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On June 1, Chuhan Singh Nepali, 48, came back to his village from India’s Dharchula where he worked as a laborer. He appeared normal when he was sent to a quarantine facility established at Janajyoti Basic School at Tikapur-2 of Kailali district. But a few days in, he started behaving differently. Now, after the two-week mandatory quarantine, he keeps staring at things and looks depressed. He cannot sleep at night.

Chuhan lives in a landless squatter settlement at Ganeshpur in the district, and he is among many Nepalis in the area who look after their families with money saved in India. Most of them work as daily-wage laborers. Many of them look mentally disturbed these days.

Bikash BK, 28, who is in the same quarantine, is also having mental issues. He often loses his temper. He has beaten his wife several times in the past few days after he returned from India’s Dehradun, accompanied by his wife and two kids. Once, he tried to run away with the kids, leaving the wife behind.

“Chuhan does not talk to others, and remains withdrawn. His behavior has changed a lot,” says Ranjita Chaudhary, a health worker. “He comes to us complaining of headache. But before we can give him a medicine, he leaves, saying he is fine.”

Jagat Damai, 50, who returned from Hyderabad, was sent to the quarantine facility at Tikapur Polytechnic Institute at Tikapur-1. Within two days, he was behaving strangely. He has already tried to jump off the stairs of the building. He keeps talking nonsense and often cries or yells. Sometimes he does not hear what others say. Ramrati Chuadhary, a health worker at the quarantine, observes: “He has troubled us all. He often asks for tranquilizers.” According to her, people who have spent many weeks in the lockdown in India, and are now having to do the same in Nepal, are showing such strange symptoms.

Many of those returning from India are worried about the absence of Covid-19 tests, besides the economic and social stigma they have to face. These people mostly hail from lower-middle class families and loss of their livelihood is an obvious reason for their distress. As Chaudhary puts it, “Daily wage laborers who have to earn each day’s meal are the worst hit. Due to stress, they have lost their sleep and appetite. They get easily irritated.”

Dharma Singh Batala, public health inspector at Tikapur Municipality, reckons the quarantined people are showing signs of depression due to fears caused by negative thoughts and lack of knowledge. “They don’t get proper counselling about what may happen. They are not able to meet their families, and fear social stigmatization when they return home.”

Those in the quarantine get free wi-fi. And there are health workers to give them basic medicines. But these health workers are not trained in mental counselling. “If they had basic counselling skills, it would be of immense help,” Batala adds. “Often the quarantined people cannot describe what’s happening to them. That makes things difficult for us.”

The Nepali constitution bars discrimination “on grounds of origin, religion, race, caste, tribe, sex, economic condition, language, region, ideology or on similar other grounds”. This constitution itself was drafted by the fully sovereign Constituent Assembly that was elected following a bloody civil war. The hereditary monarchy, blamed for all kinds of social discriminations, was removed and a federal republic heralded in its place. From here on in, all Nepalis would be equal before the law, and those practicing any kind of discrimination would be prosecuted. Or such was the exalted vision. 

In reality, all the kinds of discriminations proscribed by the constitution continue, none more so than the one based on caste. And no other section of the society is as discriminated against as the Dalits, who, according to the 2011 census, make up 13.6 percent of the national population. Scattered all over the country and regarded as the ‘lowest caste’ (or ‘untouchables’) in caste hierarchy, the food they touch is still ‘impure’ for higher cases and they continue to be barred from Hindu temples in parts of Nepal. Sometimes, they may even be murdered.  

On May 23, Nabaraj BK, a Dalit from Jajarkot in western Nepal, and five of his close friends, also Dalits, were chased and beaten, and their injured bodies thrown into a raging river. All of them died. Another 12 friends of BK were injured, at the hands of the ‘high caste’ villagers in Chaurjahari Municipality of Rukum (West) district. BK had planned to elope with his high caste lover and gone to Chaurjaharai with his friends to get her. It turned into the worst nightmare they could have imagined. 

In the ongoing investigation, police have detained 34 suspects for the crime. Yet Dalit activists fear the investigation may not be impartial. “We fear evidences might be tampered with or the investigation might be relaxed if we are not vigilant,” says Pradip Pariyar, executive chairperson at Samata Foundation Nepal, who also identifies as a Dalit Lives Matter activist. “Our team of lawyers and rights activists has visited the incident site and made our own observations. We conclude that this is a premeditated murder fueled by racial discrimination.” 

It is important that the pressure on the government and the judiciary be maintained so that bereaved families can get justice. If the police can sort this out and the perpetrators get punishments that befit their crimes, it will set a strong precedent. It will be a potent show of the state’s intent to wipe out caste-based discrimination. 

At the same time, the state must work more with the NGOs, civil society organizations, and the media to create a new discourse on Dalit empowerment. What are the problems they face and how do we as a society help them deal with them? What kind of message do we give to our youngsters to get them to ditch the discriminatory paths charted by their parents and grandparents? 

It’s a tragedy we have to keep emphasizing that Dalit and Black and Ahmadi and Rohingya lives matter, as if many of us silently believe just the opposite. 

A 21-year-old ‘low caste’ youth is lynched by an unforgiving mob for trying to elope with his lover. Nabaraj BK, a Dalit from Jajarkot, loses his life along with five of his close friends, because he dared love someone from an ‘upper caste’. Another 12 of his friends are injured in the brutal attack, some of them so severely that they are still in trauma and in need of medical attention and psychological counseling.

The incident on May 23, when villagers of Soti in Chaurjahari Municipality, Rukum (West) chased and set upon BK and his friends, was widely misreported at the start, making the intentional murder sound like an accident. But as truth unfolded, it got clearer that young men aged 18-23 did not die by accident.

In the ongoing police investigation involving 34 suspects, some of those detained have admitted to intentional murder and caste-based discrimination.

And what did we do about it? We were outraged. We were distressed. We were embarrassed. But for how long? We shared photos and graphics on social media. We posted #DalitLivesMatter on social media, and we complained of how our society is still casteist and racist. Then we forgot all about the lives lost, the grieving families, and the hurting survivors. While justice is yet to be served, the survivors of this horrific massacre reel under financial burden and live in constant fear.

“We know there is an ongoing investigation, but we also fear evidences might be tampered with or the investigation might be relaxed if we are not vigilant,” says Pradip Pariyar, executive chairperson at Samata Foundation Nepal, who also identifies as a Dalit Lives Matter activist. “Our team of lawyers and rights activists has visited the incident site and made our own observations. We conclude that this is a premeditated murder fueled by racial discrimination.” There are also other reports that speak of evidence tampering and gross negligence on the part of the police and local authorities.

Keep up the pressure

While Pariyar asks for a fair trial and corresponding punishment to the perpetrators, he stresses that Nepal’s legal system is slow, and the “bureaucracy running the show lacks empathy.” In this situation, politically influential sources could favor the perpetrators and influence the decisions of the legal bodies should the trials extend for long.

As it is, ruling party leaders, including Janardan Sharma and Home Minister Ram Bahadur Thapa, have said that “BK and his friends died when they tried to flee,” without waiting for investigation reports. Dalit rights activists are not satisfied with how the ruling party, supposedly a party of marginalized communities, failed to address this incident in the parliament.

Pariyar urges the supporters of Dalit Lives Matter to keep up the pressure on the government and the judicial system. “We should make this a representational incident that shows that caste-based discrimination still exists in our society and press forward against all kinds of discriminations,” Pariyar adds.

Says entrepreneur and social media activist Shree Gurung, “While we continue to show our displeasure against this incident on social media, we should also start talking about racism and casteism in our own families. Gurung, who is facilitating a support group to help the cause of Dalit Lives Matter in coordination with Samata Foundation Nepal and other Nepali individuals living in Nepal and abroad, adds: “Be it your parents or elders or relatives or seniors, if they discriminate against other people, call them out.”

The group, which has both Gurung and Pariyar, has decided on a plan on continued advocacy against racial discrimination. Along with collecting and facilitating relief for victims and their families, the group will continue to disseminate information on the case, create platforms for discourse among the young generation, produce multimedia including music, videos and documentaries for awareness, and archive important information for further use.

‘Fake news’ abound

Bhim Bahadur Singh, a Kantipur journalist and activist based in Khalanga, Jajarkot, also stresses the importance of collecting and disseminating correct information. Singh has been a major source of information and relief distribution facilitator for this scribe. On their first conversation on June 8, Singh pointed out how local media as well as influential people had diverted the flow of information to suit the perpetrators’ narratives. ‘Fake news’ and rumors had spread across the region and then the whole country, dividing people’s opinions on the matter.

“The police have taken 34 people into custody and charged them with homicide, attempted homicide and caste-based discrimination and untouchability,” Singh informs over the phone from Jajarkot. “As of June 17, nine of them have already been interrogated.” Singh speaks about the ongoing protests by family members against the victims’ autopsy reports that show drowning as the cause of deaths. Family members are accusing foul play and tampering of evidence. “The protests had taken a violent turn yesterday when the police charged at the families and supporters with batons. Even I got hurt in the scuffle,” Singh adds. “The protests are to be peaceful today.”

As the Covid-19 pandemic creates new problems every single day, the issue of racism might not get the priority it deserves. But as most activists say, identifying and addressing these issues at home might be a good start.

Why are the urban Nepali youths taking to the streets amid the Covid-19 crisis?

Those in power espy conspiracies behind the ongoing youth protests that kicked off on June 9. On that day, around 500-600 people, most of them youths, had gathered near the prime minister’s official residence in Baluwatar to vent their ire at the government’s mishandling of the Covid-19 crisis and reports of rampant corruption in the name of pandemic control.

They were gathered there peacefully, and were maintaining social distance while doing so. Yet the police used force to disperse them as they were in violation of the lockdown rule stipulating that no more than 25 people may gather at one place. The pictures of peaceful protestors being hosed down by water canons and being carted off in police vans had the predictable effect of instigating further protests.

“It can be taken as a new civil society movement of intellectual youths who are not associated with any political party,” says political analyst Shyam Shrestha. “They are helping expose government inefficiencies in the handling of the Covid-19 crisis.” For him, the protests hint of a sizeable youth population that is away from day-to-day politics but is closely following what’s happening in the country. The slogan ‘Enough is enough’ reflects, in his view, the increasing intolerance of the youths with government incompetence and corruption in this time of national crisis. “The youth agendas are logical and valid,” Shrestha adds.

Among the protestors’ demands: transparency in the government expenses on Covid-19 control including on the purchase of medical supplies, improving the state of quarantine facilities, and increasing the frequency of PCR testing. Notably, they not only criticize the government but also appreciate its efforts to bring back the lost territories of Kalapani, Lipulekh and Limpiyadhura.

Shame on Congress

The young protestors have hit the streets at a time the Nepali Congress (NC) has been panned for its ineffective role as the main opposition. The party has been limited to issuing press statements instead of doing anything substantial to make the government answerable. “These agenda should have been raised by the NC as an opposition party,” adds Shrestha. He says the new movement “is a slap on the face of Congress leaders and signals the emergence of a new opposition.” According to him, the government has failed to handle the pandemic despite no dearth of resources.

Pradeep Poudel, a youth NC leader, sees the current movement as a sign that even the supposedly apolitical youths are fully aware of the country’s situation. “In the past, youth wings of opposition parties used to take to the streets to protest government wrongdoing. This time another force has taken up the mantle,” he says. The agenda raised by these youths are genuine, he reckons. “The government cannot dismiss their impartial demands.”  

Outside Kathmandu, there have been protests in Pokhara, Biratnagar, Birgunj, Hetauda, and Biratnagar. Small-scale protests have also been held in various district headquarters. Refuting claims of its involvement, the Bibeksheel Party has clarified that its members have been involved only on an individual basis. During the protests, some Bibeksheel Party leaders were seen on the streets.

The protests had started at the initiative of a Facebook group named ‘COVID-19, Nepal: Enough is Enough’, which quickly grew from a couple of hundred to around 200,000 members in a matter of a week. “We do not have any political motive. When the government addresses our demands, we will stop protesting and return to our normal lives,” says Bibash Pokharel, a protestor. “It was the government mishandling of Covid-19 that prompted us to come to the streets.”

No stopping us

The youths are outraged by the inefficiency seen in managing the pandemic, and have charged the government of wasting five months without doing anything substantive. “The government has been unable to ensure good quarantine facilities, and the management of the people returning from abroad has been an absolute mess,” he adds. Pokharel and his fellow protestors reckon the prime minister’s remarks in the parliament downplaying Covid-19 risks worsened the situation.

There are concerns such as mass gatherings could lead to an alarming growth in the number of Covid-19 cases, and the government has urged protestors not to organize them. It provisioned for a fine of up to Rs 600 or up to six months in jail for those found violating lockdown rules. Leaders and cadres of the ruling Nepal Communist Party claim the protests are aimed at toppling the government.

Paurakh Karki, another youth protestor, responds that they have no interest in politics. “We just want to do away with pervasive corruption.” he clarifies. “It is not government change but social change that we seek.”

The youth activists we talked to said that the protests would continue so long as they didn’t see tangible improvements in the state’s handling of the Covid-19 pandemic.