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Lionel Messi and Barcelona were synonymous. So the fans of one naturally became the fans of the other. But it would be safe to say that most of the current generation of Barca fans chose the club because of Messi, rather than the other way around. So when the holder of six Ballon D’Or had to leave FC Barcelona due to the club’s dire financial status, making the switch to PSG, those fans were left with mixed feelings. The news came hot on the heels of Messi’s sole major international trophy with Argentina at Copa America. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx spoke to 10 diehard Barcelona and Messi fans to understand the recent upheavals in their fandom.

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Binayak Bhattarai, 23

We had no television in our area in Dharan at the time of the 2006 World Cup, but somehow I had heard of Messi. Everybody used to talk of this Argentinian player and I started supporting him without even knowing how he looked. I first saw him during the World Cup of 2010 after cheering him on for almost four years blindly. That’s love, I guess.

Slowly, I started following club football. I still remember when I was in grade nine. My friends were Real Madrid supporters, and it was El Clasico. We had a bet of five rupees and Barca had scored five—one of my first and favorite memories with Messi. Most recently, Messi winning his first trophy with Argentina at Copa America was something special too.

I am yet to digest that Messi is no longer a Barcelona player. I saw PSG announce his arrival with a huge welcome. I am happy too as Messi has been able to unite PSG’s divided fan base even before his debut. He is the only player who can do that kind of thing.

Chhabin Dahal, 21

Messi was a regular name for me as my neighbors were huge Argentina fans. Influenced by them, I started following him starting with the 2010 World Cup. Sadly Argentina didn’t make it beyond the quarterfinals that year. Our area had installed a projector for the semis but for me the football festival was over. After that, I started going to cyber cafes to get the updates of La Liga games.

As a Messi fan I have seen many highs and lows. There have been some depressing moments supporting the team, but as soon as I see Messi play, I forget every other thing and enjoy a fresh start. Yet the 2014 World Cup final loss to Germany still stings, the Germans robbed us off the trophy.

I was confident that Messi would retire at Barca, but the circumstances didn’t allow that. But no worries, he now has a new challenge and he will show his worth at PSG as well.

Hema Giri, 19

This story begins in my school when boys used to compare Messi and Ronaldo and for no particular reason, I started chanting for Messi. When I started watching the game, I realized that his vision, touches, dribbling are out of this world. Aside from being a professional, he is a great human being, which we can see from the way he interacts with fans.

Every game Messi has played is special to me. But the game I recall most often was against Bayer Leverkusen in 2012, when he scored five and Barcelona won 7-1. Talking about the lows, like other Barca fans, I was heart-broken when the club announced his departure.

It still can’t get out of my head that he will play alongside Sergio Ramos, the bitter Real Madrid nemesis. I will definitely keep following Messi—I will never have enough of that majestic smile—but I also will never cheer for PSG.

Kritika Parajuli, 19

Like many, I started following Messi from the 2010 World Cup. The tournament didn’t go as planned but that was also the year the little man from Argentina made me fall in love with the game of football.

Most memorable for me is his 500th club goal in 2020, in what was a late winner at the Bernabeu, in the process of winning the El Clasico 3-2? When he held up his Number 10 shirt, standing against Real Madrid fans, gave me goosebumps I tell you. In 2016, Messi announced his retirement from international football following his third defeat in the Copa America final. Made me cry. Although he reversed his decision, I regret Messi had to go through all that.

I will never stop cheering for Barcelona because this is the club of my life. I won’t stop following Messi, either. Barca and Messi will always be thought of as one. I hope he comes back to the club—probably after a couple of years.

Nisha Karki, 20

I grew up with the people who used to cheer for Messi and to get along I did the same. But when I started watching the game, I realized what I did was 100 percent correct. No other player can play at his level. He is the greatest of all time, without a doubt.

Every time I see him on the pitch, I feel better about myself. Particularly, winning the sextuple in 2009 still makes me happy. Winning and losing are part of the game and Barca’s 8-2 loss to Bayern Munich in 2020 was a team defeat, yet I felt so bad for Messi, in what was his most embarrassing defeat ever.

It would be shameful to withdraw support for Barca because of Messi’s departure, so I have decided to support both—Barcelona and PSG.

Rajnesh Shrestha, 21

I was randomly playing with the TV remote when I saw a small guy running past defenders with high acceleration. I watched him and loved every bit of the game and since 2008 became a fan of his.

In the World Cup qualifiers of 2018, Messi scored a hat trick against Ecuador. That was one of the most beautiful matches I have ever seen and in the recent Copa America winning campaign, too, I had tears of joy. I struggle to see Messi in a shirt besides Barcelona’s, but this is the hard reality, and something we must all accept now. But I cried the entire day when the news broke.

Although I am planning to watch Messi’s games at PSG, I am a proud culer and can’t even think of supporting any other club besides Barca.

Sachet Neupane, 22

There is a saying, “Guys will choose a random Football Club as their favorite in the fourth or fifth grade for no reason at all and decide to support it for the rest of their lives.” This applies to me. I randomly picked Argentina, and that led me to supporting Messi.

In 2017, April 24, my birthday, was also the night of the greatest football rivalry—El Clasico—at Madrid’s home-turf. The score was 2-2 and Messi stunned the crowd with a late winner in injury time. This is the best birthday gift I have ever received. On the other hand, the 2014 World Cup was a heartbreak for many fans and I was no exception.

Everything was sound with Messi’s saga. Both parties were determined to sign a new contract but, out of nowhere, the club announced his discontinuity. I couldn’t tell whether it was a bad dream. Initially, I thought it might be internal club politics but no, it was for real, which hurt. I will support Barca all my life but could still watch some PSG games to enjoy the magician at work.

Santosh Mishra, 46

This was before he came to Barcelona. I saw in a newspaper that a little boy was being compared to the legendary Diego Maradona, but I had not seen his game. After his debut in the Barca senior team, I saw Messi, and he instantly amazed me. I had started watching football in 1992 and this was the first time a player had impressed me.

The recent Copa America win was what was lacking in his resume and now things look complete. Among my many joys with Messi, it is at the top. Even if you play the best, sometimes a minor mistake will cost you the game. Similarly, Messi has lost several key games, which I find least enjoyable.

Many clubs bled during the Covid-19 pandemic and lost revenue. Barcelona could no more afford Messi, despite both parties’ willingness to be together. We have to accept the truth and enjoy the final years of Messi, no matter which club he represents. But I will keep supporting Barca as it has been my love since the early 90s.

Sitaram Dahal, 26

I started following Barca in the early 2000s and as I had no way of watching its matches, I used to go through the scores in newspapers. And that’s where, for the first time, I saw the iconic picture of Messi on the back of Ronaldinho. He had special gameplay, and I loved his every touch. And I had a chance to watch him at his prime.

Barca’s sextuple winning moment and the entire season that year were very special for me, but above all, Messi’s first international trophy, Copa America, nothing can beat that. This Copa brought joy because the previous one had left us in tears after Messi missed the penalty in the shootout against Chile in the final. But no regrets now—everything happens for a reason.

Messi is a silent guy. He doesn’t speak much. He was still on vacation and the news came that he couldn’t continue at Barca. The developments happened so fast. I choked up when I saw Messi crying at his farewell press conference at Barca. As a football fan, I keep myself updated on all major European top-flight football and this time, I will be a bit more concerned about PSG, that’s all.

Sudeep Aryal, 21

Messi, football, and Barcelona are synonyms for me. Messi is the reason I started watching regular football and Barca was where he showed his masterclass.

For me, nothing compares to his going to the crowd to celebrate Barca’s iconic 6-1 come-back against PSG in 2017. Now, the same PSG is his new home, which gives me mixed feelings. But I see that PSG will treat him well and he will be happy there, which is some consolation. Last year, he wanted to go, but Barca didn’t let him and now he wanted to stay but the league forced him out. I am so frustrated.

Well, it’s time to peek at the final score-sheets of PSG, no more than that. Barca is where my heart is.

Sher Bahadur Deuba has been the prime minister for just over a month now. With his government only having a maximum of 15 months in office, he was expected to get off to a swift start. Yet Deuba has not even been able to expand his cabinet and he has already started pushing ordinances to bypass the parliament. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to senior political analyst Shyam Shrestha on the Deuba government’s outlook.

How would you analyze this one-month tenure of Prime Minister Deuba?

A month might not be enough time to review a tenure, but as morning shows the day, Deuba’s government has also shown the pathway on which he wants to walk. Unfortunately, it’s a dark path. Recent timeline suggests that, like Oli, he is also on a regressive road. Deuba is still working with a four-member team, and the most important ministries like foreign and health are vacant. This has hampered service-delivery.

Two things should be appreciated though—distribution of vaccines and reappointment of Kulman Ghising as the NEA head. And amid various geopolitical hurdles, and with very few sources, Nepal Airlines is to fly to Afghanistan to evacuate Nepalis, which is appreciable too.

Do you think Deuba will be in office until the constitutionally-mandated November 2022 elections? 

Only one person can answer this question: Deuba’s astrologer. Jokes apart, the life of this government is determined by its coalition partners and, as of now, it looks like they will stay united. They have also released their common minimum program, which sets a good precedent that is in line with international practice. But sadly, its content is not progressive. They have only unveiled the program to ensure the alliance’s unity.

How do you see the exclusion of the MCC compact in the common minimum program? 

Nepal has been receiving grants from the US for a long time, and there have been no problems. We need grants. But what the MCC is asking in return will endanger our sovereignty. MCC says that our intellectual property will belong to them, the MCA-Nepal under the Nepal government won’t follow any directions from Nepali officials, MCC laws will be above our constitution, etc. We should not exchange these things for $500 million. I am happy the government is not talking about MCC and it is also not mentioned in the common minimum program. If, in case, it gets a green light from the parliament, this government will shortly collapse, and Deuba knows this.

Will the result of the Nepali Congress general convention slated for November-end affect Deuba’s tenure as prime minister?

According to party legislation, Nepali Congress must conduct its general convention this time. They might hold a small special convention for now, which will be followed by a regular convention later. But, whatever the result, it is least likely to affect Deuba’s government position. The entire party was committed to his premiership, and he still has a strong backup in the party.

What is your reading of PM Deuba’s foreign policy priorities?

Deuba never has a foreign policy, nor does he have a geopolitical outlook. Foreign policy is an expanded form of domestic policy. Since his domestic policy is poor, I don’t expect any better on the international front. Things could change a bit with a strong foreign minister though. 

As the country continues to witness sporadic Covid-19 outbreaks, China has been loath to reopen its borders. Mistrust in China of other countries and their vaccination status is sky-high. Authorities are terrified of allowing foreigners—who have been projected in Chinese media as rather blasé about Covid-19 precautions—and incurring public backlash. 

During the start of the Covid-19 outbreak in China in December 2019, some Nepali students enrolled at Chinese universities were already in Nepal for their winter vacation. Others soon followed suit. But nearly 19 months after leaving China over 3,000 students are still stuck in Nepal with neither Nepali nor Chinese officials informing them when they can return.

Despite the emergence of various variants of coronavirus, people around the world have resumed their daily lives by following health protocols. Even international students, who had returned home from different countries, went back to their colleges and universities months ago. But that’s not the case with Chinese university students.

On July 1, ApEx had reported on the dire situation of Nepali students stuck at home. Unfortunately, their status remains much the same. An international online protest, #TakeUsBackToChina, which was gaining traction at the time, also seems to have fizzled out.

International students have sent open letters to President Xi Jinping to be allowed back in, and signed a petition seeking UN intervention. In Nepal, too, students have repeatedly written to resident Chinese Ambassador Hou Yanqi, to no avail.

In 2010, President Xi had labeled international students as “forever, a friend of China”. But his government’s action suggests otherwise, these stranded students say.

Rista Deuba, a second-year engineering student and a Chinese Scholarship Council beneficiary, fears her scholarship may be at risk. The scholarship has to be periodically renewed, but it has been 19 months since the last renewal. “In these months, I had to renew it twice but I couldn’t. I don’t know if my scholarship is still valid.” Meanwhile, she has had to pay full fees; council officers assure her she will get the money back after the renewal.

Most Nepali students chose China because of its scholarship scheme. With that on the line, they are in a dilemma. Deuba’s colleague Monica Pudasaini says she would have studied in Nepal on full payment if she knew she had to pay to attend Chinese university. Courses in China are more expensive than they are in Nepal and those who were not expecting to pay are short of options.

Deuba, for instance, is more concerned about likely future payments instead of her classes. She wants Nepali officials to facilitate conversation with their Chinese counterparts. “I am only asking for assurance that my scholarship is secure, nothing else,” she adds. Without the scholarship, she is in no position to pay her full dues.

During the lockdown, some students have already completed their theoretical courses, while others still struggle online. Many need to return to their college soon to complete their internships and practical exams, which can’t be done online. 

When Chinese authorities did not heed the students’ call, they had urged the Nepal government to send a diplomatic note to China to allow the students to return. Medical students of the 2015 and 2016 batches have announced protests, asking to be allowed to complete their internships in Nepal. 

After waiting for 18 months, the 2014 batch was permitted to take up internships at Nepali hospitals, but others are still left in the lurch. 

Dipendra Rauniyar, a member of the 2016 batch, says, “We are just asking for an internship, and even on that score, our government doesn’t care.” For over three weeks he and his batch-mates have been picketing the Nepal Medical Council. “Students from other countries are also stuck, but their respective governments have been helping them in every possible way,” he shares.

Similarly, another campaigner for the return of Nepali students, Roman Khatiwada, is disappointed at the Nepal government’s lack of initiative to secure their future. “Our seniors lost 18 months, almost 75 percent of their internship time. We don’t want to do that,” he adds. “Here we are ready to help the government meet the country’s health needs and yet they don’t listen to us.”

Even though China was the virus epicenter, its officials soon had the contagion under control. And as migrant workers were allowed into China from select countries, the hopes of students were raised as well. But then only South Korean students were allowed back into China. 

Khatiwada’s Chinese friends inform him that the decision to bring back Koreans students was not a popular one in China, as they are now being accused of importing new Covid-19 cases. “All this means that I am not very hopeful of a swift return,” he adds.

Li Bin, the Vice-Minister of the National Health Commission in China, has noted in a press brief that Guangzhou, Shenzhen, and Ruili have witnessed local clusters of the imported Delta variant. “The recent waves have reminded us we cannot relax our pandemic control measures,” he said. Chinese border restrictions could thus be in place for at least another year.

Rishab Mahato, another medical student, says, “This is a time of summer break at Chinese universities and it would thus have been the best time for us to return.” If students could enter China before September, they would have time for quarantine too before the start of their classes.

But Rauniyar reckons that is unlikely and suspects the earliest students like him could be recalled would be after the 2022 Winter Olympics in Beijing, which is in February. He was also told by his Chinese contacts that foreign students would be allowed back in when all the Chinese got their jabs.

Meanwhile, Greshes Acharya of the China University of Geosciences doesn’t know how to renew his visa. “It’s been a year since our visa expired, but there is no way to renew it,” he rues. Visa renewals require an offer letter from the university, which has been impossible to get. 

Although Deuba has some hope, Pudasaini doesn’t think she will ever return to China and is already exploring alternatives in Nepal.

(The names of some students have been changed at their request)

Bibeksheel Sajha Party President Rabindra Mishra’s call for doing away with federalism and a referendum on secularism has stirred Nepali politics anew. These are the things the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) has long asked for. So are the old RPP agendas going mainstream? What does the party make of the recent turn of events and how are its election preparations going? Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to RPP Chairman Kamal Thapa.

What is the RPP up to these days? Your party seems to have gone completely off the radar.

We are currently focused on organizing the party general convention, which is to be held on November 13 in Kathmandu. Leading up to it, our district-level committees are organizing their own conventions. We will also complete the selection of convention representatives by October 1. The party is all-set to start campaigning for the upcoming local-level elections as well. 

Your party didn’t fare well in the 2017 elections. Despite that you seem to be sticking to the agenda that has been rejected by voters.

There is a misconception about our agenda. The monarchy we are talking about is constitutional, not like the one we had before 2006. In our vision, the House of Representatives shall hold the legislative power and a ceremonial king will be the national guardian. When we lobby for a Hindu state, we don’t want any privilege for a particular religion. All we want is to restore the identity of Nepal as the country of Sanatan dharma.

Similarly, the dissolution of federalism will be accompanied by the formation of a strong central government, and well-equipped and capable local governments. In other words, it is a system where local governments will enjoy autonomy. It is a synergy between traditional and contemporary systems. 

The ruling and the opposition parties have repeatedly failed, which is also the failure of the system they represent. We are a small party at this point, but the public has realized the necessity of our systematic and progressive agenda—nationalism, democracy, and Sanatan dharma. We are the alternative force with the most number of supporters.

What do you make of Rabindra Mishra’s recent political proposal over federalism and secularism?

I am positive about his proposal. RPP believes in the system, not a particular person, and Mishra is talking about changing the system. No matter who builds a progressive path, we will always feel proud. Fifteen years ago, RPP was alone in condemning federalism and secularism and now we have many other politicians, intellectuals, and members of the public who share our sentiment. Even senior leaders of the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML are changing their minds. I take this as my achievement. There should be more open dialogue and discussion on these matters.

Is the RPP open to an electoral alliance with other like-minded forces, say like Mishra’s party?

Although we prioritize political parties that are close to our ideals, our door is open for everyone for an electoral alliance. I can’t confirm it yet, but we will certainly work together with some parties in the upcoming local elections. 

And the alliance for the federal election will rely on the steps of the ruling coalition. If the coalition continues into the election, of course, we will also come up with something competitive. Also, I can’t deny that we will be interested in merging with parties with shared beliefs. 

As a close confidante of ex-King Gyanendra, how do you read his concerns? Is he too planning a comeback of some kind?

He has serious concerns. He always talks about how Nepal could achieve peace, prosperity, and stability. He feels sad because the political parties have failed to live up to people’s expectations. This is his public as well as official view. I don't think the ex-king wants to be involved in mainstream politics, though if the monarchy is restored, it will be a different matter altogether. He will accept the verdict of political parties and citizens.

It has been almost 14 years since Nepal became a secular state but discussions on the country’s secular status have not stopped. This time, Rabindra Mishra, president of Bibeksheel Sajha Party, which was widely hailed as an ‘alternative force’ in Nepali politics, has formally proposed a referendum on secularism. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to 10 public intellectuals on this rather controversial issue.

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Abdus Miya, Bibeksheel Sajha Party

Gauging by the level of public support for Mishra’s political proposal, you can easily assume that a sizable number of people are disappointed with the country’s secular status. Restoration of the Hindu state does not mean establishing a theocracy. It is only honoring the feelings of the majority. A referendum would be an ideal way to settle this issue, one way or the other.  

Tell me, can there ever be sustainable peace in the country by ignoring public demand? I support secularism, yet I think the public should be allowed to decide.

Chandika Timalsina, Bibeksheel Sajha Party

This is the time to update the 2015 constitution, but a referendum on secularism is uncalled for. This is not a good idea as it will fragment the society and potentially lead to communal violence. Secularism has helped minorities come forward and speak up. If a state embraces a single religion, people-to-people relations will be severely affected.

Instead of discussing political ideologies, political leaders are creating controversy about religions and taking the country towards conflict. The country cannot be pushed back decades.

Ghanshyam Khatiwada, Executive Director, Pashupati Area Development Trust

Hindu philosophy directs us towards wellbeing, a healthy lifestyle, and spiritual development. Nepal is a place where we can find Hindu temples at every step. It is thus uneasy for us to accept Nepal as a secular state.

I accept that there were a few problems in our religious practices but now we have solved them. Hinduism respects everyone and is the focal point to unite all religions. From ancient times, the world has known Nepal as a Hindu state and the majority want its restoration—we should not let this spirit die.

JB Biswokarma, Writer and researcher

Anyone is free to ask for a referendum on any issue. But on a sensitive one like this, the vote does not matter. The main objective of secularism is to allow citizens to choose their own religion and treat every religion equally, regardless of the number of its followers. Nepal is a secular country yet minorities feel that the Hindus still dominate every aspect of life.

When the follower of every religion has an equal right, why bring up this controversial issue again? Let’s respect each other because we are equal. How will a Buddhist person feel if someone tells him,“You live in a Hindu state?” This is a disgrace and an open call for rioting. We should not take this path—never. 

Manavi Paudel, Newspaper columnist 

How can you call yourself a ‘social activist’ if you bar others from expressing their opinion? How can you become a member of ‘civil society’ when you are the reason for social conflict? We are in a democracy and we are all free to imagine our country as we see fit. The people should decide whether they want a secular or a Hindu state.

Democracy can’t be defined according to the will of so-called progressive people. Understanding people’s opinions is the proper way to celebrate democracy. But frankly, I care little about a secular or a Hindu state. What I think is that federalism needs to be reconsidered.

Nirga Nabin, Political activist 

The state doesn’t have a religion and no one should try to force the inclusion of a particular religion in the constitution. Religion is based on individualist beliefs. For this reason, we should preserve secularism. The current issue of Hindu state is nothing new. It has come up now because of the influence of ultra-Hinduist Narendra Modi.

A state should be governed by modern and scientific modalities, not a certain religious mindset. I think political ideology should be religion-free. Else, you are only performing a stunt to get votes as you don’t have a strong political agenda. No one can achieve progress through ideas like these.

KB Rokaya, President, Nepal Intellectuals’ Forum

Nepal is a country established by monarchs and Nepal Army, so we should not forget our origin. What the predecessor sets, the successor must follow. I am a Christian pastor but I never felt the Hindu state ever stopped us from performing any religious task. They rather helped us in establishing our church, schools, and organizations. 

Above all, we are Nepalis and amid the geopolitical tensions and other risk factors, our patriotic spirit can be preserved only with the restoration of Hindu state. Most Nepalis think the same, whether they are Buddhists, Muslims, or Kirats. Referendum is a must, there is no other option.

Rita Pariyar, Civil society member

We should not give religion-related stuff such high priority. Having come this far, we should be thinking of progressing further. Instead, we are thinking of going back to the Hindu state.

Definitely not! Our recent achievements are the result of countless struggles. If the minorities are not cared for, where should they go? If the Hindu state is restored, other religions, like before, would again have to live under suppression.

I hear the advocates of Hinduism say that no one was unhappy when Nepal was a Hindu state. But who are they to say so? Elites will never understand the pain of the suppressed groups. When the minorities are quiet, people think there is peace and harmony in society, but when they raise their voice, Hindus try to shut them down.

Trailokya Raj Aryal, Writer

The practice of liberal Hinduism is what makes us Nepalis. Prithivi Narayan Shah had brought Muslims to repair his arms and ammunition. Till today Nepal Army has assured their jobs. Ali Miya of Pokhara had received Pragya Puraskar. Christians established schools in the 1950s.

Hindus worship Lord Buddha and vice-versa. Then where is the discrimination? Nepal is not a caste-based society. It has instead become a class-based society and discrimination is our reality. We can’t abolish it politically or at gunpoint. Society will revise itself slowly over time.

Lawmakers promulgated the constitution enshrining secularism during the crisis of the 2015 earthquake. Secularism doesn’t respect the feelings of Nepalis. To restore harmony, a referendum is a must.

Tula Narayan Shah, Political analyst 

Ten years of Maoist insurgency and the 2006 people’s movement were the turning points in Nepali political history. The idea of a secular state was born out of these movements. Today, if someone wants the Hindu state restored, it is undoubtedly a regressive idea, and it will be against the norms and values of the second people’s movement.

What I think is, this issue was hyped because the proposal-maker, who is supposed to be the harbinger of alternative politics, has an enormous fan-base. Else, these kinds of issues don’t make sense. We should also not consider them seriously. 

Birth: 30 April 1937, Kathmandu
Death: 21 July 2021, Kathmandu

King Tribhuvan had for some obscure reason sent his father into exile. This is why Uttam Nepali, accompanying his father, lived and studied in Lucknow, India, along with the rest of the family.

It was in the city of the Nawabs that Nepali developed his taste for all forms of art, including painting and acting. After completing grade ten, he ran from his family home to go to Mumbai for acting classes. Having established a decent network in Mumbai, Nepali was looking forward to starting his career in Bollywood when his family members found him and brought him home.

He also didn’t get his family’s support for his other passion, painting. His businessman father wanted him to follow in his footsteps and let go of his passion for art. Although father was not convinced, Nepali convinced his mother to send him to the College of Arts and Crafts, Lucknow, and later to the prestigious Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy (JJ) School of Art, Mumbai.

In 1959, after completing his studies in India, Nepali came to Kathmandu, which would become his new home and workplace, to launch his career as an artist. He debuted with an exhibition at the Tri-Chandra College.

Nepali is widely hailed for promoting solo exhibitions. Before him, only famed artists organized solo exhibits. Nepali taught his juniors the essence of art at various workshops and encouraged them to organize solo shows.

In the 1960s and 1970s, Nepali made a name for himself by employing modernist forms like expressionism, abstractionism, expressionism, and surrealism, and incorporating traditional Nepali themes, paper, and color. This would define his whole body of art for years to come. He organized 13 solo exhibitions in his lifetime, including in India, Bangladesh, Japan, South Korea, the Soviet Union, and Australia.

King Mahendra was his patron and well-wisher. For the king’s ‘Gau farka’ (Return to the village) campaign, Nepali prepared paintings to encourage people to develop their villages.

Meanwhile, Nepali found time to fulfill his desire to act in a movie. In fact, he made it to the silver screen twice: ‘Aama’ (1964) and ‘Hijo Aaaj Bholi’ (1964). Apart from that, Nepali also published his poem collection—Uttam Nepalika Kavitaharu.

In 2000, he was granted lifetime membership of the Nepal Academy.

A long-time heart patient Nepali died of cardiovascular complications on July 21 at a hospital in Kathmandu. He is survived by his wife, two sons, and two daughters.

The months-long dispute between CPN-UML chair KP Sharma Oli and senior leader Madhav Kumar Nepal is far from being resolved. Each camp has upped its ante against the other through verbal attacks, demonstrations, and revival of militant-like groups such as the Youth Force and the People’s Volunteer.

A couple of weeks ago, Oli revived the party’s Youth Force, which was set up in 2008 to counter the Maoists’ Young Communist League (YCL). It was dissolved a year later by the party’s eighth general convention. Following Oli’s revival of the Youth Force now, the Nepal faction has also revived the People’s Volunteer (PV) group, which was also dissolved by the same party convention, for the same reason that its hooliganism, just like Youth Force’s, was tarnishing the party’s public image.

Now, the two groups are doing their bit to get the attention of their leadership and to take the rivalry to the streets. The Youth Force has already organized big rallies, by openly flouting Covid-19 social distancing and mask guidelines. The People’s Volunteer are following suit.

Defending the mass demonstrations his group has been organizing, Kshitij Thebe, commander of Youth Force, says: “The present political turmoil is more unbearable for the common folks than the impact of Covid-19.”

Shiva Kumar Shrestha, head of People’s Volunteer, says his group will retaliate if the Youth Force gets involved in any unruly behavior. “We will not remain silent if anyone besieges our leaders’ residence [as the Youth Force did a week earlier].”

However, both camps claim that the youth groups have been revived, not to intimidate one another, but to deploy volunteers at vaccine centers, assist in rescue programs during natural calamities, advocate for justice, and hold those in power to account.

But their actions suggest otherwise. The Youth Force recently formed a 1,101-member valley command under Pushpa Raj Shrestha, who in 2008 claimed to have brought the YCL “under control”.

“Nepal is now being controlled by international agents and we will expose them,” says Shrestha who, however, sees the midnight meeting between Oli and the head of RAW as no more than an innocuous diplomatic get-together.

Meanwhile, public health experts are worried that crowded clashes between the two groups could trigger a third wave of Covid-19 infections in Kathmandu, just as demonstrations against the dissolution of parliament coincided with the second wave.

Kiran Poudel, chairperson of National Youth Federation Nepal, the mother association of Youth Force, says most of their volunteers are vaccinated so the rallies won’t spread the virus. “The media only blames us, but turns a blind eye to protests by other groups,” he adds. Likewise, Shrestha from PV says his group organizes rallies only when prohibitory orders are relaxed.

Some UML leaders such as Yogesh Bhattarai have called on the groups to end hostilities and lobby with party leadership to keep UML intact. “Leaders of the two groups must dissolve their respective youth forces at the earliest,” says Bhattarai, who was earlier in the Nepal camp. He urges both Oli and Nepal to work towards party unity and get the party back on track before rival forces take advantage of their disunity.

Many questions swirl around the new Sher Bahadur Deuba government, particularly after Deuba’s better-than-expected performance in the parliament, where he got the support of 165 lawmakers. He has a tough task balancing national and international actors even as he leads what is essentially an electoral government. ApEx’s Pratik Ghimire talked to veteran political analyst Vijay Kant Karna for some insights.

In your opinion, how long will Deuba’s coalition partners continue to support him?

The majority of MPs who stood against the House dissolution and announcement of midterm elections are now backing the government. So their hands are morally and politically tied to continue supporting it until the end of its term in late 2022. I don’t think we need elections right now because our constitution provides that our parliament will complete its full term. So, the Deuba government will and must continue until its natural expiry date.

How did the Thakur faction of the Janata Samajbadi Party come around to supporting Deuba’s premiership ?

The Thakur faction follows the majority. It would not have supported any government, whether led by Oli or Deuba, had other parties refrained from doing so. Its MP Resham Chaudhary is still in jail, the Supreme Court has scrapped the citizenship ordinance, and the issues of Madhes haven’t been addressed. The faction was compelled to vote for the government to stand a chance of getting their demands met. Deuba too asked Thakur for a favor.

How would you remember PM Oli’s over three-year tenure?

There are few bases to evaluate the government—political and constitutional—and election manifesto. The Oli government was a failure on all counts. He tried to weaken the essence of the republic: democracy, federalism, inclusion, proportionality, and secularism. The around 80 bills he introduced created mistrust between the central and provincial governments. This includes bills related to the Public Service Commission, bureaucracy adjustment, and more. The national intelligence department, which comes under the Home Ministry, was placed under his office. The Revenue Investigation and Money Laundering Department, which was to be governed by the Ministry of Finance, was also dragged under his office.

Moreover, Oli converted constitutional bodies and diplomatic posts into his party’s recruitment centers where he appointed his henchmen. The media and guthi bills, restrictions on protests in open places, and phone-tapping are also examples of his authoritarian tendencies.

What difference can we expect now that Deuba is at the helm?

I don’t have many expectations from the current government. But Deuba could take a few things back on track. I guess he won’t do things that will hamper the constitutional base of Nepal and further. He could also withdraw controversial bills.

Oli murdered our diplomatic relations and foreign policies with India, China, the US, the UK, and other European nations. None of the countries replied to the diplomatic note asking for vaccines. A few years back, in South Asia, we used to be the favorite of foreign powers. But today, Bhutan and Bangladesh are receiving vaccines as grants, but we aren’t. I hope the Deuba Cabinet will look into these things.

Unlike Oli, Deuba won’t run his office on individual whims. He has experience running a coalition government. Gandaki province has a Congress government, Province no. 2 has Congress alliance, and Lumbini could see a new Cabinet, so I think he will link well with provinces. For now, we should not expect more from him.

How do you expect the Deuba-India relationship to progress?

Nepali Congress and India have historical relations. And now too, I think these two friends will have normal diplomatic ties—but I can’t say it will reach new heights. Deuba shouldn’t take an ultra-nationalist stand and unnecessarily ditch the southern neighbor. India, in recent days, has established itself as one of the world’s most powerful nations, and it has fostered cordial relations with Western countries. The current government could use India’s diplomacy for national benefit.