The seed will not germinate.” 

This statement points out the need to apply the acquired knowledge in the right time and place for desired outcomes. In the ocean-like span of Pashupatinath, my research may be a drop of water, but then drops of water collected from various pilgrimages have significant worth, don’t they? 

Also, let me recall a high-level promise to accelerate the process of establishing a Children's Literature Institute in Nepal. This wonderful plan is getting nowhere, with the ministry concerned not bothering to take initiative toward this end. 

But the proposed university should not suffer the same fate. 

Active involvement of the President in this project has given a glimmer of hope and so has the Culture Minister’s remarks implying that the government has attached due importance to the project. 

If the university materializes and, in course of time, manages to establish itself as a reputed institution, it may not even need government funding, for it can generate enough revenues by drawing students from far and wide, making it a self-sustaining institution.  

The onus is on the government and other stakeholders to turn this wonderful plan into reality. 

Power is not a simple concept as we may have thought, there are many types of power and there are many competing theories of power. A famous American political scientist, Joseph Nye, differentiates between two types of power, hard and soft power. Eventually, Nye introduces smart power as the ‘balance of hard and soft power. According to him, ‘soft power’ is the ability to get ‘others to want the outcomes that you want’, and more particularly ‘the ability to achieve goals through attraction rather than coercion’. There are three measures of soft power: Familiarity, reputation and influence. Culture, diplomacy, education, business/innovation and government are the elements that help assess the soft power of countries. This article looks at the soft power of India and Nepal and its role in shaping bilateral relations.

India’s soft power in Nepal

India is the fourth most powerful country in Asia pursuing a regional leadership role in South Asia. The influential role it has nurtured over the decade can be a game-changer for the region. In keeping with a changing world, India has used different bilateral and multilateral strategies to navigate the region toward a well-balanced future of prosperity and peace. In the 1990s, India started embracing a friendly policy toward its neighbors and projecting ‘soft power’ in the neighborhood. India’s soft power has traditionally been characterized by diversity. Historical accounts tell us that a prosperous India has drawn migrants, brokers and raiders like ‘Alexander the Great’. Its soft power has spread over millennia through a culture of secularism, liberalism and inclusiveness.

After Narendra Modi’s emergence as the Prime Minister of India in 2014, India has invested substantial resources in building up its soft power. We can say India has been more innovative in using its soft power since then. Bollywood, education, space diplomacy and diaspora are major sources of India’s soft power in Nepal along with our common heritages like Yog and Ayurved.  Globally also, India has been pushing Yog and Ayurved as a major source of its soft power quite successfully. Nepal can reap benefits from this initiative while enhancing bilateral relations. Giving continuity to a science in practice for ages, Modi is showing the world how to practice Yog. Nepal has also organized a series of Yog initiatives in the country of late.

India and Nepal share an open border, people from both sides can move easily, get married and settle down. The two countries have a large number of people, who are adherents of Hinduism and Buddhism. Thus, diaspora and religion are another most influential aspect of soft power. Moreover, religious tourism is the unsurpassed tool of soft power between Nepal and India.

Thousands of Nepali students go to India every year for higher education, especially in the field of medicine and engineering. Every year, India provides around 3,000 scholarships to Nepali students for various academic degrees like PhD, Master’s and Bachelor’s. India’s contribution to the growth of human resources in Nepal has been a key aspect of bilateral collaboration. Indian educational institutions springing up across Nepal are expected to contribute to bilateral ties by bolstering educational infrastructure of Nepal. 

A significant number of Nepalis visit India every year to avail themselves of better medical facilities. India has provided medical support to Nepal during natural disasters and health emergencies. Thus, health and education can be seen as another major source of India’s soft power in Nepal.

There is a huge interest in Indian music, cinema and television serials in Nepal. Many artists and professionals visit our two countries, enhancing the bond of friendship. 

Apart from this, Gurkha regiments have played a role in bolstering India’s defenses and the movie titled ‘Sam Bahadur’, based on the life of Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw, is expected to shine a light on the contributions of Gurkha soldiers from Nepal to India’s defense and security.

Nepal’s soft power in India

Nepal has already established itself as a benevolent country on the world stage, which further strengthens its resolve to identify and pursue soft power. Some of the most notable and recurring themes of soft power that Nepal possesses are tourism, Ayurved, the Gurkha Regiments, Himalayas and Buddhism. This abode of peace—the birthplace of Gautam Buddha and Tapobhumi of Rishis and Munis—has been able to generate a lot of goodwill from around the world. 

A source of soft power for Nepal, the Gurkha soldiers become a formidable power for India when they become part of its defense capabilities. However, the newly-introduced Agnipath scheme has rendered Gurkha recruitments from Nepal uncertain.

Conclusion

Soft power projection can be a means to enhance Nepal-India relations. 

For India, increasing scholarship quotas for Nepali students and funding for Nepali educational institutions can be an effective way to project soft power in Nepal.   

Shooting of Bollywood movies in beautiful locations of Nepal can bring us revenues (also in the form of increased tourist arrivals from India), while also benefiting the Bollywood film industry by bringing down production costs.   

Religious-spiritual destinations like Pasupatinath, Muktinath, Janaki Mandir and Lumbini (Nepal) as well as Hardwar, Varanasi and Tirupati (India) draw lakhs of pilgrims from the two countries every year, holding a great economic potential. 

Home to a variety of herbs used in Ayurved for centuries, Nepal can also be an ideal location for hosting Yog conventions and retreats. The recent landing of Chandrayaan-3 into the Moon, which made India the fourth country to successfully land on the Moon, and the first to do so near the lunar south pole, has increased India’s soft power tremendously. India’s plans like the development of a satellite for SAARC member-states are likely to enhance its soft power in the neighborhood and beyond.

The National Youth Policy formulated eight years ago has defined those aged 16 to 40 years as youths. National Census-2021 states that youths constitute 42.56 percent of the national population, which stood at 40.35 percent during the census conducted in the year 2011. 

According to data from the Foreign Employment Department, the number of Nepalis going abroad for work has increased by more than 21 percent in the fiscal year 2022-23 compared to the fiscal 2021-22. In 2022-23, a staggering 771,327 people went to countries other than India for jobs, more than 630,000 people took work permits in 2021-22 whereas in 2020-21 only 166,698 people went for foreign employment. In 2019-20, 368,433 people took work permit, followed by 508,828 in 2018-19, 612,685 people in 2017-18, 354,533 people in 2016-17 and 640,981 people in 2015-16, whereas 693,032 people (new labor permits and renewals included) Nepali went abroad for jobs in 2014-15. These data show that youth exodus for jobs peaked in 2015-16 before reaching a new high in 2022-23.

Why do a large number of Nepalis seem to think that their country of birth does not have much to offer in terms of employment opportunities? Is it solely because of indifference on the part of the state? 

The Constitution of Nepal 2015 has regarded the right to employment as a fundamental right, but this right, like several other rights, remain largely on paper.

It is not that the government has not tried to reduce unemployment. With the aim of providing jobs, the government launched the Prime Minister’s Employment Program five years ago. 

Thousands of youths benefited from this program that basically provides 100 days’ employment to unemployed people in a year, which still meant too little for millions of unemployed people, 

Besides, how many people can make a living for themselves and their families by getting gainful employment for 100 days in a year? 

While the Nepali job market scenario remains grim, there’s no drought of promises to create jobs in the country. For instance, the Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry has announced plans to create 2.2m jobs by 2030. The plans are great, whether they will materialize or not is a different thing altogether. 

The 15th periodic plan of the National Planning Commission has envisaged a high-level National Employment Authority for creating jobs, coordinating with various agencies and regulating the employment sector by bringing Youth Self-employment Fund, Poverty Alleviation Fund and NPC on board. 

Like previous editions, this periodic plan has also made some lofty promises. It has pledged to create 2.5m more jobs, increase workforce participation rate from 38.5 percent to 49 percent, increase the share of the formal sector in employment from 36.5 percent to 50 percent and provide professional, technical and skill training to 500,000 people. 

What’s more, it plans to establish employment information centers at all local levels and tie them up with the employment system of the organized sector, reduce industrial labor disputes and develop sound labor relations. 

However, these tall promises should be compared with the situation on the ground. The Nepal Labor Force Survey conducted about six years ago put the unemployment rate in the country at a staggering 11.4 percent, compared to a dismal 2.1 percent and 1.8 percent in surveys conducted a decade ago and 25 years ago, respectively. 

In a predominantly agricultural country, the farm sector appears to be shrinking by the day, if findings of the National Census-2021 are any indication. Per the census, the population involved in agriculture is 50.1 percent, which marks a sharp decline from 65.6 percent during the census conducted in 2011.

These statistics point toward a declining interest of the public toward agriculture, due, perhaps, to factors like dismal returns resulting from the lack of irrigation facilities and market.  

Summing up, time has come for the government to walk the talk and prove to the youth that there is no dearth of employment opportunities in Nepal, whether it’s in the farms or other sectors.