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As the government prepares for the March 5 elections, a deep mistrust between the government and major political parties threatens to derail the electoral process. Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s government faces growing skepticism over its ability to ensure election security and fairness amid the multiple pressures of Gen-Z protesters’ demands, missing police weapons, and declining police morale.

With ongoing investigations targeting former prime ministers and rising fears of renewed violence, political parties remain divided over whether credible and safe elections can be held under the current leadership. The first-ever meeting between Prime Minister Karki and major political parties since the Sep 8–9 Gen-Z protests, which took place on Oct 22, was dominated by one central question: can the government guarantee security for the March 5 polls?

While no major party opposes elections in principle, all demand credible assurances of foolproof security. The CPN-UML has taken the hardest line, declaring outright that elections under the current administration are “impossible.” The Nepali Congress (NC) has adopted a more cautious stance, supporting elections but insisting that the environment is not yet conducive.

Several developments have deepened public and political suspicion. Most notably, the Nepal Police has yet to recover over 1,000 weapons looted by protesters on Sept 9, while more than 4,000 inmates who escaped during the unrest remain at large. Parties fear the looted weapons could be used to intimidate candidates or disrupt campaigns.

Adding to the anxiety, many police posts destroyed during the protests remain in ruins, forcing officers to work from temporary shelters. Police morale is reportedly at an all-time low, as many feel that both the public and political leadership abandoned them during the violence.

Compounding the tension, self-proclaimed representatives of the GenZ movement have issued open threats to senior party leaders, while political cadres have begun trading verbal attacks online and in local rallies. Many fear these confrontations could escalate into physical clashes during the campaign period.

The Election Commission has stated that it needs at least 120 days to conduct elections after all contentious issues are resolved. Meanwhile, some Ge-Z protesters continue to press for demands the government cannot meet, such as a directly elected president. UML leaders have also accused the Home Minister of intimidating political figures, further eroding trust in the government’s neutrality toward political parties.

Political leaders have expressed frustration that they still cannot move freely in public or hold gatherings without fear of attacks. The Madhes region, in particular, remains volatile and vulnerable to communal violence.

The government’s credibility has also taken a hit following the Home Ministry’s controversial directive not to arrest individuals involved in arson and vandalism during the GenZ protests. Despite this, police in several districts have continued detaining suspects linked to killings and property damage, creating confusion about the government’s actual stance.

Traditionally, Nepal employs a layered security approach during elections, with the Nepal Police, Armed Police Force (APF), and National Investigation Department (NID) coordinating operations, and the Nepal Army serving as the outer ring of defense. However, shortages of security equipment and logistical challenges mean the government may struggle to ensure a robust security plan for the polls. Officials have hinted at seeking foreign assistance, though it remains unclear whether such support will arrive in time.

Further straining the political climate, the government has launched investigations into the properties of former prime ministers Sher Bahadur Deuba, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, and KP Sharma Oli, as well as their family members. The opposition views these probes as politically motivated attempts to discredit rivals ahead of the elections.

Police have already raided the homes of Deuba’s relatives in search of hidden assets, though no official findings have been released. Even Maoist leaders, who have supported Karki’s government, have criticized the timing of the investigations, warning that such actions could “poison the election environment.”

The UML’s concerns are particularly acute. Its Oli faces a travel restriction imposed by the Gauri Bahadur Karki probe panel in connection with the killing of 19 students during the Sept 8 Gen-Z protests. Oli has denounced the Karki government as “unconstitutional” and vowed not to participate in elections under her leadership. Meanwhile, UML leaders and Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal have been trading accusations, each blaming the other for “spoiling the election environment.”

Parties also admit they are organizationally unprepared for national elections. Many of their central and district offices were destroyed during the protests, along with vital records and documents. Several leaders remain displaced, still searching for housing after their homes were burned down.

“It might sound like a small issue, but many of our members are still dealing with trauma. Under these circumstances, preparing for an election feels impossible,” said one Congress leader about the current situation. Some leaders suspect that they are being pushed into premature elections deliberately in order to weaken traditional parties and make room for new political forces emerging from the protest movements.

Meanwhile, the three major parties—NC, UML, and Maoist Center—have announced plans to hold their respective general conventions, which could further complicate their preparations for the polls. Prime Minister Karki’s administration harbors its own suspicions. Branded “unconstitutional” by the UML, Karki fears that major political parties might boycott the polls or demand her resignation, undermining both the election’s legitimacy and her government’s authority.

While Karki’s outreach to political parties is a positive step, her preference for meeting second- and third-tier leaders rather than party chiefs has raised doubts about her sincerity. Ultimately, it is the top leaders—Deuba, Dahal, and Oli—who will decide whether their parties participate in the elections. Karki also faces a delicate balancing act: if she appears too conciliatory toward the established parties, she risks alienating the Gen-Z movement, which remains vocal and politically influential.

Adding yet another layer of volatility, several groups, including businessman turned political activist Durga Prasai, are preparing mass rallies demanding the restoration of the monarchy. Large-scale street protests in Kathmandu in the coming days could further destabilize the already fragile pre-election environment.

The Pashupati Area Development Trust (PADT) has clarified that Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal did not enter the main premises of the Pashupatinath Temple wearing leather shoes.

The minister had made a private visit to the temple along with his family on October 22. 

According to PADT Acting Member Secretary Subhash Chandra Joshi, the Home Minister had not entered the prohibited areas with the shoes put on.

He took a family photo in front of a door at the Nairitya Kon (southwest corner) outside the main temple. The same photo was later circulated on social media with false claims, PADT stated.

The Home Minister had taken the photo in front of the door that was opened during the tenure of Basanta Chaudhary as the PADT Member Secretary in 2059 BS.

The PADT further said that Home Minister Aryal took the family photo on the pavement along the route from Aryaghat toward Guhyeshwari. 

The PADT Acting Secretary and a priest also appeared in the photo, which was falsely circulated on social media.

On Wednesday, the Home Minister paid homage at the Pashupatinath, Mrigasthali-based Gorakhnath, and Guhyeshwari temples.

The Election Commission (EC) is currently assessing the documents of five new political parties that have applied for registration following the announcement of fresh elections to the House of Representatives.

According to the EC, the documents submitted by these parties are under consideration. 

While any party can apply for registration at any time, the Commission noted that the trend has increased notably after the formation of the incumbent interim government following the September 8-9 Gen Z movement and the announcement of new elections, suggesting the growing participation of youth in politics.

EC Spokesperson Narayan Prasad Bhattarai stated that applications meeting the required criteria will be approved.

The Shram Sanskriti Party, led by the Mayor of Dharan Sub-Metropolitan City, Harka Sampang, applied for registration on September 23. 

Similarly, the Nepal Nagarik Party, headed by advocate Surendra Bhandari, applied on 25. The Gatisheel Loktantrik Party, led by Dinesh Raj Prasai with the proposed election symbol Jyoti (Light), filed its application on October 16. 

The Nepal Liberal Party, led by Gopilal Neupane with the proposed symbol Coin, and the Rastriya Gen Z Party, led by Hira Prasad Soti with the proposed symbol Crossed Khukuri, both submitted their applications on October 19. 

The EC has stated that no other party suggesting a specific age group with the election symbol of Crossed Khukuri has yet claimed the registration. A decision regarding its allocation will be made in accordance with existing laws and practices.

Meanwhile, the applications of 10 political parties submitted before the announcement of the election have been disapproved for failing to meet the required documentation standards. Among these are Ujyalo Nepal and the Rastriya Pariwartan Party.

Prior to these new applications, 122 political parties had been registered with the EC. With the split of two existing parties, the total number has now reached 124. 

According to the election schedule approved by the commission on October 6, the notice for party registration for election purposes will be published on November 14.

The Election Commission will provide a period of 10 days from November 17 to 26 for the parties to get registered for election purposes. Only those parties that register in this manner will be allowed to apply for registration as parties for the proportional electoral system.

The Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Socialist) has called a Central Committee meeting in Kathmandu on October 29.

The Central Committee meeting has been called to discuss the proposal of party unification with various leftist forces.

Central Deputy Head of the Department of Publicity, Damodar Aryal, said that the meeting will be focused on swiftly concluding the ongoing unification talks with leftist, communist, and socialist parties. It will also hold discussions on the post-unity party's ideological perspective, management of leaders' positions, and other related matters.

"Ideological disputes and internal conflicts within the organisation are to be resolved at the central committee meeting. Most party leaders have suggested that before moving ahead with unification among some communists, homework should be done for polarisation among all leftists," Aryal said.

The meeting is expected to direct the party for lobbying to hold the House of Representatives election on the stipulated date and to actively involve all party and mass organisation committees to play the required role in the election process to help conduct the election in a free, fair and fear-free environment. 

The party central committee is also expected to assign responsibility to the party to promote dialogue and cooperation between democratic republican and constitution-supporting forces and with other parties to resolve the current crisis, protect the republic and the constitution, and create a reliable environment for elections. 

The Unified Socialist's Central Committee meeting is also taking place in the context of the CPN-UML Chairperson KP Sharma Oli's call to the Unified Socialist, which had prepared the groundwork for unity among the parties affiliated with the Socialist Front and other leftist forces, to join the UML.