Submit your Article

 Many women in rural Jhapa, the south-east­ernmost district of Nepal, hide uterine and sex­ual problems, lest they have to face discrimination from their family and society at large. They fear their hus­bands would look for another wife, neighbors would taunt them and people would not eat the food they touch, if they come to know about these illnesses. “My vaginal discharge smells so foul that I sometimes have to change my clothing twice a day. When I told my husband about it, instead of taking me to the hospital, he got another wife. Many women in my village do not talk about their problems fear­ing they would have to share my fate,” says a 30-year-old woman from Gauriganj rural municipality. She is yet to get any treatment.

Another 40-year-old woman of Kachankawal suffers from a similar problem. For several months, she has been getting stomach aches, discharging a foul-smelling fluid from her vagina and having difficulty urinating. And she does not feel like eating because of the pain. But she has not told her family and husband about her problem. She fears that if her family finds out, they might mistreat her and not eat what she cooks. “That would be a matter of huge shame. It’s much better this way. All I have to do is bear this pain,” she says.

These women are not aware that these problems can be cured if treated on time. Yet no organization or local level government body has launched an awareness cam­paign on this.

There are health posts in the village but women fear that others would know about their health problem if they go there. One of them says, “There are many people from the village who visit this health post, and it is certain that we would meet someone from our village there. If one person finds out about our condition, they would tell other people and soon the whole village would know.”

Teenage pregnancy and problems

Generally women are able to give birth when they reach the age of 20. But in the south­ern part of Jhapa, girls usu­ally get married when they are around 16. By the time they are 19, they have a child. Health workers say pregnancy at such a young age can lead to reproductive and other health problems.

Bishnu Bhattarai, an aux­iliary nurse midwife at Kachankawal rural munici­pality, says many men seek employment abroad once they have a baby and women hide their problems because they may not have anyone close to share them with. The problem is so bad that only if we go and ask women personally will some of them talk about their illness,” she says. Bhattarai adds that many rural women have sexual problems.

Health workers in Jhapa claim it’s hard to conclude women from which age group suffers most from these prob­lems. Dr Jaya Kumar Thakur, an obstetrician at the Mechi Zonal Hospital, says, “Some show signs of uterine diseases when they are around 25. Oth­ers reveal it only when they reach 70.”

Urban women get treated

Between 20 and 25 women visit the Mechi Hospital every day seeking treatment for sexual diseases, says Dr Thakur. Most of them are from urban areas. Doctors say that sexual diseases get severe if not treated early. Awareness programs on sex­ual and uterine diseases in rural areas would be useful, he adds.

North Korean dictator Kim Jong-un was spotted with a $12,000 Portofino Automatic at a recent missile launch. The timepiece was ill-fitting on the leader of a country whose average citizen is lucky to earn a tenth of its price in a year. Of the total revenue North Korea collects from its impoverished citizens in taxes, it spends a quarter (perhaps more) on nuclear weapons—and bling for its Supreme Leader.But no amount is enough for the country’s burgeoning WMD program. The United Nations last week came out with an investigative report on how North Korea supports its nuclear weapons program by hacking into and stealing from online accounts of international banks and financial institu­tions—to the tune of some $2 billion already.

The UN is looking into at least 35 cases in 17 countries, excluding Nepal, of North Koreans using cyberattacks to raise money for its nuclear program. According to the Associated Press, South Korea was hardest hit, the victim of 10 North Korean cyberattacks, followed by India with three attacks and Bangladesh and Chile with two each. The 13 countries suffering one attack each were Costa Rica, Gambia, Gua­temala, Kuwait, Liberia, Malaysia, Malta, Nigeria, Poland, Slovenia, South Africa, Tunisia and Vietnam.

Even though the UN report does not mention Nepal, in 2017, cyber-attackers from North Korea had hacked into the computers of NIC Asia Bank, from which they siphoned off Rs 40 million. Other North Korean hacking attempts in Nepal have been less successful. But after recent incidents of North Korean cyber attacks around the world, the Nepal Police has now put Nepali BFIs on ‘high alert’.

This is an old game. Nearly isolated from the rest of the world, the North Korean state has to somehow finance itself. This it does by operating illicit businesses (mostly restaurants managed by its proxies) abroad. It also runs shady IT compa­nies in various countries.

Following extensive US pressure, the two IT companies that were being run by North Korean nationals in Kathmandu were shut down early this year. Yet knowledgeable sources say that although the two offices no longer exist officially, they continue to operate clandestinely. Likewise, the NK-op­erated hospital in Damauli, Tanahun was reportedly closed. Yet hospital management says the closure is only temporary. Senior government officials have apparently asked the North Koreans in Nepal to lie low for the moment. Even though the communists running Nepal may ‘feel the pain’ of their North Korean comrades, they know they can ill afford to flout inter­national obligations. But nor do they want to be seen as easily caving in to the demands of the ‘imperialist Americans’.

They thus play a double game. While there used to be explicit promises of protection of North Korean business interests in the country, government authorities have closed their eyes now. No more visas for North Koreans. The old ones are not being renewed either. But that is as far as they will go. Meanwhile, the risks to the country’s businesses and state institutions continue to mount.

In the last nine years, 20 Nepali children have been taken to six countries for adop­tion, according to government records. However, statistics from those six nations show that 157 Nepali children have been adopted by their citi­zens. Where have the other 137 gone? This means that Nepali kids are being smug­gled out of the country.

The government has been sending children to 18 nations for adoption. Six among them—Denmark, France, Norway, Canada, Switzerland and the US—submit the list of Nepali kids adopted by their citizens to the Hague Confer­ence on Private International Law (HCCH). The data they have submitted reveal that 157 Nepali children have entered those nations as foster kids since 2010.

According to the Nepal gov­ernment data, 82 children have been sent to the other 12 countries for adoption since 2010. But since this number cannot be independently ver­ified, it is unclear how many Nepali children have actually been taken out of the country.

How did they go abroad?

Before 2010, adoption rules and procedures were not as stringent as they are now. But now that the government has tightened the rules, an increasing number of Nepali children are being smuggled out of the country. The then Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare formed a separate committee to man­age and implement the proce­dures for sending Nepali kids for adoption abroad. In 2009, Nepal also signed the Hague Convention on the Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect of Intercountry Adoption.

Formally adopting a Nepali child can be costly. Foreign nationals wishing to adopt a Nepali child have to first pur­chase a form for $300 and pay $3,000 in processing fees if their application is accepted. Finally, they have to pay $5,000 to Bal Mandir, the chil­dren’s home in Kathmandu that takes care of orphans and from where the kids are adopted.

Lochan Regmi, a former officer at the Central Children Welfare Board (CCWB), says he cannot explain the discrep­ancy in numbers. “We do not have information on children being illegally taken out of the country,” he says.

Some child-rights activists allege that staff at Bal Mandir and other similar organiza­tions are involved in smug­gling children. “They do so because they can earn more than Rs 2 million if they can send kids abroad without going through proper govern­ment procedures,” claims Pra­bin Silwal, an activist.

Mohana Ansari, a member of National Human Rights Commission, says underhand dealings are responsible for Nepali kids being smuggled out of the country. “There are quite a few instances of chil­dren being sold by their own relatives. Many parents try to send their child abroad. How will the government have these statistics then?” she questions. She adds that the number of Nepali kids being sold abroad seems to have increased after the peace pro­cess. “The government should play a strong role to discour­age such practice, but it has been unsuccessful so far,” she says.

Children who get lost are not found

Every year, around 6,000 children are reported missing in Nepal. Only about 1,000 are found; it is likely that some of those who are not found are smuggled abroad. Inspec­tor Mohan Bikram Dahal at the Children Search Coordi­nation Center says that par­ents do not inform the police when their missing child is found, so the statistics may not be correct. He adds that due to the open border with India, many Nepali chil­dren go there easily and do not return.

After the disastrous 2017 parliamentary polls, Nepal’s Grand Old Party, the Nepali Congress (NC), has been going through a deep leadership crisis. Soon after the election debacle, there were strong voices in the party in favor of an impromptu General Convention to elect new leadership. Youth leaders in particular are of the view that the current leadership can no longer run the party well, hence the need for new leadership to revitalize it.

After continuous inside pressure, a Central Working Committee (CWC) meeting this week decided to initiate the process of holding the convention within a year. The pressure came mainly from senior leaders Ram Chandra Poudel, Krishna Prasad Sitaula and Shekhar Koirala. Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba has been facing the heat for failing to transform the party’s structure into a federal setup and to play an effective role as the head of the main opposition party in the parliament.

As part of the preparations for the 14^th General Convention, the CWC has decided to alter the party’s organizational structures into interim structures appropriate for the federal setup. As per an agreement, a CWC meeting in the second week of December will prepare a specific timeframe for the convention. Similarly, the party is all set to start the process of renewing active membership.  

This means that the race for party presidency has well and truly begun. Congress leaders believe there will be new alignments in the lead-up to and during the convention. At the 13^th GC, there were three factions led by Deuba, Poudel and Sitaula, an arrangement which has continued till date. Senior leader Shekhar Koirala has not taken any side but is preparing to fight for party presidency himself.

Changing face

Youth leaders think that the current leadership—which not only means Deuba but also other senior leaders like Poudel, Sitaula and General Secretary Shashank Koirala—cannot effectively lead the party in the face of a strong Nepal Communist Party which has a near two-thirds majority in the House. “We have high respect and love for our incumbent leaders, but it’s clear that they cannot reform the party. The public will no longer accept them as the party’s face. A change is the need of the hour,” says Congress youth leader Gagan Thapa.

Many party leaders believe an ordinary leadership cannot take the party into the next set of elections, and that it needs charismatic leaders who can communicate with the people with a powerful message. While some think young leaders like Thapa can play that role, the old generation leaders are unlikely to accept his leadership. The NC, many believe, is therefore going through the worst leadership crisis in its seven-decade history.

According to a CWC member, completely displacing the incumbent leadership in a party like the Congress is not possible. Leaders and cadres have a hierarchical mentality; they think youth leaders should wait until the older generation retires. “The NC has leaders who have emerged from a long struggle, served jail terms and are totally dedicated to the party. They are not ready to hand over leadership to the new generation easily,” says Puranjan Acharya, a political analyst and a close observer of Congress politics.

Deuba seems to be in no mood to give up his claim to party leadership in the next GC though. He has publicly said that he would take rest only after elevating the party’s position in national politics. “The party lost the last elections badly while Deuba was its president. He does not want to retire with the tag of an incompetent party president,” said a leader close to Deuba.

Divided he wins

Despite his unpopularity among the youths and criticism by rival factions, Deuba maintains a strong hold on the party’s organizational base. So he is likely to emerge victorious in the next GC if multiple factions fight for presidency.

There is talk of an anti-Deuba alliance in the Congress, but it is unclear how or whether it will happen. Poudel, who claims to be senior to Deuba, complains he is always relegated to second position in the party. Poudel’s several attempts to become prime minister and party president have been unsuccessful. He was defeated by Deuba in the race for party presidency at the 13^th convention. Poudel’s faction is weaker but is in the limelight because of the presence of popular youth leaders such as Gagan Thapa and Pradeep Poudel. The senior leader has confided to his close aides that he wants to lead the party once and then retire. He wants all leaders in the anti-Deuba camp to support him in his bid for party presidency. 

Not everyone will oblige. Shekhar Koirala has been making preparations to stake his own claim on party presidency, although leaders from the Poudel faction, such as Prakash Man Singh, Ram Sharan Mahat and Arjun Nara Singh KC, argue that Shekhar is a junior leader in terms of his active party politics.

“That argument makes me sad. I accept that I am junior. But what is the status of the party that is now being led by seniors? I respect them. But the logic that juniors cannot fight for presidency is unacceptable,” Koirala told APEX. 

Though they have their differences, three members of the Koirala family—Shekhar, Shashank and Sujata—seem to have come together in the past couple of years. But it is still unclear whether Shashank will support Shekhar. Shashank has not yet given any clues about his plan; he has only spoken broadly about the need for a change in party leadership.

Which seems possible only if everyone decides to gang up against Deuba. Shekhar is trying to incentivize Gagan into supporting him by offering him the post of General Secretary. Shekhar claims that if Gagan and his young supporters back him, he would completely hand over party leadership to youth leaders at the 15^th convention. The Koirala family, because of BP’s legacy, still enjoys considerable support; despite limited leadership skills and lack of a clear agenda, Shashank Koirala was elected General Secretary at the 13^th GC by a wide margin.

Deuba believes it would be easy for him to win party presidency if there are multiple candidates. So he will try to prevent a possible gang-up against him, according to a senior party leader.