Two divided houses

The Nepal Communist Party is now a formidable political entity, with absolute hold over the federal government as well as six of the seven provincial govern­ments. It also controls most local level units. And yet it is a divided house. Although it has been a year since the CPN-UML and the CPN (Maoist) formally united, old divi­sions have been hard to bridge. The trust deficit between the leaders from the two former parties remains strong. And even senior leaders in the ex-UML party suspect Co-chair­man and Prime Minister KP Oli of striving to cut them to size ahead of the next general convention.

 

According to insiders, Oli wants to maintain the status quo to retain his hold. “Of the 45 stand­ing committee members, 13 are hardcore Oli supporters who are either in government or in top par­ty positions. Oli does not want to change this favorable setup,” says a senior NCP leader, requesting anonymity. Other senior leaders like Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Madhav Nepal and Jhalanath Khanal would like to tweak this status quo to their own advantage going into the general convention.

 

If the divisions within the NCP are largely the product of party unification, those within the Nepali Congress have older origins. After the passing of Girija Prasad Koirala in 2010, no single leader has been able to command the party well. Current Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba has lost the trust of the par­ty’s rank and file following a humiliating defeat in the 2017 elec­tions under his watch. The 73-year-old Ram Chandra Poudel still har­bors hopes of getting to lead the party, if not the country, by outwit­ting Deuba. Challenging them for party leadership will be the Koirala faction that continues to believe in the “natural right” of a Koirala to lead the NC.

 

But no top NC leader “seems keen on reforming the party in terms of ideology and organiza­tional structures,” says Puranjan Acharya, a political analyst who closely follows the NC’s internal dynamics. “They only want to appoint their near and dear ones in key posts to strengthen their hold.” As in the NCP, so in the NC.

 


 

 Race to the bottom

 

 Both the ruling Nepal Communist Party and the main opposition Nepali Congress are beset by troubling internal disputes that don’t augur well for the two parties or for the country

 

Power tussles continue to hinder unity of the ruling communist party

 

 On the first anniversary of the formal merger between the CPN-UML and the CPN (Maoist), intra-party rift in the uni­fied Nepal Communist Party (NCP) has further widened as rival fac­tions grapple to cement their hold.

 

Due to the tussle between the three main party factions—led by Prime Minister and Co-chair­man KP Sharma Oli, senior leader Madhav Kumar Nepal and Co-chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ respectively—press­ing unification issues are yet to be resolved. Other senior leaders such as former Prime Minister Jhala Nath Khanal, Bam Dev Gau­tam and Narayan Kaji Shrestha are also displeased at what they see as their systematic sidelining.

 

The likes of Yogesh Bhattarai and Ghanashyam Bhusal are also publicly criticizing party leader­ship for its supposed failure to maintain internal democracy. But there is essentially a three-way competition among Oli, Dahal and Nepal as other leaders do not have much hold in party structures to challenge them ahead of the par­ty’s next General Convention.

 

According to insiders, Oli wants to maintain the status quo to retain his hold. “Out of 45 standing com­mittee members, 13 are hardcore Oli supporters who are either in government or in top party posi­tions. Oli does not want to change this favorable setup,” says a senior NCP leader, requesting anonym­ity. “Right now PM Oli’s only goal is to keep Dahal happy so as to forestall any problem in govern­ment functioning,” says the leader. There is also a lack of coordina­tion between the party and the government. Further, Oli wants to weaken other factions by picking leaders close to him in district- and local-level structures.

 

Now, it seems that there is con­vergence of mind between Oli and Dahal on party- and govern­ment-related issues. Dahal’s first plan is to gradually amass power both within the government as well as in the party by appeasing Oli. So he supports all of Oli’s deci­sions without consulting other party members, says a leader. However, the real test of Oli-Dahal bonhomie will come only after a year and a half because there has been a ‘gentleman’s understand­ing’ between the two leaders to share power after two and a half years of government formation. Dahal will then seek the post of either party chairman or prime minister, say leaders.

 

 Other senior NCP leaders are also displeased at what they see as their systematic sidelining

 According to insiders, Oli wants to maintain the status quo to retain his hold

 

Another game Dahal is playing, according to leaders, is creating distance between Oli and Madhav Nepal. “When Dahal meets Nepal he talks about Oli’s monopoly and when he meets Oli he advises him to be firm and bold,” says a senior leader close to Nepal. To take over party leadership or government, Dahal needs either complete sup­port of the Oli faction or support from the leaders of both the Nepal and Oli factions.

 

The Madhav Kumar Nepal-led faction, however, is struggling to keep its strength intact. This fac­tion believes it will benefit from possible friction between Oli and Dahal. It complains that leaders close to it are deliberately side­lined in party structures, in selec­tion of ministers and in other polit­ical appointments. When the par­ty’s Standing Committee picked the province in-charge, assistant in-charge, chairman and secre­tary, Nepal had registered a note of dissent.

 

So, the only priority of the Nepal faction is to keep its posi­tion intact because there are fears that Oli and Dahal could poach its leaders. This faction is closely watching the unfolding Oli-Dahal dynamics. Of the 77 districts, the Nepal faction commands almost half the districts committees. A leader from the Nepal side says his faction is no threat to Oli and the real threat to the prime minister comes from Dahal.

 

NCP Central Committee member Bishnu Rijal says discussions are underway to manage differences but there is still a lot of uncer­tainty. “The main problem is that top leaders accepted big respon­sibilities after party unification but then failed to carry out those responsibilities,” he says. “Due to mismanagement, even the prov­ince-level committees are not func­tioning effectively,” he adds.

 

Last year on May 17, the two parties had decided to unify after their successful electoral alliance. Besides pending organizational issues, a political document out­lining party ideology is yet to be settled owing to differences between the former UML and the Maoists. In the initial months, the UML was not ready to recog­nize the ‘people’s war’. Later, it was mentioned in the political document but differences over the exact wording remain. It has been more than six months since the document was finalized and submitted to the two co-chairmen. Similarly, the taskforce formed to resolve unification disputes was dissolved, and the final word on the merger was left for Dahal and Oli to decide.

 

 The ‘Grand Old Party’ in no less of a mess

 

 The main opposition Nepali Congress, which is supposed to question the government and hold it to account, is also mired in internal disputes.

 

The seed of animosity among party President Sher Bahadur Deuba, senior leader Ram Chandra Poudel and Krishna Prasad Sitaula was sown after the party’s humiliating defeat in the 2017 parliamentary elections. And differences between them con­tinue to grow. The rift, according to leaders, has serious repercussions. Soon after the elections, both the Poudel and Situala camps had urged Deuba to take moral responsibility for the defeat and step down. Deuba did not pay heed.

 

First, the party has failed to play the role of effective opposition in the parliament. There are no dis­cussions and preparations in the party about taking a uniform and consistent position on key national issues. Leaders cite certain examples to highlight the party’s chaotic state. When the government struck the 11-point agreement with secessionist leader CK Raut, NC Spokesperson Bishwa Prakash Sharma and party President Deuba welcomed it. The very next day, the party changed its position and there were separate versions coming from top leaders.

 

Similarly, when the government decided to ban the activities of the Biplab-led Maoist party, NC Presi­dent, while speaking with reporters in Biratnagar, welcomed the deci­sion. Later, the party urged the gov­ernment to resolve the issue through talks. These two instances clearly show that the party is divided and struggling to make its stand clear on key national issues.

 

Second, as the largest opposition party, the NC has failed to bring other parties outside the government together to exert pressure on the government to correct its mistakes. There is no coordination among party leaders on how to play an effec­tive role in the parliament. Third, strengthening the party organization is the need of the hour but that is not happening; instead the rift at the top is percolating to the grassroots level, affecting party functioning.

 

Verbal wars between top lead­ers have escalated too. A few weeks ago, party President Deuba publicly said that Shekhar Koirala does not have ‘any status’ in the party, warning him not to speak against him. In response, Koirala said he was born in a family with solid political culture and would not stoop to Deuba’s level.

 

“None of its top leaders seems keen on reforming the party in terms of ideology and organiza­tional structures. They only want to appoint their near and dear ones in key posts to strengthen their hold,” says Puranjan Acharya, political ana­lyst who closely follows the NC’s internal dynamics.

 

There was a tussle among rival factions over the appointment of the party’s disciplinary committee. Lately, disputes have surfaced over appointments to the Kendriya Karya Sampadan Samiti, a party committee entrusted with vital decisions in the absence of the Central Working Com­mittee. After a long debate, Deuba, Poudel and Situala have reached a tentative agreement.

 

With the continuing tussle among the three leaders, another senior leader Shekhar Koirala is busy shoring up support for his own likely bid for party president ahead of the next general convention. Of late, leaders from the Koirala family— Shekhar, Shashank and Sujata—are coming closer.

 

Party disputes do not end here. There is growing dissatisfaction among district presidents as well. In the third week of December last year, the party’s Mahasamiti meeting was held in order to resolve intra-party disputes and amend the party statute to adapt to a federal setup.

 

Among others, the Mahasamiti meeting endorsed a provision that all party leaders should be elected from the grassroots level for them to be eligible as general convention representatives. However, the Cen­tral Working Committee rejected the decision and endorsed a provi­sion whereby CWC members would nominate themselves as convention representatives. The CWC meeting took the decision on a majority basis and the Poudel faction registered a note of dissent.

 

Around four dozen district presi­dents have been putting pressure on party leadership to correct this erro­neous decision. “We will launch a signature campaign in all 77 districts to call for a special general conven­tion if our demands are not fulfilled,” says NC leader Madhu Acharya who is coordinating the gathering of the NC district presidents. “We demand inner-party democracy be main­tained and all leaders face party elections to become convention rep­resentatives,” says Acharya.

 

Within one year, the party will have to conduct its 14th general convention to elect new leadership. Deuba is fighting for party president again. Sitaula and Poudel are already in the race. Of late, Shekhar and other members of the Koirala family also seem interested. So there is a sort of competition to discredit each other ahead of the general conven­tion, which is unlikely to stop in the coming days.

A library for convicts

Nanda Ram Jaisi | Jumla  

 It’s surrounded by tall walls with barbed wires on top. The gates are securely locked and guarded by armed police. From inside the rooms of this prison in Jumla dis­trict, all one can see is the sky above. The 84 prisoners here inhabit a different and dark world. No wonder they feel they are like birds in a cage. But ever since the launch of the ‘Books in Prison’ move­ment two months ago, the prisoners have experienced a semblance of freedom and have gotten an opportunity to learn more about the world.

 

This drive that started from Jumla has been launched in all prisons in Karnali province. After a library was set up in the Jumla Prison, inmates have started develop­ing a reading habit, which has helped bring about positive changes in their outlook.

 

Siwani Singh Tharu, a nov­elist, formally inaugurated the bibliotheca on April 6. It was followed by an interaction program where Tharu, some prisoners and a few other speakers shared their expe­riences. “The more we read, the more we want to read,” said Tharu.

 “Studying books not only makes us more informed about various topics but also helps develop positive thinking”

Dal Bahadur Karki, an inmate

 

Deputy Superintendent of Police Sitaram Rijal said that prisoners were becoming more disciplined and urged the inmates to cultivate a fra­ternal spirit. Chief District Offi­cer Durga Banjade requested the prisoners to be content with the services provided by the state and assured them that they would not be mis­treated in the prison.

 

The library in the Jumla Prison has a collection of var­ious genres of books, which means the prisoners can read the ones that interest them. The number of books is steadily growing.

 

Dal Bahadur Karki, an inmate, said, “Studying books not only makes us more informed about various topics but also helps develop positive thinking. We have started find­ing freedom and a whole new world in the books.”

 

 

Binod Shahi, another pris­oner, said he used to find it dif­ficult to spend his days. Now, he feels days pass quickly when he is reading a book. “Although we inmates have committed different crimes in the past, this initiative will help us emerge from our crim­inal mentality and to think positively,” said Shahi.

 

The government has adopted a strategy to reduce the rates of recidivism by instilling discipline and civil­ity in prisoners. Raj Bahadur Mahat, a local civic leader, argues that the future of the prisoners who develop a reading habit is bright when they complete their prison sentence. He underscored the need to take this campaign to all districts of Nepal.

 

On April 6, all other jails in Karnali province inaugu­rated their libraries as well. Libraries were inaugurated in the districts of Surkhet, Dailekh, Salyan, Rukum (Western), Jajarkot, Kalikot and Dolpa. Senior novelist Sanat Regmi, senior novel­ist and storyteller Nayanraj Pandey and poet Nawaraj Parajuli inaugurated the library in the Surkhet Prison. Similary, novelists Yug Pathak (pictured alongside) and Amar Neupane inaugu­rated the libraries in Kalikot and Dolpa respectively.

Whither investment?

One of the big fears going into the 2019 Investment Summit was that there would again be big investment pledges and, again, in keeping with the past, little of the pledged amount would materialize. In the last investment summit in 2017, expres­sions of interest worth $13.74 billion were made, of which only $2.5 bil­lion is going to materialize, accord­ing to the Investment Board Nepal. Even though the IBN is yet to make public the pledges made during the 2019 summit, initial indications are that the summit failed to live up to its potential.

 

Few projects presented during the summit received investment commitments. The govern­ment and the private sector had showcased 50 and 27 proj­ects respectively, worth some Rs 3,468 billion in total. Agree­ments on only 15 projects were signed. They include Business to Business (B2B) agreements by the private sector that were not showcased as potential projects for investment during the summit. Chaudhary Group, a leading cor­porate house in Nepal, alone has signed four agreements that were not in the priority project list that the IBN had unveiled.

 

The lukewarm response from investors is also highlighted by the fact that the IBN is listing even old investment pledges as the outcome of this summit. Among the four agreements signed by the Chaudhary Group, the one with TurkCell was already signed on February 26 during the Mobile World Congress 2019 in Barcelo­na. Similarly, another summit agreement between Hydro Solutions and Yunan Xinhua Water Conser­vancy and Hydro Investment had also already been signed during Prime Minister KP Oli’s visit to China last June.

 

According to former finance sec­retary Rameshwore Prasad Kha­nal, foreign investors are yet to change the way they look at the communist parties. “The Maoists had, in the past, attacked foreign companies like Pepsi, Unilever and others, and trade unions affiliated to that party had threatened inves­tors,” he says. Khanal further says the erstwhile CPN-UML had also failed to clearly articulate its posi­tion on foreign investment.

 


Nepal sought plenty, investors gave little

 

Agreements on only 15 projects was signed in this year’s summit. They include Business to Business (B2B) agreements by the private sector that were not showcased as potential projects for investment during the summit

 

 The government’s two-day Investment Summit ended with only lukewarm response from potential investors. Very few projects showcased during the sum­mit have received investment com­mitments. The government and the private sector had showcased 50 and 27 projects respectively, worth some Rs 3,468 billion in total.

 

The Investment Board Nepal (IBN) has declined to share information about the investment commitments and expressions of interest. In the last investment summit in 2017, expressions of interest worth $13.74 billion were made, of which $2.5 bil­lion is going to materialize, accord­ing to the IBN.

 

Agreements on only 15 projects was signed in this year’s summit. They include Business to Business (B2B) agreements by the private sector that were not showcased as potential projects for investment during the summit. Chaudhary Group, a leading corporate house in Nepal, has signed four agreements that were not in the priority project list that the IBN had unveiled.

 

Maha Prasad Adhikari, CEO of the IBN, says the government has set April 22 as the deadline to file applications. “We have devel­oped criteria to avoid unwanted expressions of interest. To file an application, an investor must have a net worth equivalent to one-third of the total project cost. And those expressing interest must send confirmation within two months,” says Adhikari.

 

The investment summit has drawn flak after the organizers listed the financial closure of the 900-MW Arun III project as an outcome of the summit. Arun III hydel proj­ect is going to be developed by the Indian government-owned Satluj Jal Vidyut Nigam (SJVN) Limited, which has signed agreements with a few Nepali banks to raise loans for the project. However, the Independent Power Producers (IPPs) have said that the government should have encouraged SJVN to raise loans from banks in India or other countries, citing the perennial loan crisis in the Nepali financial markets.

 

“The major objective of invit­ing foreign direct investment is to bring in capital and technology from foreign markets to upscale production and to create more jobs in the country,” says Shailendra Guragain, president of the Indepen­dent Power Producers’ Association Nepal. “When Nepali investors are facing a crisis of loanable funds, it is a pity that the government allows foreign investors to borrow from Nepali banks to finance their proj­ects,” says Guragain.

 

 

Around Rs 500 billion that is being mobilized by Nepali financial institutions is reportedly insuffi­cient for domestic investors. As a result, banks have been facing a loanable fund crisis for the past two-and-a-half years, even as the demand for loans continue to rise. Now, political stability is seen as a sign of improvement in the coun­try’s investment climate.

 

Around Rs 500 billion that is being mobilized by Nepali financial institutions is reportedly insufficient for domestic investors

 

 

 List of agreements

 Company

Project

 

 

 CG - Sarraf Group

Multi modal Logistic Park

CG- Sky Power Global

600-megawatt solar project

CG- TurkCell

5G Mobile Network Service

CG- Province 2 government

Solar Plant

SJVN Limited- Nepal SBI Bank, Everest Bank and Nabil Bank

Arun III Hydel Project

Hydro Solutions- Yunan Xinhua Water Conservancy and Power Investment Company

Kali Gandaki Gorge

SEZ Authority Nepal, Investment Board - International Finance Corporation (IFC)

Simara Special Economic Zone Block ‘B’ & ‘C’

Resource Himalaya Village Resort - Sincere Consultancy

Himalaya Boutique Resort

Non Resident Nepali Association- Govt.

Infrastructure Investment Company

Nepal Warehousing Company- National Collateral Management Services Limited

Grain warehouse

Federation of Contractors’ Association Nepal- MICA, Myanmar

Infrastructure Development Cooperation

Korean South-East Power (KOSEP) Co. Ltd.

216-megawatt Upper Trishuli 1 project

Mothoot Group (Mothoot Finance)

United Finance

Investment Board Nepal- Investment Board of South Africa

Cooperation Agreement

Api Power - Kandel Group

Development of 18-megawatt solar, 98-megawatt hydel project and 10-mega­watt wind energy

 

 

Old wine, new bottle

Of the 15 agreements signed during the recent summit, four were signed by the Chaudhary Group. One of these agreements, with Turk­Cell, was already signed on Feb­ruary 26 during the Mobile World Congress, 2019 in Barcelona, in the presence of Minister for Information and Communication Technology Gokul Baskota. CG signed another agreement with Sky Power Global, whose representatives had visited Nepal last April under the initia­tive of Madhu Kumar Marasini, the erstwhile Consul-General to New York. They had met Finance Minis­ter Yubaraj Khatiwada and Energy Minister Barshman Pun to take for­ward their investment plan worth $1 billion to develop 600 MW of solar power within four years. However, the government has been reluc­tant to accept their proposal, citing insufficient installed hydroelectrici­ty capacity to get to Nepal’s desired energy mix.

 

Similarly, another agreement signed during the summit by Hydro Solutions and Yunan Xin­hua Water Conservancy and Hydro Investment had already been signed during Prime Minister KP Oli’s visit to China last June.

 

Likewise, non-resident Nepalis had proposed an infrastructure company with paid-up capital worth Rs 10 billion in London last year. The Non-Resident Nepali Association (NRNA) has been requesting the gov­ernment to raise around 80 percent of the proposed capital by issuing shares among the Nepali diaspora. However, under Nepali laws gov­erning this matter, 51 percent pro­motor shares are required to set up a company. As per the securities regulation, there is an exception for hydropower companies. The rest of the companies must have booked profit for three consecutive years since the operation to issue shares to the public. The government has signed an agreement with the NRNs without clarifying how it will resolve such legal complexities.

 

Financial closure of the Upper Trishuli-1 Hydel Project has been touted as a fruitful outcome. How­ever, the South Korean developer has proposed to chip in only half the amount in the hedging fund set up by the government to cover the risk of exchange-rate fluctua­tion. In the hydel projects, the gov­ernment, the sole power off-taker Nepal Electricity Authority and the project developer should chip in certain foreign currency as a hedge against exchange-rate fluctuations. The developer has proposed to chip in half the foreign currency and pro­vide free electricity to the NEA that equals the remaining 50 percent of the foreign currency.

 

Losing charm

According to former finance sec­retary Rameshwore Prasad Kha­nal, foreign investors have not yet changed the way they look at the rul­ing Nepal Communist Party (NCP), which was created in 2017 with the merger of the two major communist parties of Nepal. “The Maoists had, in the past, attacked foreign compa­nies like Pepsi, Unilever and others, and trade unions affiliated to that party had threatened investors.” Khanal further says the erstwhile CPN-UML had not clearly articu­lated its position on foreign invest­ment either. But he appreciates the prime minister’s commitment to facilitating and protecting foreign investment. “PM Oli’s speech at the inaugural session of the investment summit has shown the government’s readiness to welcome foreign invest­ment. But first we have to improve our business climate and we should be able to impress investors with our comparative and competitive strengths,” says Khanal.

 

It has been widely reported that the government organized the investment summit in haste, with­out adequate preparation and that the foreign investment-related bills were tabled and endorsed by the parliament without proper discus­sion and public hearings. “American and European investors did not like the way the bills were passed,” says Bimal Koirala, a former chief secre­tary. “The government also failed to attract investors from neighboring India and China because of inade­quate preparations.”

 

Chinese investors were also reluc­tant to sign MoUs. Shengping Zhou, Kathmandu bureau chief at Xinhua News Agency, has cautioned Chinese investors against signing agreements without careful consideration.

Expensive sindoor, cheap life

 Manika Jha, Janakpurdham

 

 “How much is a life worth? Many say it’s priceless. But life for some Madhesi women has become even cheaper than their sindoor (the vermil­ion powder worn by married Hindu women along their hair parting). This is happening largely because of disputes over dowry.

 

Sunita Devi from Birgunj is a recent victim. She endured 15 years of torture for failing to bring ‘adequate’ dowry. She succumbed to her injuries on March 29 at Tribhuvan Uni­versity Teaching Hospital in Kathmandu, where she was brought after she was beaten senseless by her husband Sachitananda Yadav, a medi­cal doctor.

 

Sunita’s family, which hails from Parwanipur in the dis­trict of Bara, spent Rs 2 million to get her married to a doctor. But Yadav’s greed for more dowry was insatiable. He demanded a car and a house from his in-laws, which they could not fulfill. And so tor­ture against Sunita intensified, according to her parents.

 

Rani Sharma Tiwari, a provincial MP, blames educated parents for keeping the practice alive

 

In Janakpurdham, 25-year-old Seema Sharma and her 18-month-old daughter were reportedly poisoned to death in January, because her fam­ily could not meet dowry demands. Seema’s family had given Rs 800,000 in cash, two tolas of gold and a motorcycle so that she could get married to an educated man. But a few years into their marriage, Seema’s life was made hell­ish by her in-laws. The dowry demands kept mounting, and so did the mental and physical torture against Seema, says her aunt Sarita Sharma.

 

The story of 20-year-old Kriti Jha from Dhanusha is similar. Kriti was married to Randhir Mishra, a businessman from Madhubani district in the Indian state of Bihar. Kriti’s family had given Rs 300,000 in dowry. But just four months into their wedding, Mishra’s family started asking for more, and torturing her. “In the end, they killed her,” says Kriti’s brother Rajeev Jha. Kriti’s body was found in a pond in her village in August 2018.

 

On 22 November 2018, 22-year-old Ranjana Sharma from Janakpur, who was studying to be a nurse, was found dead in her own bed. Her husband Ananda Mohan Sharma, who works at Pokhara Hospital, beat her repeatedly because her fam­ily could not meet his dowry demands. (Neighbors say there had been a bad alter­cation between Ranjana and her husband a day before her death.) Ranjana’s family had given a dowry worth Rs 1.8 million to Ananda, but he kept asking for more.

 

Rekha Jha, an advocate, says that although asking for a dowry is a crime, it shows no sign of ending as those involved are socially pro­tected. “So long as the society does not boycott the practice, women will continue to face torture and violence,” she says.

 

Rani Sharma Tiwari, a pro­vincial assembly member, blames educated parents for keeping the practice alive. “Parents whose daughters endure torture due to dowry disputes do not speak up for fear of losing their dignity. Instead they ask their daugh­ters to adapt,” she says.

 

Likewise, Subhadra Ale, who served in the Nepal Police for 17 years and now works to control gender-based violence, says, “It’s mostly women from educated fam­ilies who are the victims of such violence. When a wom­an’s family cannot meet the dowry demands negotiated prior to the wedding, torture against the newly married bride starts. So long as parents offer dowries, the cycle of vio­lence will not stop,” says Ale.