Submit your Article

After much uncertainty, the preparations of Nepali Congress for its 14th general convention are finally gathering steam. The Grand Old Party has already organized ward-level conventions and municipal conventions are due soon, while the general convention is scheduled for November 25-29. The lead-up to the main event has been interesting for the party as many youngsters, including teenagers, have been elected as ward and regional level representatives. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx interviewed 10 such young regional representatives: Why join politics so young, we asked them?

Vox pop

Barsha Rani Shrestha, 18

Damak Municipality-7, Jhapa 

In the ward that I live in, the presence of women in politics is virtually nil, and I wanted to do something about that. I want to represent women in my area in order to fight for their rights. Four other senior leaders also wanted the position I was eventually elected to, but they later agreed to withdraw and I became the consensus candidate. I know I have landed a prominent role and with it comes responsibility, but I am ready for the challenges ahead.

Bikal Rai, 20

Diktel Rupakot Majhuwagadhi Municipality-1, Khotang

Even during my childhood, I found politics interesting and I later decided to join student politics. To be honest, in recent times, the Nepali Congress has erred from the path envisioned by BP Koirala. This is the reason why the party has had to face many setbacks. I think this is the right time to revive Koirala’s ideology, and only the youths can do that.

Binod Raj Joshi, 21

Malikarjun Rural Municipality-8, Darchula 

The prime motivation for me to get involved in mainstream politics was my passion to take up leadership roles. There can be no national transformation without politics at its core. Lately, a discourse has started on the transformation of Nepali politics, and I decided to jump in—I am not among those who wait for the opportunity. I want to fight for my spot because it helps sharpen my skills. I don’t want to be one of those ordinary youths who only abuse the system for their benefit.

Dinesh Bhatta, 21

Shikhar Municipality-9, Doti

I belong to the geographically remote far-west region. Growing up, I had limited access to books, but I used to listen to political news and interviews on the radio. They helped hone my passion for politics and ever since, I had nurtured a dream of becoming a leader to develop my region. That was also why I joined mainstream politics and the Nepali Congress.

Jem Singh Rai, 24

Halesi Tuwachung Municipality-6, Khotang

Every situation comes with its challenges. Nepal is facing a host of challenges these days, and the youths are the ones who can find solutions to these challenges. We have the responsibility to take the Nepali Congress to newer heights as the country can move ahead only when the political parties have a strong base. This is why I joined mainstream politics. I want to help with nation-building and this convention gives me that opportunity.

Kareena Puri, 19

Melamchi Municipality-9, Sindhupalchok

Youths are the nation’s pillars. It is the youths and their convictions that have led to substantive changes in Nepal. Unfortunately, leaders from the older generation like to cling to power. Everyone knows these politicians have lost their sense of direction. Youths like me are now in politics so that we can change the system. Nepal is a young nation and only youth leaders can understand the needs and aspirations of their fellow youths.

Padama Bhushal, 22

Galyang Municipality-4, Syangja

I have a huge passion for leadership and politics is one means to get to a leadership position and help the society. As a woman, I have faced a fair share of challenges and there was a time I thought of quitting. But if I give up, the new generation will ask me why I let the status quo continue. So I took part in the convention and secured the position through consensus. My goal is to inspire women and society.

Sachin Timalsena, 28

Yangwarak Rural Municipality-1, Panchthar

Most Nepali youths believe in democracy. Young people understand politics and know how to respect other people’s opinions. This is why youngsters are actively joining politics. The Nepali Congress is a democratic party and its convention starts from the ground level. This helps youths to grow. This is the reason I chose the Nepali Congress.

Sagun Kandel, 23

Galkot Municipality-8, Baglung

A few factors motivated me to join politics. The first is that I don’t like the old faces running the country. They have repeatedly failed the system and the country. There is no spark in their leadership. Moreover, nobody is interested in fulfilling our dream of democratic socialism.

Saraswoti GC, 20

Sunkoshi Rural Municipality-2, Sindhupalchok

If we want change, we need to come forward. We do not have educated women in politics and their participation is negligible. Being a literate female youth, I started my political career with Nepal Student Union, the student wing of Nepali Congress. But when the NSU failed to hold its convention on time, I thought of getting involved in mainstream politics.

September 19 marks the sixth anniversary of the promulgation of the Constitution of Nepal 2015. While a sizable population celebrates the day with fanfare, many in Tarai-Madhes observe Constitution Day as a Black Day, a big setback in their fight for representation and justice.

The constitution, drafted following the decade-long Maoist insurgency and two Madhes movements, is yet to fully address the demands of Madhesis. Nonetheless, although disagreements over the constitution have inevitably surfaced, all political parties have decided to resolve them in a democratic way.

But, what if the constitution had not been promulgated on that day? How would the country be faring today?

Radheshyam Adhikari, member of the National Assembly and ex-chairperson of the Regulation Drafting Committee of the Legislature-Parliament, had closely worked with the constitution’s final drafts. “We promulgated this constitution under a specific situation. The political parties might not have arrived at a consensual document had it not been for the earthquake earlier in the year,” he adds. “The sorry plight of millions of fellow Nepalis imbued our politicians with a sense of duty.”

When the first Constituent Assembly failed to deliver, a second CA had to be elected in 2013. Around 80 percent of the newly elected were new to the assembly. The big difference between the first and the second CA was that while the new revolutionary forces like the Maoists and Madhesi parties were dominant in the first assembly, traditional parties like Nepali Congress and CPN-UML had reclaimed their dominant position in the second assembly. This, in the eyes of many, greatly diluted progressive agendas of the post-2008 period.  

But Adhikari reckons there wouldn’t have been a third CA had the second one also failed to deliver a constitution. “In such a situation, we would have gotten a constitution, but through some commission and not via people’s representatives,” he says. “Such a national charter would not have reflected people’s aspirations.”

Youths light candles at Maitighar Mandala as the Constituent Assembly endorsed all the articles of draft constitution on 16 September 2015 | Photo: RSS

Santosh Mehta, spokesperson for the then Rastriya Janta Party Nepal, reminisces the time he felt the CA veered off-course in 2015. “I hadn’t imagined the major parties would ditch the demands of the Madhesis and treat us as if we are not Nepalis,” says Mehta. He says this constitution has divided Nepalis by creating psychological barriers between the country’s major ethnic groups. “Relations between the various ethnic groups would have been stronger and more cordial without this disrespectful constitution,” Mehta adds.

It took almost a decade following the 2007 Madhes movement to promulgate the constitution. Political parties tried to forge consensus in this time, mostly on the contentious issue of the number and nature of federal provinces, but to no avail. In the desperate post-earthquake days, all major parties had to compromise on their agendas to give the country a way out. But they failed to have Madhesi parties on board.

“It was no big deal. Had we not been able to have a constitution in September 2015, we would have had one by early 2016, which would also have helped resolve most contentious arguments,” claims Chandrakishore, a Birgunj-based journalist. He says major parties rushed the process, ignoring the demands of a large portion of the population. “They issued an urgent whip to the CA members without giving enough time to the parties on the street, in what was an intentional provocation,” he adds.

Fed up with the autocratic monarchy, there was a surge of hope among the people when the country became a federal republic in 2008.  

“That hope would have died had the second CA also failed to deliver a timely constitution,” says constitutional expert Bipin Adhikari. “No one would then have believed that people’s representatives were capable of steering the country.” Adhikari thinks people would then have started pining for the monarchs again.  

As nearly 90 percent of CA members (538 out of 598) voted in the charter’s favor, many politicians continue to consider it among the best constitutions in the world.

Youths of Birgunj protesting against the promulgation of Constitution of Nepal 2015 | Photo: Madhesi Youth

Political analyst CK Lal reminds that each of Nepal’s seven constitutions—be it the one in 2015, in 1962 or in 1948—was touted as ‘the best in the world’. “This title has always jinxed us,” he shares. “If the second CA had also failed to deliver, they would most probably have added federalism to the Interim Constitution of Nepal 2007 and made it permanent,” he says. “This would have been better as the 2015 constitution is more regressive than the interim one in terms of the demands of Madhes.”

Hisila Yami, a member of the first Constituent Assembly from UCPN (Maoist), echoes Chandrakishore. “The 2015 constitution would have been more widely hailed and accepted had it been postponed by a few days,” she says. The constitution, in the form it was promulgated, watered down the rights of women, indigenous, and minority populations. Yet, she is happy that the second CA finished off a must-do task.

Sixty people were killed during the months-long protests against the constitution—six of them on the very day of its promulgation. Observers in favor of the parties’ decision to push for the constitution say that this number would have significantly increased had the constitution been put off any longer, while those against say nobody would have had to die in that case.  

Most progressive political actors accepted the Constitution of Nepal 2015—even if some did so grudgingly—as it institutionalized federalism and paved the path to socialism.

Madhes-based critics, however, still have problems with citizenship, provincial structure, proportional representation and inclusion-based issues. Lal says major parties’ leaders won’t listen to Madhesi agendas. For him, eventually, there has to be another revolution to right the wrongs.

Yami says there are quite a lot of ways to make the constitution better—it’s just a matter of political commitment. Here too, she thinks Nepal needs a national political consensus. “This constitution is a glass half-full. We have to fill it soon,” she adds.

Constitutionalist Adhikari says any constitution is a work of compromise. “No one gets to fulfil all their demands,” he concludes.

The rapid unraveling of the Nepal Communist Party government, with its two-thirds strength in parliament, and the subsequent political instability, have deepened the debate about the desirability of the new constitution, promulgated on 20 September 2015. The constitution was meant to apply salve to a country traumatized by devastating earthquakes earlier that year. The major political actors mended fences to finalize the constitution, in what was an amazing show of unity. Yet the ‘fast-track’ constitution had started facing strong headwinds since the day of its promulgation, which was immediately followed by a six-month-long border blockade.

While Kathmandu and many mountainous communities celebrated the constitution—which had been seven years in the making at a cost of around $5 billion—parts of Tarai-Madhes marked it as a ‘black day’. In the reckoning of Madhesi parties and a large segment of Madhesis, many of their democratic aspirations had been crushed by the fast-tracked national charter. To this day, they continue to agitate for amendments.

So what would have happened had the constitution been delayed, as the Madhesis and some other sections of the society wanted? Expectedly, there are divergent views. “We would have gotten a constitution, but through some commission,” says Radheshaym Adhikari of Nepali Congress who was closely involved in making the 2015 constitution. “Such a national charter would not have reflected people’s aspirations”. CK Lal, a public intellectual, on the other hand, says in that case the Interim Constitution could have been given a permanent status, which would have been a better outcome as the 2015 constitution “is more regressive than the interim one.”

The debate will rumble on and perhaps even gain currency as disenchantment continues to grow against the current political leadership. Outstanding constitutional issues must be amicably resolved—and soon—to salvage the post-2008 progressive changes. Make no mistake: they are in grave danger.

Find the full story here.

In the past few decades, major rivers in Kathmandu valley like Hanumante, Bagmati and Dhobikhola have been regularly overflowing during the monsoon season. Each year, the floods damage an immense amount of property, and sometimes people die too. In the past few years, the government has built embankments in many places to limit the damage. But they seem to have had limited impact. In this context, Pratik Ghimire of ApEx interviewed Bishal Nath Upreti, geologist and president of Nepal Center for Disaster Management.

Bishal Nath Upreti

Kathmandu apparently witnessed a record rainfall this monsoon. But can the flooding of homes here solely be attributed to that?

Rivers overflowing after rainfall and urban flooding of Kathmandu are two different things. It is monsoon so of course it will rain. And whenever it rains, Kathmandu is flooded because of its poor drainage system. This time, the rivers overflowed and residential and slum areas near them drowned.

So why are our rivers overflowing?

Simply because we have narrowed the rivers’ path. The rivers in Kathmandu flow down from the surrounding hills and it rains quite a lot there compared to the valley. But when the water doesn’t find its natural course, it sweeps away everything in its path. Eventually, the settlements near the river get drowned. Although we can see the government building embankments on many corridors, they are not enough. Riverbeds have been shrunk from 500 meters to 10 meters.

What then is the solution?

The solution is to allow our rivers to follow their natural course, which is now impossible. There are now settlements on the banks, and no one can even think of displacing the residents. So I don’t think there is a quick fix solution to prevent the overflow of rivers in Kathmandu. We have seen parts of Kathmandu submerge. Kathmanduites will have to face this problem for a long time as it is a manmade disaster, not a natural one.

How deep are the rivers of Kathmandu these days? Do they have natural depth?

Since water in the valley comes from the hills, it carries some mud. It is a natural process. Additionally, sewage from all of Kathmandu mixes with the rivers. They might also have a minimal impact on the depth of rivers, but I don’t think depth is the problem. Breadth is what matters.

As you said, we have a poor drainage system. Can we improve it?

A couple of centuries ago, the underground canals were almost eight feet in diameter. In European countries, trucks can still run through underground drainage canals. But over the decades, the diameter of our drainage canals have been brought down to two or four feet. Moreover, all the sewage passes in the same drainage, so there is no place to bypass collected water. This is an engineering problem. We can resolve it by rebuilding our drainage system, but again, I don’t think anyone is interested in this. I have repeatedly talked about this with policymakers and governmental engineers, but to no avail.

Birth: 31 August 1946, Kaski
Death: 31 August 2021, Kathmandu

After completing her Bachelors in Science (BSc) in Kolkata, India, in the mid-60s, Shobhana Gurung, a young woman full of energy and spirit, went to the United Kingdom for her further studies. 

After returning to Nepal from the UK, she secured a government job as a botanist. She was later promoted to deputy secretary, but she left the job to engage full-time in her own business. Giving up a permanent government job at a young age to start a business was not an easy thing to do.

In the UK, she had met Dr Ram Prasad Pokharel, who was pursuing his medical studies there. The senior eye specialist and Gurung fell in love and later got engaged. Together, they inspired and helped each other grow and succeed in their respective fields.

From an early age, Gurung had always thought of committing her retired life to the practice of spirituality and social work. When Gurung and her husband met Pilot Baba, a renowned sage, the couple was immediately inspired by his philosophy of life. “Scientists have discovered the most powerful form of matter, the molecule, and every human being must search for the same microcosm within themselves,” Pilot Baba had told the couple. This thought helped her cope with her problems on multiple occasions.

She wanted to establish a meditation center to help people living in the chaotic capital city. Gurung and her husband paid for the construction of the meditation center as well as a dormitory at Gundu heights of Bhaktapur, naming it Pilot Baba Meditation Center, also known as Somnath Temple. 

Gurung commissioned the center’s construction under her strict supervision and chose a design that included Nepali artistic style with majestic woodworks and flooring. She hoped youths would come to the center and this would eventually help them stay away from addictions and crimes.

Apart from that, she, along with her husband, was actively involved in the initiation of Kathmandu Medical College, Everest Hospital, HIST Engineering College, and more. Lately, she also bought stakes in hydropower companies and other businesses. 

A few days ago, Gurung suffered from a brain hemorrhage and was rushed to Everest Hospital. She was then referred to Norvic Hospital where she breathed her last on her 75th birthday. She is survived by her husband and a daughter.

Why can no government in Nepal serve its full term, even one with nearly two-thirds majority? What explains the country’s perpetual political instability? Pratik Ghimire of ApEx spoke to 10 intellectuals to get their views.  

Vox Pop

Bhimarjun Acharya, Constitutionalist 

We can’t expect stability when our government and political leadership don’t follow democratic norms and values while executing their powers. Neither our parliament nor the parties strictly regulate the work of the government. And also, we can’t deny the geopolitical issues we face. All these things and a lack of a positive mentality fuel instability.

Bimala BK, Politician

Nepal has too many political parties. This is a problem as people’s vote gets fragmented and no one gets a strong majority. In a coalition government, all partners have their own beliefs and, due to conflicting interests, the government can’t complete its term. Apart from that, our geopolitics also has a role in our instability.

Bipin Adhikari, Constitutionalist 

Under the new constitution of 2015, there was a huge possibility to form a stable government. But sadly, we haven’t seen one yet. Whenever the ruling party becomes strong, it has to deal with many internal problems. The fact is when a political party wins proportional seats based on caste, culture, ethnicity, it has to appoint members for parliament accordingly and from that point, the party starts to weaken, leading to internal conflicts and instability.

Hima Bista, Social activist 

Government instability has many causes. First is the lack of qualified political leadership. With that, there is a vast gap between politicians and the public, and an atmosphere of distrust. We don’t have a system that can fill this void. The country has a political structure without a decisive and applicable mechanism. Federalism is all about decentralization of power and collaboration between different levels of government, but we lack these things. 

Indra Adhikari, Political analyst

Leadership crisis is the reason behind this problem. Nepal has not produced leaders who are respected by all. Our political parties are run by middlemen devoid of ideology and morality. They select people and convert them into toxic blind supporters. They win elections with propaganda and ultimately fight for power. Unless we produce qualified leaders, we will suffer. 

Lokraj Baral, Political analyst 

Nepal lacks a proper political culture. Our political parties carried out a revolutionary change in the system, but they have been unable to execute, implement, and institutionalize that change. Or we can say their self-centered, individualistic, selfish, and egoistic performance has taken over the ideology and ability. We are in a democratic practice, but leaders try to rule by command—boycotting the demands of minorities. This increases the power struggle, leading to instability.

Jagannath Lamichhane, Civil society member

Our political ecosystem is tailored to those with money and power, and those outside the government don’t have access to these things. This has established a psychological framework where leaders become impatient when they are in opposition. In my opinion, this is the main reason for the lack of a stable government in Nepal.

Krishna Khanal, Political analyst 

Let’s take an example. If the Nepali Congress has a majority, it behaves as if it is all-powerful and can do anything it wants. Also, within the NC, the ruling faction acts similarly. This fuels internal conflict resulting in the fall of the government. We saw the same with the erstwhile Nepal Communist Party (NCP).

Mohna Ansari, Human rights activist 

Every promise that the politicians make with the public during the election turns out to be a political stunt just to get to power. Besides, I often find bureaucrats not helping and coordinating with the government in policy making. They still have a traditional mindset. Bureaucrats feel privileged and don’t fear anyone as they are permanent jobholders.

Puranjan Acharya, Political analyst 

In Nepal, political parties are the ones who are unstable, and they lead to instability in the government. The instability within the party has two major causes. The government-running faction never wants to hear from other party members and they say the party should not run the government. But the same faction, when it is not ruling, says the government should run according to the party’s will and decision. 

After the promulgation of the political party-related ordinance, any faction of a party represented in the House of Representatives can register a new party if it has 20 percent members in either the mother outfit’s Central Committee or the Parliamentary Party. This has not only changed the dynamics in CPN-UML but also Janta Samajbadi Party Nepal (JSPN). Although the ordinance now faces a legal challenge, a split in JSPN could invite an unexpected situation in Madhesi politics as well as the government. Also, Madhes now has other emerging political forces which, to some extent, could affect the results of upcoming elections. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx interviewed political analyst and expert on Madhes issues Tula Narayan Shah.

How do you assess the relation between JSPN and the Deuba government?

Although there are two distinct factions in JSPN, both have officially supported the Deuba government by voting in favor of his confidence motion. But to date, the coalition formally includes only the Upendra Yadav faction. So, this side will, for sure, join the government with a respectable number of ministries. 

Regarding Mahanta Thakur’s faction, it is fine to support the government from outside, but accepting ministerial berths could be seen as adopting double standards and acting opportunistically. Yet, I can't deny the possibility of their joining the government. We need to wait for further political developments as nothing in politics is impossible. So, JSPN as a whole has a pretty decent relationship with the Deuba government.

What is more beneficial for Madhes? A united JSPN or two or more parties?

Before 2008, the Madhesi parties were in the periphery. They later formed an alliance and emerged as a potent force in national politics. Until these parties make their presence felt, their issues won’t get national attention. So I would prefer a unified JSPN as it will benefit the party and somehow the society, and their agenda is almost the same. But the current political timeline does not suggest a reconciliation between the factions. We should not forget the schooling, orientation, and culture of the two factions. Yadav’s side is like a ‘mini-Maoist’ party whereas Thakur’s has a ‘mini-Congress’ feel. 

Politics is always envisioned in the presence of political parties, but if we look at them through the lens of caste, we often see that be it in the Madhes or the hills, the elite caste rules over lower ones. And the presence of two castes in JSPN leadership suggested a split was inevitable. In 2008, when Yadav’s party was emerging, Thakur showed up because the upper caste population did not accept Yadav’s leadership. This angle might be unpopular nonetheless it’s a vital one. 

How does a split affect the electoral prospects of Tarai-Madhes?

If you look at figures from past elections, whenever alliances have been formed ahead of elections, the Nepali Congress has been in trouble. For instance, in the last election, Congress performed well at the local level because no alliance existed, but in the parliamentary election, Congress lost out.

Many people saw the recent political party-related ordinance issued only for the benefit of Madhav Kumar Nepal, but Deuba for sure understood the situation in JSPN. He knows that the more the Madhesi parties split, the more the NC can gain electorally, and so he hit two birds with one stone. 

Is CK Raut’s party still relevant in Madhes?

CK Raut’s Janamat Party is a supplementary force in Madhesi politics—it has a different political culture to other existing parties. He is establishing good relations between voters, cadets, and leaders. He has been pushing himself in an organized way with specific roadmaps for reforms in politics, society, and the government. Almost all current political leaders of the Madhesi parties are aged. They will be in mainstream politics for a maximum of two or three elections, but CK is working to establish himself in the long run—he could be in the game for the next six to seven elections. Madhesi people have glamourized Raut for two reasons: his academic degree and his devotion—he left his job in the US to come to Nepal. So he represents a new hope for Madhes. He is capable and qualified too. 

But demographics work against him—he is supported by the young blood (those born in the 90s) who are out of the country and working in the Gulf. The older and larger voting population still has faith in existing parties. Generally speaking, parties not born of large struggles get involved in their first election just to make themselves visible. In the second election, they divide the votes and make others lose. Only in the third election do they really do well. 

What if Raut’s party wins a respectable number of seats in upcoming elections? Would he revive his separatist idea?

Although his party winning many seats is an unlikely prospect, it would be a progressive thing if it happened. Regarding the political agenda, he brought both hope and threat, at the same time, but he has already accepted the legal political course of Nepal. But Kathmandu sees every Madhesi political party as a separatist. The reality is: His previous agenda was never a discussion point in Madhes. He was young, and everyone knew he did this to gain visibility. There was a situation in which the Madhesi people ignored Raut’s agenda and enjoyed his personality, but the hill population ignored his personality and talked about his agenda. My view is that Raut is now a proper politician and an important and needed figure in the mainstream politics of Madhes. 

It was at a newly laid tennis court at St Xavier’s School, Jawalakhel, that Pranav Khanal first came across tennis. His father, a national-level squash player, had taken him there to watch a game.

“I was eight then,” recalls now 20-year-old Khanal who won a bronze for Nepal at the 13th South Asian Games held in Kathmandu in 2019.

The 12-year-long journey hasn’t been an easy one, despite immense support from his family members, especially his father. “My father had a dream of making his son a true champion,” says Khanal.

Most of the difficulties he faced have been part and parcel of the sport in Nepal, where cricket and football dominate in everything sphere, from followers to finance. There are only a handful of tennis tournaments in Nepal—around five or six in a year—and because of Covid-19, they too have been halted.

At 11, Khanal took part in his first international tournament in Vietnam as a junior national player, and he has since played almost two-dozen tournaments. He debuted in the senior side in the 2018 edition of the Asian Games in Indonesia. But despite being the national champion, he is yet to secure a place in the world ranking—not many tournaments are organized in Nepal.

Tennis is an expensive sport, and if you want to become a national player, you have to come to the association on your own. There is no scouting. “Only three cities have tennis facilities—Butwal, Pokhara, and Kathmandu. Tennis would have a brighter future if the authorities scouted from all over Nepal,” Khanal adds.

“Tennis is not a sport where you see overnight success. You have to work hard at multiple levels, at least for a decade.” This is the lesson he wants to pass on to aspiring tennis players. “Continue to give your 100 percent, be patient, and you will see success for sure.”

Patience is important for Nepali tennis players, especially as the sport in Nepal is resource-poor—players typically either go abroad or leave the sport when they need to choose a career.

“We have a limited number of players with little competition among them. There are also plenty of off-field deterrents,” he says. As we don’t have a salary system for tennis players, either they have to rely on the club’s allowance or sponsorships. But sponsorship is hard to find because Nepali tennis doesn’t have many spectators.

The Covid-19 pandemic has had a telling effect on the sport with the cancellation of almost all events.

“Tennis has one of the oldest sports organizations in Nepal: The All Nepal Lawn Tennis Association, whose events, for a long time, were only reserved for the elites,” he says.

ANLTA was established in 1956 but it could hold its first exhibition tournament only in the early 1980s.

Thankfully, the sport is changing for the better. Since 2007, the association has been organizing regular tournaments. A change in leadership in 2015 has also accelerated the sport’s development, says Khanal.

Infrastructure has also improved. Before 2018, Nepal didn’t have a hard court—and most international tournaments are played on hard surfaces.

“So until now, you could say we had no proper training,” Khanal says. Besides the private courts, the association has eight hard courts now, where national players can practice for free. “It is a huge boost,” he adds. Also, tennis academies have emerged to help players hone their talents and find opportunities.

These days, more parents are encouraging their children to take up tennis. For practices and tournaments, players need to travel abroad, sometimes at their own expense, and parents often accompany them. “The players need plenty of moral and psychological support in this sport,” Khanal says.

He says he will play so long as he is fit and afterwards, he will inspire and coach juniors at his own dream academy. “No matter what, I will be associated with tennis and will work to establish a tennis culture in the country,” he concludes.