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The framers of modern India had this pacifist streak. The foreign policy visions of Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Jayaprakash Narayan were colored by Gandhi’s own brand of non-violence. Nehru, independent India’s first prime minister who also held the foreign affairs portfolio, and Gandhi’s mentee, frequently talked of the need for a ‘world government’. He believed the world’s division into competing military blocks, each with its own nuclear arsenal, was a herald to an apocalypse; only a global government could create conditions for peace, and save the planet. Peace and brotherhood were the answers to the global problems, not wars and arms.

As Dhruva Jaishankar of Brookings India points out, this kind of idealism of democratic India’s founding fathers was also self-serving. They were all too aware of the limitations of their dirt-poor country and knew that it was in no position to assert itself either economically or militarily. Preaching homegrown non-violence and morality-based foreign policy was comparably easier. In order to assert itself on the global state, India thus took the initiative to organize the 1955 Bangdung Conference that brought together 29 independent African and Asian countries. Nepal took part, too, in what was the precursor to the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM).

The NAM was another handy tool for big countries like India and Indonesia to quietly pursue their economic and strategic objectives without coming afoul of the Americans or the Soviets. India’s role in the NAM was dubious from the start. It was supposedly neutral on all important global issues; but practically, it was all but aligned with the USSR. Under the cover of NAM and non-violence, it also quietly went about creating an ‘exclusive sphere of influence’ in South Asia. As Jaishankar hints, the stronger that India gets militarily and economically, the more comfortable it could feel in ditching its non-aligned and pacifist miens.
But NAM served not just India. On the face of an overbearing India, creeping communism from the north, and a hegemonic US, a small, underdeveloped country like Nepal found it useful too. Nepal’s leaders too expressed an undying faith in ‘non-violence’, ‘non-interference’ and ‘mutual coexistence’—even as they repeatedly sided with this or that big power to serve their interests. King Mahendra was an expert at leveraging the Americans and Chinese interests in Nepal to buttress his populist anti-India image. Much later, KP Oli could romp home to an unprecedented electoral victory by cozying up to China in his supposed bid to maintain the small country’s absolute sovereignty.

The Oli government still professes to abide by the Panchasheel, the NAM’s bedrock principle, as it looks to expand its global footprint. Again, from the start, a focus of NAM countries has been to maximize their geostrategic options, even as the platform gave them a convenient, pacifist cover. Big powers had their own calculus. India has never abandoned its goal of maintaining exclusivity in South Asia. China, a NAM observer state, meanwhile, wants to be the next superpower by pursuing its own, ‘unique’ political course. The US wants its old sway intact, including in South Asia. What better way for Nepal to pursue its interests in this crowded field than by continuing to parrot the sonorous non-alignment mantra?

The leaders and cadres of the Netra Bikram Chand Biplab-led Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist, which has been labelled a criminal group and banned, are helping villagers with farming activities in different parts of Kalikot district. Members of the ‘underground’ party who were previosuly barely seen in the public have now started appearing in the fields of the villagers as a part of their ‘labor donation’ campaign.

The semi-underground members who have otherwise been active in strengthening their organization, claim they are helping the villagers to gain their trust and raise support for the party. The district secretary of CPN Kalikot, Manilal AD (Ranadeep), informs that it is only natural for the party to be helping the farmers and laborers, its main constituencies. “We are with the villagers and helping with all agriculture-related works that are done in a farmer’s household in the monsoon season,” says Manilal.

The campaign of contributing manual labor was started following the party’s central committee meeting. The meeting also decided on making the campaign more effective for the party’s growth. Party officials are busy helping villagers in the fields in remote areas of Palata, Pachaljharana, Raskot, Sanni Triveni and Narharinath rural municipalities of Kalikot district. “Following the party decision, we have been helping famers in these villages with corn and paddy plantation as well as with other farming-related tasks,” says Manilal.

‘Sahashi’, a central committee member of the Dalit Mukti Morcha close to CPN, also says it is natural for his party to help farmers in any way it can. He also dismisses claims that the Biplab-led CPN cadres are underground. “The people’s party cannot be too far from the people,” he adds.

People’s representatives under target
The CPN cadres have marked people’s representatives as their main target. This is confirmed by Shital Bista, the Bheri-Karnali organizer of the youth organization affiliated with the CPN. “Corrupt people’s representatives in the area are our target,” he says. “We will honor the representatives doing honest work but for those involved in bribery and corruption, the party will punish them. We are getting reports that corruption and irregularities are rampant in local bodies of Kalikot.”

He adds that the youth organization, with the party’s mediation, will investigate all irregularities. Bista alleges people’s representatives of swindling the budgets allocated for different projects. Many of these projects are dysfunctional and most of the money is transferred into their personal accounts, Bista claims. For this reason the party has locked down nine local level offices and 82 ward offices in the district.

Only this month, around 1,200 youth of the 10 districts under the Bheri-Karnali bureau vowed to be watchdogs for government work in the region. The party has also allocated funds to meet the basic expenses of its members who are actively involved in party growth.

KathmanduPushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ has often sought to discredit the government led by his Nepal Communist Party co-chairman KP Oli. Never a patient man, he is in a hurry to be prime minister again. If not, party chairmanship would do. As Oli won’t give up either post easily, Dahal wants to build international pressure for his ouster. He jets off to the US, close Oli aides suspect, for a secret rendezvous with senior American officials, on the handy pretext of getting a treatment for his wife. Dahal wants the Americans to know he will always be more accommodating of the US interests in Nepal (read: Asia-Pacific Strategy) than the ‘pro-China’ Oli can ever be.

Dahal then ensures that the Indian Embassy letter asking the Nepali government not to stop its contingents of fruits and vegetables is leaked online before it comes to the notice of the prime minister. How content must he have felt to make PM Oli helplessly admit of being kept in the dark by his own officials! Dahal’s proxies in the NCP then invite the son of the Venezuelan dictator Nicolas Maduro to Nepal, even as the Venezuelan government is under American sanctions for its anti-democratic activities. With Dahal expertly hiding his tracks, the ‘clueless’ government of Oli is again blamed.

The former Maoist supremo has already alerted the Indian establishment that Oli is merely warming the PM’s seat and it is only a matter of time before he gets his turn. Of course, he had to reiterate this right on the eve of PM Oli’s New Delhi visit to take part in Narendra Modi’s second swearing-in as prime minister. His message to the Chinese is as self-serving: on becoming the prime minister in 2009, he was someone who dared visit China before India. Which other Nepali leader could take such a monumental risk to show his fealty?

Oli knows Dahal is a wily old fox. But so is the blockade-busting prime minister. With Dahal determined to play hardball, Oli is also dilly dallying on a quick settlement of war-time human rights cases. Oli is aware that so long as the peace process is incomplete, Dahal will always have to look over his soldiers whenever he ventures out of the country. Former child soldier Lenin Bista has been quite successful in convincing the Europeans in particular that ex-Maoist commanders like Dahal and Baburam Bhattarai are ‘war criminals’.

Expect a lot of political churn when Chinese President Xi comes to town later this year. The Indians have already gotten a whiff of his prospective visit and they are not pleased. The government, meanwhile, wants to complete homework on at least a few big-ticket projects for President Xi to sign. Till date the Oli government has made no bones about its proximity to China and its wholesale acceptance of the BRI framework. India—ever skeptical of any western presence in its traditional sphere of influence but also increasingly of Chinese inroads here—is still trying to work its modus vivendi on the roles of the two powers in this region. Xi’s visit could just tip the balance in the favor of the Americans.

With the Chinese president’s visit likely to open new fault-lines in Nepali geopolitics, Dahal may soon get to play another of his dirty tricks to boot Oli out of power.

We’ve read hundreds of arti­cles describing the miserable condition of the Maoist guerillas, the state security personnel, and ordinary citizens alike. But not much has been written about the journalists who were tortured, disappeared or brutally murdered during the war, and even less about their families who continue to live with the wounds that may never heal. Children of the slain journalists not only lost a parent but also an opportunity for a hap­py childhood.

With the government paying little attention to these children, an unnamed organization under The Asian Journalist Association has been financing their education since the war ended with the help of funds from the Australian Press Association.

We tried to interview some of these children to find out their current situation and their aspi­rations for the future, but most of them chose to stay mum because of security concerns. Only two were willing to speak on record.

Dev Kumar Acharya and Navraj Sharma were two of the journal­ists murdered during the war. Their children who, despite hav­ing to overcome trauma since a tender age, are still fighting for justice for their families.

Born in Jhapa, Trishna Acharya is the second daughter of Dev Kumar Acharya, who worked in several newspapers like ‘Janaastha’, ‘Janad­isha’, and ‘Swadhin Samwad’. Acha­rya was abducted on 23 July 2002 on the accusation of being a Maoist and his corpse was delivered to the family the following day. “When we got his dead body, his thumbs were mutilated and it was clear that he was hung upside down and tortured for an entire day,” says Trishna. Then began the struggle for her family as they had to face social ostracism and even rape threats. A small cottage industry of light snacks on which the family depended was also seized. Trishna left the village with a traumatized brother, an agonized mother, and a confused elder sister.

Trishna then came in contact with the organization under the Asian Journalist Association which assisted her financially to pursue her studies. She recently com­pleted her Masters of Arts degree from Tribhuvan University with a gold medal. “My father dreamt of becoming a gold medalist and was working on his Master’s thesis just prior to his murder, so I dedicated my medal to him,” says Trishna.

Her case was filed with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in September 2014 with the assistance of the organization itself.

“My family members—and even my nephew—still get threats. All I want now is to regain the identi­ty and dignity that my family lost years ago. I want to be the last girl with a tragic story like mine,” says Trishna.

Born in Kalikot, Sangita is the second daughter of Navraj Sharma, who is considered the first journalist killed during the insurgency. He was the editor of a weekly named ‘Kadam’ and also worked at a radio station. Sharma was well liked in the community and his murder came as a complete shock.

“There was a program in my village from where lots of men including my father were abducted. All were released except my father,” says Sangi­ta. What makes the case more disturbing is the fact that the reason behind the abduction and murder of her father is still unknown. After the passing away of her mother a few years later, Sangita came in contact with the organization which then helped her pursue her studies.

She is currently pursuing a Bachelor’s degree in business management and is in her sec­ond year. She wants to work in the banking sector, but is also considering a career in the civil service. Her two siblings have been taken under the wings of the SOS Children Village at San­othimi where they are pursuing their studies.

Sangita’s case has also been registered with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, but justice has proved elusive so far.

Besides Trishna and Sangita, the organization currently sup­ports 24 other children of con­flict victims. But with the fund­ing from the Australian Press Association coming to an end in 2020, the children’s future is far from secure. “Even when the funding stops, we’ve decided to personally contribute to edu­cate these children,” says one of the two chairmen of the orga­nization, who prefers to work quietly and remain anonymous.

But the question of how long these children can depend on an NGO remains unanswered. The state has a responsibility to take care of thes

We’ve read hundreds of arti­cles describing the miserable condition of the Maoist guerillas, the state security personnel, and ordinary citizens alike. But not much has been written about the journalists who were tortured, disappeared or brutally murdered during the war, and even less about their families who continue to live with the wounds that may never heal. Children of the slain journalists not only lost a parent but also an opportunity for a hap­py childhood.

With the government paying little attention to these children, an unnamed organization under The Asian Journalist Association has been financing their education since the war ended with the help of funds from the Australian Press Association.

We tried to interview some of these children to find out their current situation and their aspi­rations for the future, but most of them chose to stay mum because of security concerns. Only two were willing to speak on record.

Dev Kumar Acharya and Navraj Sharma were two of the journal­ists murdered during the war. Their children who, despite hav­ing to overcome trauma since a tender age, are still fighting for justice for their families.

Born in Jhapa, Trishna Acharya is the second daughter of Dev Kumar Acharya, who worked in several newspapers like ‘Janaastha’, ‘Janad­isha’, and ‘Swadhin Samwad’. Acha­rya was abducted on 23 July 2002 on the accusation of being a Maoist and his corpse was delivered to the family the following day. “When we got his dead body, his thumbs were mutilated and it was clear that he was hung upside down and tortured for an entire day,” says Trishna. Then began the struggle for her family as they had to face social ostracism and even rape threats. A small cottage industry of light snacks on which the family depended was also seized. Trishna left the village with a traumatized brother, an agonized mother, and a confused elder sister.

Trishna then came in contact with the organization under the Asian Journalist Association which assisted her financially to pursue her studies. She recently com­pleted her Masters of Arts degree from Tribhuvan University with a gold medal. “My father dreamt of becoming a gold medalist and was working on his Master’s thesis just prior to his murder, so I dedicated my medal to him,” says Trishna.

Her case was filed with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in September 2014 with the assistance of the organization itself.

“My family members—and even my nephew—still get threats. All I want now is to regain the identi­ty and dignity that my family lost years ago. I want to be the last girl with a tragic story like mine,” says Trishna.

Born in Kalikot, Sangita is the second daughter of Navraj Sharma, who is considered the first journalist killed during the insurgency. He was the editor of a weekly named ‘Kadam’ and also worked at a radio station. Sharma was well liked in the community and his murder came as a complete shock.

“There was a program in my village from where lots of men including my father were abducted. All were released except my father,” says Sangi­ta. What makes the case more disturbing is the fact that the reason behind the abduction and murder of her father is still unknown. After the passing away of her mother a few years later, Sangita came in contact with the organization which then helped her pursue her studies.

She is currently pursuing a Bachelor’s degree in business management and is in her sec­ond year. She wants to work in the banking sector, but is also considering a career in the civil service. Her two siblings have been taken under the wings of the SOS Children Village at San­othimi where they are pursuing their studies.

Sangita’s case has also been registered with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, but justice has proved elusive so far.

Besides Trishna and Sangita, the organization currently sup­ports 24 other children of con­flict victims. But with the fund­ing from the Australian Press Association coming to an end in 2020, the children’s future is far from secure. “Even when the funding stops, we’ve decided to personally contribute to edu­cate these children,” says one of the two chairmen of the orga­nization, who prefers to work quietly and remain anonymous.

But the question of how long these children can depend on an NGO remains unanswered. The state has a responsibility to take care of these children who have already suffered so much.