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The just-concluded 14th Nepali Congress General Convention will be best remembered for two reasons: the emergence of Shekher Koirala as a serious contender for party leadership—and the ubiquitous green water-tanks that doubled as ballot boxes. People were left scratching their heads as the CPN-UML, the country’s largest party, had only just successfully employed e-voting to elect its leadership in its general convention. If e-voting was good enough for UML, why wasn’t it for NC?

Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to Neel Kantha Uprety, former chief commissioner of the Election Commission and researcher on elector finance and governance.

What do you think explains the tech-phobia of Nepali Congress?

Even in the previous UML general convention in 2014, electronic voting had been considered before one of its leaders refused to accept it at the last minute. We tried to convince him, but he would not budge. But this time, the party really did switch to electronic voting. I believe Congress must also have considered using the paperless system, but their conservative beliefs stood in the way. They are afraid of technology. This is akin to counting cash by hand even after getting it counted by a reliable machine.

Is there any other reason behind the NC’s reluctance to switch to electronic voting?

The other reason is that politicians and local hooligans can’t tear ballot papers or manipulate the results if all votes are cast electronically. This might be an unpopular but true reason. 

Also read: Rajendra Lingden: No one person or family will direct RPP 

Nepal piloted an electronic voting system in one constituency back in 2008, but why didn’t it continue?

We had brought well-working second-hand machines from India. They were good to use, but due to unavoidable technical complications, we had to stop using them. The machines were designed for fewer candidates than we usually have in Nepal. The software was also not designed for the election system in Nepal. We could have worked on it, but nobody cared to do so.

So our conservative politicians are the hurdle, then?

The latest data shows 38 million mobiles are in use in Nepal—which is more than our population. Most people, even the elderly, have started using smartphones. This proves that we are a technology-friendly country but politicians have been halting our progress. They lack interest, belief, and willpower to start something new. These days, the machines can be customized for just about any election . Politicians fear the instant results machines provide.

National elections are around the corner. Could we switch to e-voting by then?

Before switching to electronic voting in the general election, political parties should normalize the use of machines in their conventions. It would help build public trust. In India also, machines were first used by political parties for their internal elections. And we should re-pilot them by deploying them in a few constituencies across the country this time. When the Election Commission can give results with 100 percent accuracy, everyone will accept it, for sure.

NMB Bank has been awarded the ‘Bank of the Year Nepal’ title for four of the past five years. Most recently, the bank won the ‘The Bank of the Year Asia 2021’ from The Banker magazine, London.

The latter award is regarded as the industry standard for assessing banks across the globe and recognizing the world’s leading institutions. NMB is the first-ever Nepali bank to get this award since its commencement in 2000.

Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to Sudesh Upadhyaya, deputy CEO of NMB Bank, on the bank’s achievements and the prevailing market challenges.

Let’s start with ‘The Bank of the Year Asia’ award. How did that happen?

After 2015, we consistently prioritized three pillars: sustainable banking, digital transformation, and corporate governance. This is the main reason we became the best in Asia. Sustainable banking means we invest in environment-friendly companies by valuing our social responsibilities. We prefer sectors that help communities rather than a few individuals.

We are the frontrunners in terms of many new practices in the Nepali banking sector. For instance, we were the first bank to launch the ‘Omnichannel’ system under which KYC can be processed through video and certain operations can be performed using a messenger, and so on. With Omnichannel, any customer can apply for a loan online, and it will be issued (if the documents are correct) without printing any paper. These are examples of our digital transformation.

We strictly adhere to corporate governance. We treat all stakeholder, shareholder, customer, staff, and other bank-related companies and individuals as equals. On many occasions, our bank has compromised on profit to make people happy.

What is the driving force behind your recent success?

The greatest motivation comes from an appreciation of our work. Thankfully, our stakeholders, shareholders, customers, and others love, enjoy, and most importantly, trust our work. 

What are the core values of your bank?

Integrity, compliance with regulations, customer focus, teamwork, and innovation are our core values, and these things guide, bind, and drive us on the path of success. These values, we believe, are fundamental to defining not only who we are, but also what we do and in what manner we serve.

NMB is a founding member of the Global Alliance for Banking on Values. What are its benefits?

I talked about practicing new systems of sustainable banking, digital transformation, and corporate governance. These values come from the alliance, as this is a team that works to improve the norms, ethics, values, and responsibilities. We learn from international banks and other Nepali banks follow our lead. 

Also read: Daraz: Revolutionizing e-commerce in Nepal 

Now let’s move to market challenges. Nepal Rastra Bank has increased the capital of commercial banks to Rs 8 billion, and most of the banks are overcapitalized.

NRB increased the mandatory figure from Rs 2 billion to 8 billion, which compelled commercial banks to compete. So, they gave lower returns to investors as they were overcapitalized. But, with time, the banks are getting stronger and more stable and they will return their fair share.

The central bank has also intervened on fixed deposit rates. How will it affect the banks?

Again, due to competition, banks had to increase interest on fixed deposits. But after the NRB introduced the protocols, banks were obligated to follow. A few months ago, we had witnessed malpractices, but everything is under control and running smoothly right now.

How do you fight the liquidity crisis?

We are in touch with international brands and because of our policies and goodwill, we have their trust. We can get liquidity from outside the country as well. Similarly, we, along with other banks, are working to convince Nepalis abroad to send money home because remittance, the major source of liquidity, is lower than in the previous years. There have been rumors they send money through illegal channels, so we are working on ways to help them start sending money through formal channels.

Birth: 25 October 1967, Kathmandu 
Death: 12 December 2021, Lalitpur 

For Dr Rajesh Pradhanang, his father, Dr Krishna Bhakta Pradhanang, a homeopathic doctor, was a role model whose footsteps he wanted to follow on.

But this was not the only reason the son wanted to pursue homeopathy. Even though the homeopathic system of medicine had been used in Nepal for at least a century, it had not gained much traction due to the lack of physicians. So, Pradhanang took it as a challenge to establish homeopathy as a respectable profession in Nepal.

As soon as he completed his Intermediate of Science degree from Amrit Science College in 1987, Pradhanang went to India and joined a Diploma in Homeopathic Medicine and Surgery course at Pratap Chandra Memorial Homeopathic Medical College and Hospital.

In the same year, he returned to Nepal with a certificate and started a private clinic. This he did on October 29, the birthday of his teacher, Dr DJ Sutarwala. He also started a free homeopathic dispensary at Thai Kirti Monastery, Kirtipur. 

In 2005, Pradhanang established the Buddha Maitreya Soul Therapy Center in Thamel, which treats maladies with light and music. The treatment is a combination of spiritual and medical healing—the first of its kind in Nepal.

Also read: Dr. Subash Lohani obituary: A spiritual neurosurgeon 

He organized numerous free health and wellness camps in rural areas of Nepal to establish a positive perception about homeopathy and to help people benefit from medical and spiritual practices. Pradhanang was also keen to work in the field of child psychology. He thought children, the future of the nation, should be healthy if the country is to progress.

During the 2015 earthquake, he managed shelter and food for many affected people with the help of different Buddhist institutions and schools.

To spread awareness about the benefits of homeopathy, he also started to write health columns in newspapers, magazines, and run TV shows. Pradhanang’s work has appeared in over two dozen media outlets over the past two decades. Every few years, he used to get an invite from the International Council for Homeopathy to help organize its world conference and to prepare a homeopathic book.

Recognizing his contribution, Nepal Cancer Relief Society and Nepal Orthopedic Hospital had even awarded him.

A couple of weeks ago, Pradhanang and his wife tested positive for Covid-19. They had developed severe symptoms and were rushed to hospital. His wife got discharged after successfully defeating the virus a few days later, but he succumbed. The 54-year-old is survived by his wife, a daughter, and a son.

I am pretty sure that most of you have already watched ‘14 Peaks: Nothing is Impossible’—the Netflix documentary on Nirmal Purja (Nimsdai) about his record-breaking mountain expedition: Project Possible 14/7.

The documentary released on 26 November 2021 has become one of the most watched films of the week on Netflix. It is on the seventh position globally with over 12 million hours of watchtime and received an 8.2 rating on IMDb.

Born in Myagdi to a lower-middle-class family that moved to Chitwan, Purja was surrounded by Gurkha soldiers in the family. He also joined the Brigade of Gurkhas in 2003 and was accepted into the Royal Navy’s Special Boat Service (SBS) in 2009, becoming the first Gurkha to join the elite British unit. He further served in Special Boat Service as a cold-weather warfare specialist and Special Air Service (SAS) unit.

Purja first got into mountaineering in 2012 when he summited Lobuche (6,119m) and Dhaulagiri in 2014. He summited the highest peak in the world, Everest in 2016. Even at this point, he did not think of bidding adieu to the military.

In 2017, he completed the Everest-Lhotse-Makalu summit within five days. “I later realized I could have done it in three days, had I not rested,” he says on the idea of climbing all 14 peaks in the world above 8,000m in less than seven months. The previous record for the same feat was nearly eight years, but he did it in just six months and six days. “A lot of people didn’t believe me at the time when I shared my idea,” he adds.

Also read: Dr Garima Shrestha: A doctor treating social taboos 

For Project Possible 14/7, Nimsdai was accompanied by Mingma David Sherpa, Lakpa Dendi, Geljen Sherpa, and Tensi Kasang, among other mountaineers. They started with Annapurna on 23 April 2019, and on 24 May 2019, they had completed climbing six of the mountains, completing phase I. This time, he broke his own world record by climbing Mt Everest, Lhotse, and Makalu in 2 days and 30 minutes.

The second phase of his project took him to Pakistan where he had to summit five peaks, including the deadly K2 and Nanga Parbat. Nimsdai and his team made another world record by climbing K2 on 24 July 2019—the first-ever winter ascent. Numerous climbers had failed to do so since the first attempt in 1987. Also, he was the only team member to the summit without the use of supplemental oxygen, becoming the first individual to do so in history.

Many other climbers suggested he should halt the project due to unfavorable weather conditions before phase I, but every time, his reply was “Giving up is not in the blood, sir. It’s not in the blood”—which later became a famous dialogue in his documentary.

The last phase started on 23 September 2019. This phase had some real hurdles due to permit issues from the Chinese side to climb Shishapangma, which lies in China. Due to the fall season, China had already closed the expedition for the year but with requests from all over the world, China granted Nimsdai and his team a special permit to scale the mountain on 1 October 2019. And on October 29, the Project Possible 14/7 was successfully completed.

“The project was never about me individually or a race or a community. It was about the limits a human being can push to, and for that, I got support from all over the world,” he says.

Other than the major world record of the fastest ascent of the 14 tallest mountains in the world, Nimsdai broke these Guinness World Record: Most 8000m mountains (six) in the Spring season; most 8000m mountains (five) in the Summer season; the fastest summit of the three highest mountains in the world, Mt Everest, K2, and Kanchenjunga; the fastest summit of the five highest mountains in the world, Mt Everest, K2, Kanchenjunga, Lhotse, and Makalu; fastest bottom 8000m mountains, Gasherbrum I, II, and Broad Peak; fastest consecutive summits of Everest, Lhotse, and Makalu in 48 hours, beating his own previous record of five days.

Even before his legendary world records, Nimsdai was appointed as a Member of the Order of the British Empire (MBE) by Queen Elizabeth II for his outstanding work in high altitude mountaineering on 9 June 2018. This recognition was for his captaincy in the Gurkha Expedition ‘G200E’, which summited Mt. Everest together with 13 Gurkhas to commemorate 200 years of Gurkha service in the British Army on 15 May 2017.

The ‘Unity General Convention’ of the pro-monarchy Rastriya Prajatantra Party elected senior leader Rajendra Lingden as its chairman. The three-day event, held in Kathmandu, saw Lingden defeat Kamal Thapa, who accused former King Gyanendra of interfering in the party’s affairs and lobbying against him.

Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to Lingden about his vision for the party and the challenges he expects in the new political journey.

What do you think will be your major challenges as the new party chair?

Besides internal reforms in management and administration, we will now focus on uniting all forces who share our agenda and sentiments. Although our agenda is extensively popular, our party has been weak, and that’s a cause of concern. So our major challenge will be to win the trust of our well-wishers and supporters.

Is the restoration of the Hindu state and monarchy possible? What if there is a referendum on this?

RPP often raises this agenda, so it looks like we are the only ones interested. But actually, the entire nation wants a Hindu state and monarchy. For instance, you surely have seen a large population participate in different rallies calling for the restoration of the Hindu state and monarchy. It is possible, definitely. We will reinstate monarchy and Hindu state, sooner or later—it is just a matter of time. And if there is a referendum, there is no doubt that our agenda will win.

Also read: Rupak Sapkota: Time has come for a ‘neutral zone of peace’ idea 

Yet your party has been a poor electoral force of late. How will you turn things around?

Yes, our performance in elections has been poor. We have never been so weak in our history. Despite having a large following, we failed to turn them into our vote banks. It is because of our poor mechanisms and strategies. For example, during the general election of 2017, we failed to create a reliable and trustworthy coalition with other parties. Also, among 165 constituencies in the federal parliament, we only contested in five constituencies. Similarly, of the 330 provincial constituencies, we managed to contest only in four places. So our poor showing was not a surprise.

Nirmal Niwas congratulated you on your victory. What is your expectation from the former king and what kind of an obligation would you feel towards him?

There is no such thing as expectation or obligation between us. Our party was not, is not, and never will be directed by any particular person or family. We did not form the RPP according to anyone’s will. We back the agenda of the Hindu state and monarchy as we believe they are the twin pillars necessary to maintain social harmony and unity, not because somebody wants us to take them up. It is nothing but a misconception. I met the former king in a group meeting a few days ago and that was after almost four years.

Your relationship with Kamal Thapa seems to have frozen. Is that a right reading?

First of all, I don’t think our relationship is frozen. Kamal Thapa is my respected senior and I shall initiate talks to keep our relationship healthy (if there is a misunderstanding) because there is no option but to work together. Of course, you will have competition in elections and a loss is something no one wants. His reaction is normal, and things will get better with time.

Birth: 2 March 1977, Arghakhanchi 
Death: 23 November 2021, Rupandehi

During the Maoist insurgency (1996-2006), almost every commander of the party was given a nom de guerre to hide their identity. Ram Prasad Banjade, a man who always wanted to fight autocracy, thus became Comrade Tankamani.

Comrade Tankamani was not overtly involved in the rebel army but rather became a part of its secret missions, many of which are yet to be revealed. Party leaders, even Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda), have talked fawningly about the secret missions led by Tankamani. Those who knew him described him as creative and brilliant.

On the political front, Comrade Tankamani worked as the central representative and the Rupandehi district in charge of CPN (Maoist Center). Previously, he was in the party’s politburo. He is also one of the founding secretaries-general of ANNISU (Revolutionary), the party’s student wing.

In his home town of Butwal, Tankamani was synonymous with ‘Maoists’. He was an ideology-driven character who believed in simple living. Apart from his party members and friends, he was loved by his political opponents and the people of Rupandehi due to his down-to-earth nature. Every day, he used to go to the house of financially weak folks asking if they needed any help. Rather than give them money, he used to provide them opportunities to train and to acquire skills so that they could land decent jobs.

Also read: Janak Lal Vaidya obituary: The first PhD in Nepal Bhasa kavya 

Even though he was one of the top contributors to the party, he had of late been excluded from the central committee, but that didn’t bother him. Rather, he started working tirelessly for the breakaway party’s expansion after the dissolution of the Nepal Communist Party (NCP).

A few months ago, Tankamani established an organization, Sahid Smriti Pratisthan, which was working on a project to build a garden and park in Rupandehi. 

On November 22, he attended a meeting of party members who were either injured or disabled during the Maoist insurgency, in Dang, to assure them that the party and the government would look after them. While returning to Butwal, his motorbike was hit by a bus.

He was rushed to the nearby hospital. He was pronounced dead on November 23. He is survived by a wife, a daughter, and a son.

ANNISU (R), Rupandehi district committee, has vowed to take up Tankamani’s park project, and install his statue there.

The Triangle Conference, an initiative of The Annapurna Express, concluded on a positive note with stakeholders from the government, academia, and economy pledging to collaborate.

During the seven sessions spread over three days, politicians, bureaucrats, academics, private sector representatives, student leaders and other representatives from the three sectors also discussed the gaps in inter-sector communication, their future vision for Nepal, entrepreneurship, leadership, and policy issues. 

“Hearing our role models talk about leadership and nation-building gives us immense motivation,” says journalist Sunita Karki, who attended the conference.

Day I

The first session on national capabilities and necessities had panelists discuss the situation of academia and its link with economic development. The session, moderated by Jagannath Lamichhane, saw the participation of Kewal Bhandari, Secretary, the National Planning Commission. “It is the job of the government to bring out policies to promote the private sector and we are doing that,” said Bhandari. Panelist Sunaina Ghimire Pandey, managing director of General Technology Pvt Ltd, asked the government to establish an exclusive university for the IT sector.

Saurav Karkee, an IT student who attended the conference, agreed with Pandey. “The present and future of the nation depend on IT, so policies must revolve around this sector.”

Also read: The Triangle Conference: Righting the government-academia-business mismatch 

The second session discussed the post-pandemic mental health of youths and the workforce population. Panelists discussed how youths can develop a positive mentality and contribute to the national economy.Hosted by Shreeya Giri, founder of Happy Minds, guests in the session shared their pandemic-related experiences. Comedian Manoj Gajurel, who was infected with Covid-19, said it was his positive mental energy that helped him recover. Similarly, Dr Rishav Koirala, psychiatrist at Grande Hospital said, “We need to teach mental health wellness as a subject in school.” Gajurel further added, “Parents should be aware before making their children aware of mental health wellness.”

The last session of the first day was conducted by Chief Editor of AP1 HD television, Tikaram Yatri. It discussed the role of leadership in nation-building. Dr Sanduk Ruit, senior eye surgeon, said ‘integrity’ was the key thing he expects from his team. “Without a synergy between the team and the leader, development is not possible as the two complement each other,” Kulman Ghising, managing director of Nepal Electricity Authority, said, while agreeing with Ruit.

Day II

The second day started with a panel discussion on the gaps between the needs and expectations of the government, economy, and academia. The session was moderated by ApEx Editor-in-Chief Biswas Baral. During the session, Sohan Sha, a researcher at Martin Chautari accused Tribhuvan University of failing the system and the country. Kusum Shakya, another participant, said, “Political and economic revolution must go hand in hand.”

Bhim Prasad Subedi, chairman of the University Grants Commission, highlighted the need for political consensus to improve the education system.

Also read: The Triangle Conference: Let’s discuss the future of Nepal 

“This session helped me a lot because it talked about the mess that our public universities are in,” says Parbati Dahal, a secondary-level teacher. “I learned that those who should be leading the country are instead taking it backwards.”

As elections are round the corner, ApEx also organized a session on political parties and electoral governance. ApEx Assistant Editor Kamal Dev Bhattarai moderated the panel discussion which had veteran journalist Yogesh Dhakal asking for the source of funds for CPN-UML’s Rs 15 million-general convention. Similarly, Neel Kantha Uprety, former chief election commissioner, said, “Political parties buy their way to power through elections.”

In the same session, Bimala Rai Poudel, a member of the National Assembly, defended lawmakers who won elections under the proportional system. She said, “Not all those elected through PR are corrupt and incompetent.”

Day III

The last day of the conference focused on leadership and the workforce.

The first session moderated by ApEx journalist Pratik Ghimire saw Anjana Bishankhe, member of parliament from CPN (Maoist Center), quote Mao’s definition of leadership. She said, “Leaders are those who are creative and farsighted but they also work with the public.” Devendra Pokharel, founder of Cocina Mitho Chha, asked leaders in all sectors to set examples. Similarly, Dr Tshering Lama of Idea Studio Nepal said, “There is a huge gulf between the confidence and competence in our leaders.”

Also read: AMN launches ‘Unity for Sustainability’ campaign 

The second session, moderated by ApEx Assistant Editor Kamal Dev Bhattarai was named ‘Workforce 2025’. There, the panelists talked about the traits, ideas, characteristics, competencies, concepts of the workforce Nepal needs by 2025.

Dr Jeevan Baniya, a researcher in the same sector, said 84 percent of Nepali workforce are engaged in the informal economy. While Anil Muni Bajracharya said, “We lack demand-side education and also, vocational jobs are highly undervalued in Nepal.”

Pradyumna Raj Pandey, under-secretary at the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development, said, “This kind of program will help all concerned parties to communicate with one another. I wish there would be more representation from the government sector in the days to come as they are the key to change.”

Rupak Sapkota has just ended his tenure as the Deputy Executive Director at Institute of Foreign Affairs (IFA). A Phd in International Relations from Renmin University of China, Sapkota is among Nepal’s most-promising young foreign policy experts with a specialization in security and geopolitical studies. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to him about Nepal’s changing foreign policy picture.

What are the key foreign policy challenges for Nepal?

The rise of China as a strong power center and its competition with the US, which had alone dominated world affairs for decades, has changed global geopolitics. As the US proposes different strategies to continue its dominance, a new cold war is simmering between these two giants. For Nepal, China’s immediate neighbor, this cold war will pose many challenges.

China and India currently have a war-like situation at their border. Further, India has embraced close ties with the US, and together, they have formed geopolitical alliances and strategies such as the IPS (Indo-pacific Strategy) and QUAD, both of which seem directed against China. It will be immensely challenging for Nepal to stay out of all this.

Should Nepal then review its non-aligned foreign policy accordingly?

Nepal’s non-aligned foreign policy was a result of the Cold War between the US and the USSR. And the policy has been with us for almost seven decades. I won’t say it has lost its relevance, but it is certainly not enough. To meet the challenges posed by current world politics and our ambitions for development, a non-aligned foreign policy alone does not sufficiently address our priorities. So, while continuing our nonalignment, we must also look to preserve, promote, and expand our strategic autonomy.

How do you see the ‘MCC vs BRI’ debate in Nepal?

Both the ideas were viewed with the economic lens early on, but later, with great geopolitical shifts, both were heavily politicized. Because of this, we have failed to make a headway on either.

Also, small states like Nepal are more cautious on their foreign policy, diplomacy, and security. So, to settle this ‘MCC vs BRI’ debate, political leaders and experts should convince the public about both, and future decisions must keep public interest at heart.

You suggested a recalibration of Nepal’s foreign policy. How do you do that?

By endorsing and updating our non-aligned foreign policy and the principles of Panchsheel, we can enhance our relations with other countries to gain strategic autonomy and achieve economic development. And most importantly, every diplomatic approach must prioritize our wellbeing amid the climate crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic. We must stay away from any military- and security-related projects and alignments. 

In 1970, Nepal proposed to declare itself a ‘zone of peace’. Do you think we should give it another go?

In the present geopolitical context, declaring the country a ‘zone of peace’ alone won’t mitigate our foreign policy threats. Along with it, this is the time to endorse a neutralist policy because we might witness a confrontation between our neighboring countries soon and, during those times, we will have to make our stance clear.