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In Karnali Province, fatal accidents continue to claim lives as residents are forced to cross rivers using tuins—makeshift cable crossings—due to the absence of proper bridges. Despite repeated tragedies, progress on building safe infrastructure remains slow, putting lives at daily risk.

On 7 Oct 2023, Makar Singh Nepali (38) of Soru Rural Municipality-5, Mugu, died while crossing the Karnali River via a tuin in Sarkegad Rural Municipality, Humla. The cable snapped, sending him plunging into the river. His body was recovered a month later.

Just a day later, on Oct 8, Tula Bohara (55) of Mudkechula Rural Municipality, Dolpa, fell into the Jagadulla River while trying to cross in a canoe—her only option after a bridge was destroyed by floods in 2019. She did not survive.

Another tragedy occurred when Bhuwame Khadka of Junichande Rural Municipality-4, Jajarkot, died after falling from a canoe while crossing the Chhedagarh River. In a similar incident a few years ago, Harisingh Khadka and Bir Bahadur Khadka were seriously injured.

These incidents represent only a small fraction of the accidents occurring across the province. Locals report that injuries, disappearances, and deaths due to unsafe crossings have become tragically routine. Yet, there is no comprehensive record of tuin-related fatalities. The Karnali Provincial Police Office in Surkhet has documented just three deaths and two injuries from tuin incidents since 2018, although locals insist the actual numbers are much higher. “What was meant to be a lifeline has become a symbol of fear and death,” said a resident of Humla.

In Sarkegad and similar areas, both residents and elected officials risk their lives daily crossing rivers on tuins. “There is no bridge here,” said local resident Aiti Phadera. “We cross the Karnali with our eyes closed, praying to our ancestral gods.” From transporting food and firewood to taking the sick for treatment, tuins are still widely used. Children also risk their lives every day on their way to school.

Preliminary data from the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Urban Development shows that 55 tuin systems remain active in eight of Karnali’s ten districts. Humla has the highest number (15), followed by Kalikot (12), Jajarkot (12), and Surkhet (eight). Only Rukum Paschim and Jumla have no active tuins. Officials said the data was gathered through public notices and will be verified through on-site surveys.

To address the crisis, the Karnali Province Planning Commission has pledged to construct 496 suspension bridges within five years, increasing the total number from 1,304 to 1,800 by the end of the fiscal year 2025/26. This goal is part of the province’s second five-year development plan.

However, locals and social activists say progress has been slow and uneven. “Some tuins are tied to trees with frayed ropes—disaster can strike at any moment,” said local activist Bindulal Regmi. In some places, people are even charged to cross: Rs 1,000 for motorcycles and Rs 100 per person—an added burden for those already struggling.

Devaki Timalsina, Vice-chairperson of Sarkegad Rural Municipality, emphasized the need for coordinated action. “Our people are dying. This cannot go on,” she said. “The local, provincial, and federal governments must come together to build the bridges Karnali urgently needs.”

Though the region is now connected to the national road network, many remote communities still lack basic infrastructure like bridges. Until that changes, people will continue to cross rivers with prayer on their lips—and fear in their hearts.

Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari is desperately trying to join CPN-UML, vowing to uphold the ideology of her late husband, Madan Bhandari, who advocated for Nepal’s communists to adapt to multiparty democracy. Some argue that Bhandari’s re-entry is justified, while others say it is inappropriate for a former head of state to rejoin party politics.

The UML has officially refused to renew the party membership of Bhandari, blocking her from rejoining active politics. The party clarified that as per the party statute, only the Central Committee can decide on membership renewal. Since the committee has established that there is no requirement for Bhandari to return to active politics, the question of membership does not arise.

Party chair and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has long maintained that it is against the constitution for an ex-head of state to resume partisan politics. He contends that the Constitution of Nepal 2015 does not envision the active political stances taken by a ceremonial head of state, a symbol of national unity and neutrality, even after retirement.

Bhandari, who approved two unconstitutional decisions of the Oli-led cabinet to dissolve the parliament, recently said she is aware that this incident will continue to follow her. She, who endorsed the controversial recommendations for parliament dissolution at Oli’s recommendation, however, says that she was not under any pressure while endorsing it. According to her, she just implemented what the cabinet decided, and followed the constitutional provisions.

Once seen as close political allies—supporting his ambitions and him advancing her profile—the Oli-Bhandari alliance is decidedly over. 

Bhandari’s election in 2015 as Nepal’s first female president presented an image of a neutral head of state in line with Nepal’s constitution. But behind the mask of impartiality lay a fraught relationship with the ruling communist force—and its most dominant leader, Oli.

Let’s revisit the principal flashpoints of the contentious choices of Bhandari while she served as president: the National Assembly process delays, the controversial swearing in of her second term, the two dissolutions of Parliament, and the citizenship and financial-governance ordinance standoffs that pulled her further into partisan controversy. It leads up to the present standoff over UML leadership, explaining how the erstwhile united front has since fragmented under pressures of constitutional interpretation, personal ambition, and shifting political norms.

Shortly after the 2017 general elections, the outgoing government led by Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba presented an ordinance for calling the first National Assembly elections. Pursuant to Article 129, these elections had to be held within certain timeframes, yet Bhandari left the ordinance hanging for weeks, delaying the formation of the upper house. She was accused by critics of succumbing to UML pressure to slow a process that was Congress-skewed; Prime Minister Deuba condemned openly ‘undue influence’, and the debate ignited a national uproar over government paralysis.

In a surprising twist, Bhandari ratified the ordinance on 29 Dec 2017—but only after retracting the original proposal and replacing it with the Congress‑sponsored version. This abrupt volte‑face cleared the way for a new government, but did little to assuage concerns about her impartiality. The episode hinted at an emerging modus vivendi: Bhandari would delay until political pressure reached fever pitch, then step in to resolve crises on terms that often advantaged Oli’s party.

Barely weeks into Oli’s premiership, a second test of Bhandari’s resolve emerged. In Feb 2018, Deuba’s government nominated three members to the upper house. Bhandari refused to endorse them, deferring action even after Oli replaced Deuba on Feb 15. Once Oli sent his own slate of nominees, she approved them immediately—effectively dismissing Deuba’s choices without public explanation.

By then, crucial weeks had slipped by, delaying the assembly’s functioning. Legal scholars denounced the move as a violation of Article 79, arguing that the president’s discretion must not be wielded as a partisan weapon. Though no formal penalties followed, the episode further eroded Bhandari’s reputation for neutrality—and cemented her reputation within UML circles as a loyal ally.

When Bhandari took office again in March 2018, she was faced with another constitutional impediment. Her swearing-in by Chief Justice Gopal Parajuli took place just a few minutes after a Judicial Council notification had ostensibly retired Parajuli on the basis of having exceeded the retirement age. Legal appeals soon challenged the validity of the presidency as well, arguing that the oath taken unlawfully invalidated her mandate.

Though the Supreme Court ultimately allowed the challenge to proceed, the controversy underscored the delicate interplay between executive and judicial branches. Critics argued that Bhandari’s eagerness to proceed with the ceremony—despite clear legal questions—revealed a willingness to ignore procedural safeguards whenever political expedience demanded.

The apex of Bhandari and Oli’s controversial partnership came in late 2020. After losing a confidence vote on Dec 20, Prime Minister Oli advised dissolution of the House of Representatives under Article 76 (1), and Bhandari issued the proclamation that same night. The suddenness of the move—announced at midnight, without parliamentary debate—triggered nationwide protests and mass legal challenges. Seven ministers resigned in protest, and constitutional lawyers decried the act as a blatant usurpation of popular mandate.

The Supreme Court in Feb 2021 invalidated the dissolution as unconstitutional, ordering the House to convene. Unfazed, Oli instructed—and Bhandari sanctioned—a second one in May 2021, this time under Article 76 (5). Protests and petitions again followed. On July 12, the court nullified the second proclamation and named Deuba prime minister, rebuking the president for serially signing off on acts unconstitutional.

These back‑to‑back decisions—rubber‑stamped with minimal scrutiny—fractured public trust. Observers chastised the president for sacrificing constitutional fidelity to prop up Oli’s political fortunes, and for ignoring warnings about the humanitarian costs amid a surging pandemic.

Beyond parliamentary maneuvers, Bhandari’s role in citizenship law reforms sparked further debate. In May 2021, during the Covid-19 pandemic and political crisis, she promulgated a citizenship amendment ordinance at Oli’s behest, only to see the Supreme Court stay its implementation as “colourable legislation” bypassing parliament. Oli did so to please his coalition partners.

The turning point was in Aug 2022, when a gender‑equitable Citizenship Amendment Bill passed both houses. Bhandari vetoed it with fifteen recommendations, but when parliament flared up at the unchanged text, she let it lapse by failing to sign it within the 15‑day constitutional deadline. Deuba was the prime minister.  Tens of thousands of children, especially those born to Nepali women and foreign men, remained stateless. Opponents branded the move as a ‘pocket veto’ legally equal to constitutional violation; five top ruling-party officials publicly criticized the move and threatened impeachment.

Bhandari defended her action as maintaining the sanctity of the constitution. Nevertheless, her denial of assent to a democratically passed bill involved her in further charges of abusing presidential discretion for political ends while disguising it with ceremonial facade.

Several additional controversies have marked Bhandari’s presidency, painting a portrait of a head of state who often blurred the line between ceremonial duty and political involvement.

In Oct 2017, when then–Prime Minister Deuba had presented an ordinance on medical education to the House of Representatives, President Bhandari retained it in her custody for nearly three weeks. Her delay had come under widespread public backlash, particularly from civil society and activist Dr Govinda KC. She signed the ordinance only on Nov 10—much beyond executive standards—drawing charges that she had exercised presidential discretion for political reasons.

In Nov 2020, Bhandari once more courted controversy by wading directly into the internal struggle of the then-ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP). She met with factional leaders such as Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Madhav Kumar Nepal, Bamdev Gautam, and Oli to attempt to mediate a solution to the party’s internal crisis. This was seen as a grave breach of presidential impartiality by analysts, some of whom stated that she behaved more like a political patron than as a constitutional head of state.

In Dec 2020, the Oli Cabinet pushed through an ordinance amending the Constitutional Council Act to allow council decisions with minimal quorum. President Bhandari swiftly approved it, enabling controversial appointments across constitutional bodies bypassing parliamentary hearings. Critics saw this as unchecked rubber-stamping of executive excess.

On 21 Sept 2022, Bhandari made a pre-recorded address to a Chinese-funded Global Security Initiative forum in Beijing in contravention of reportedly advised by Deuba government’s Foreign Ministry. Her presence was strongly condemned for being a breach of diplomatic etiquette and risking Nepal’s tenuous foreign policy balance.

Again in Oct 2022, Deuba was the prime minister and President Bhandari refused to promulgate a government ordinance presented to amend several laws—including the Money Laundering Prevention Act and Foreign Investment Act—that were necessary for Nepal’s compliance with Financial Action Task Force (FATF) deadlines. Her inaction was condemned for suppressing vital anti–money laundering reforms and for exacerbating Nepal’s slowing efforts to deliver international obligations. She is also blamed by critics for Nepal’s Feb 2025 gray‑listing, which affected foreign investment and bank costs.

Finally, in March 2023, she was faulted for allegedly renaming the formal Twitter identity of the President’s Office (@PresidentofNP) to her name (@BidyaDBhandari), stripping it of official verification. The move raised public and institutional ire, as her replacement was barred from occupying the verified cyberspace, which was condemned as misuse of official facilities for individual purposes.

Every episode has eroded the myth of politically neutral presidency and strengthened the image of Bhandari as a partisan official instead of a fair-minded umpire above factional turmoil. The same controversies that plagued her government now fuel suspicions regarding the true motives for her actions. In UML ranks, there is skepticism as to whether her ascent predicts yet another cycle of internal civil strife.

Bhandari’s eight‑year tenure was marked by contradictions: sworn to uphold Nepal’s constitution, yet accused of stretching its limits; cast as the ultimate ceremonial figure, yet wielding real—and often decisive—discretion. Her partnership with Oli brought the promise of stable governance but delivered repeated constitutional crises. Now, as she lays claim to lead the very party she served from the ceremonial chair earlier, Bhandari has to face the record of those standoffs: the dead ordinances, the contested oaths, the dissolutions abhorred by the judiciary, and the citizenship reforms balancing.

As professionals grow in their corporate careers, particularly in fields like banking, they often find that with higher roles come higher complexities. Reaching mid-level management may once have seemed like a dream, a point of arrival filled with good salary, respect, and benefits. However, the reality at this stage is far more nuanced. The job becomes increasingly sensitive, and the room to shift or switch roles narrows down, especially in markets like Nepal where the banking sector is currently facing stagnation and recession-like conditions. Unlike early career phases where exploring new opportunities feels easier, mid-level professionals find that options are limited and risks are higher, making every career decision far more consequential.

At the same time, the role demands constant performance under pressure. Mid-level managers walk a tightrope, they must meet the expectations of senior leadership while also managing teams effectively. There is little space for error, as even small mistakes can raise questions about one’s capability and potential. The fear of underperforming or facing embarrassment in front of peers and seniors becomes a daily pressure. It’s not just about getting the job done; it’s about consistently maintaining high standards, being sharp, strategic, and responsive all while remaining composed under scrutiny.

When tough times come, it’s natural for the mind to start signaling that quitting could be the easiest way out. But this instinctive reaction can be dangerously counterproductive. Quitting in the face of challenge, especially without a well-thought plan, may bring more uncertainty and chaos. Problems are not necessarily the issue, it's often the way we choose to deal with them that determines the outcome. Facing the storm with clarity and courage fosters long-term strength and leadership maturity.

Given the rising stress and pressure, many mid-level professionals often find themselves wondering if exploring other markets or starting their own venture might offer a better alternative. The thought of leaving the rigidity of corporate life behind and chasing a fresh beginning can be tempting. However, running away is rarely the real solution. Instead, the more sustainable path is to confront challenges head-on, gain deeper experience, and build the resilience needed to lead through adversity. This difficult period, if endured with clarity and strength, often shapes the foundation of a mature, capable leader.

By mid-career, most professionals have fixed financial obligations from supporting families to paying EMIs to planning children’s education. Despite earning a respectable salary and enjoying corporate benefits, building real net worth remains a challenge. There is a financial bind that makes one risk-averse and sometimes, emotionally fatigued. The pressures at work merge with pressures at home, creating a cycle where burnout can quietly creep in.

What makes it more difficult is the illusion that one has “arrived.” For years, becoming a mid-level manager might have been a goal. But once there, it’s evident that this level is more of a transition zone than a final destination. The responsibilities are immense, but the authority is still limited. One must perform exceptionally while waiting patiently for growth, for recognition, for that next opportunity. And while there is pride in what one has achieved, there is also a lingering sense of uncertainty about what comes next.

In truth, the mid-level management phase is not just about career advancement; it is a complex balancing act between ambition, obligation, and emotional endurance. It demands resilience, adaptability, and a deep reservoir of inner strength. Behind every seemingly composed mid-level manager is a story of quiet struggles, strategic compromises, and the determination to hold everything together both professionally and personally. And for those who choose to face the storm instead of fleeing from it, the reward is not just survival, but the transformation into a seasoned and mature leader.

Mid-level managers are a quality resource for any bank or institution. They are not just operational executors but also cultural pillars who hold teams together and carry the weight of organizational goals. Especially in times of crisis or stagnation, their role becomes even more critical. Organizations must recognize their contribution and take care of them not just with salary and perks, but through support systems, opportunities for growth, and a culture of respect. The cost-to-benefit ratio of investing in mid-level managers is minimal compared to the immense value they bring. Empowered and supported, they can become the very force that drives institutions forward through both calm and crisis.

Do you like how you feel in cafes and coffee shops? Do you find yourself wondering how you could replicate that atmosphere at home? Have you tried and not been able to get it right? We have a five-step guide to help you combine coziness, subtle aesthetics, and sensory comfort and transform your space.

It’s all about the music

One of the main things you notice when you enter a cafe is the soothing music playing in the background. create a personalized playlist featuring lo-fi, jazz, or acoustic music. You can also try YouTube playlists. Play the music on a bluetooth speaker. One tucked away on a shelf is just right to have music coming in from somewhere.

Evoke the senses with aromas 

While having a pot of coffee or fragrant tea brewing in the kitchen to fill the house with a pleasant aroma is ideal, it might not always be possible. Use incense, diffusers, or scented candles to always have your home smelling great. We recommend coffee, vanilla, or cinnamon scents to get that cafe ambience point on.

Pay attention to the decor

Cafe ambience is all about plants, books, and cute little trinkets. Stack books and magazines on a shelf. Get a small chalk board, set it up on the kitchen counter and write down your favorite quote or meal plan of the day. Find cool, vintage prints and hang them on the wall. Place plants in small pots on coffee and side tables or hang pothos from shelves. You can also have a few twigs from the garden displayed artistically in a small vase on your dining table.

Light up your space 

During the day, pull back the curtains and let natural light in. You can use sheer curtains to control the amount of light coming into the room. In the evening, make sure you use indirect, ambient, lighting, and not harsh overhead lights to create a mellow atmosphere. Think floor lamps, string lights, and low mood lighting in the form of candles and small lamps. Make sure you use warm lights instead of white lights for that added effect.

The devil is in the details

Once you have the basics down, don’t forget to add in some rustic details to give your space that cozy cafe vibe. Add throws or blankets on your sofa. Use natural fibers like cotton, hemp, and linen to keep things cool and comfortable. Make sure your space is tidy. Create little nooks where you can sit and sip on some coffee. Add dried flowers in small glass vases and keep them on the side tables. A great coffee table book can lend an element of intrigue while random trinkets, arranged artistically, on a tray can add charm.