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We know that the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789 was the first document to refer to social, economic, and cultural rights, including the rights to education, work, property, and social protection. In 1941, the Atlantic Charter was declared, which paved the way for the development of an International Bill of Rights during 1942–45. The adoption and proclamation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) by the United Nations General Assembly on 10 December 1948 marked a historic milestone in the field of human rights.

The historic Article 2, which states that “Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind… no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional,” affirms that everyone is equal, irrespective of differences. The UDHR also emphasizes public participation. Article 21 declares that everyone has the right of equal access to public service in their country, and further elaborates on the right to periodic elections and secret ballots.

Article 25.1 states: “Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and wellbeing of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing, and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age, or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.”

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) of 1976 and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) of 1976 oblige signatory nations to uphold human rights. The UNDP also highlights human rights as a central concern. Nepal is a signatory to these conventions, covenants, and protocols.

Article 1 of the UDHR—“All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights”—clearly enshrines the principle of equality. Article 2, which prohibits distinctions of any kind, further reinforces this. These are moral claims, inalienable and inherent in all human beings by virtue of their humanity. Over time, these claims have been articulated and codified into what we now call human rights, and have been translated into legal rights through national and international law. The basis of such legal rights lies in the consent of the governed—the subjects of these rights.

Human rights are well defined in the following lines: “The values of dignity and equality of all members of the human race, like many other basic principles which underlie what we today call human rights, can be found in virtually every culture and civilization, religion and philosophical tradition.” 

Human rights: Comments and interpretations (1948)

The United Nations once designated the International Year of Human Rights “to broaden and deepen human rights learning on the basis of the principles of universality, individuality, interdependence, impartiality, objectivity and non-selectivity, constructive dialogue and cooperation, with a view to enhancing the promotion and protection of all human rights and fundamental freedoms.”

The first article of the UDHR expresses universality through the principle of human dignity. The second article guarantees entitlement to rights without discrimination of any kind. The Preamble recognizes the “inherent dignity and the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family” as the foundation of freedom, justice, and peace in the world.

In Nepal, the culture of human rights is relatively new. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) was established in 2000 as a statutory body under the Human Rights Commission Act of 1997. Its responsibilities, now constitutionally mandated by the Constitution of Nepal (2015), complement the work of the Supreme Court, the Office of the Attorney General, and other judicial and quasi-judicial bodies.

The Commission was founded in line with the 1991 UN-sponsored Paris Principles, a detailed set of guidelines on the status of national institutions. These principles, endorsed by the UN Commission on Human Rights (1992) and the UN General Assembly (1993), became the foundation for the NHRC’s establishment. As per Article 248 and 249 of the Constitution of Nepal, the NHRC is meant to function as an independent and autonomous constitutional body.

Every year on Dec 10, the world observes International Human Rights Day, a reminder of the inherent dignity and equal rights of all members of the human family. The United Nations first recognized the day universally in 1950. Yet, it is regrettable that human rights violations persist in many forms.

The commemoration of this day reminds us that human rights must never be violated. The principles of the UDHR, adopted in 1948, remain crucial to creating a more just and rights-friendly world. However, violations continue, and the struggle for human dignity remains urgent. Discrimination based on caste, religion, gender, and disability persists across the world. While constitutions guarantee human rights, implementation often falls short. Even the Human Rights Commissions, which are tasked with addressing these issues, sometimes fail to respond adequately. Gender-based violence, domestic abuse, sexual exploitation, and human trafficking remain widespread—dark stains on humanity’s conscience.

The UDHR is reinforced by two essential covenants adopted in 1966—the ICCPR and the ICESCR—which clarify and enact the rights it proclaims. Today, new challenges such as climate change threaten the realization of human rights globally. World leaders must unite to address discrimination, inequality, and violence of all kinds. Human rights have become a global concern, essential for building a just and peaceful world. The core message of commemorating the 76th International Human Rights Day and the UDHR should be the vision of a discrimination-free world.

The KP Oli government is fully responsible for Monday’s massacre. I was an eyewitness at the Civil Hospital in New Baneshwar from 12 noon to 7 in the evening, while under curfew. I had gone there for a routine check of my wife’s poor health. Tear gas smoke filled the hospital premises, yet the doctors and nurses continued administering first aid to the wounded protesters. Some, gravely injured, had to be treated on the ground as the emergency ward overflowed. The indiscriminate use of force by security personnel was a gross violation of human rights. Meanwhile, human rights watchdogs failed to monitor effectively. No commissioner was present on the ground; instead, they remained in air-conditioned rooms issuing press statements.

Thus, the NHRC was negligent in monitoring the human rights situation. The demands of GenZ are genuine, yet the government has shown total indifference to the gross violations committed against protesters in today’s context.

We don’t want to turn this beautiful planet, the only living planet, into one huge waste dump, do we?

Facts first. 

Global pollution is rising due to rapid economic growth, population increases, and insufficient environmental management, the World Bank states: This poses serious health risks for people and ecosystems, particularly in low- and middle-income countries.  Contributing to these challenges, the global economy relies on deeply intertwined supply chains, sustained by more than 100bn tons of raw materials entering the system each year. Intensive material consumption depletes natural resources and causes negative environmental impacts at every stage of the product lifecycle. Global waste is expected to increase to 3.4bn tons by 2050.

Pollution undermines sustainable economic growth, exacerbates poverty and inequality in both urban and rural areas, and significantly contributes to climate change. As the largest environmental cause of disease and premature death, pollution is estimated to result in several times more deaths than from AIDS, TB and malaria combined. 

Much of the summer that has just passed by witnessed worsening air pollution levels, choking a large section of the national population due to wildfires, drought conditions, emissions from vehicles that run on dirty fuels and emissions from beyond the national borders. This should have come as a wakeup call for the federal government, prompting increased investments in firefighting equipment, enforcement of stringent emission control measures and serious steps toward a green economy.

Melting Himalayas, polluted water bodies, rising temperatures, rapid losses of flora and fauna, lungs craving for a breath of fresh air and ever-growing waste dumps—they all point toward a climate emergency. 

Granted that we as a nation have a nominal carbon footprint, but we still need to take some serious steps to curb pollution pervading the air, water, ether and land. While the major onus is on our governments at the center, provinces and locals to curb pollution within the national jurisdictions, we as a people should also desist from activities that contribute to this scourge. 

How about honking less and less? How about minimizing the use of plastics? How about turning down the volume of our audiovisual systems? How about curbing the use of vehicles that run on dirty fuels? 

And how about having indoor plants? Pollution control cannot wait. Let’s join hands against this scourge.

Nepal is in the grip of one of the gravest crises in its recent history. What began as a youth-led movement against corruption and political stagnation has exposed deep fractures in the country’s political system and raised urgent questions about the future of its democracy.

On Sept 8, thousands of young people, primarily from the GenZ demographic, gathered in Kathmandu to protest corruption, unemployment, and the government’s controversial ban on 26 social media platforms. The ban, announced by Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s administration, was justified on the grounds that the platforms were not formally registered in Nepal. For many youths, however, it symbolized an attempt to silence dissent and stifle the online activism they had relied on to hold leaders accountable.

The protesters had already mobilized campaigns such as Nepokids, which exposed the lavish lifestyles of politicians and their families. That day, they marched toward the restricted zone around the Federal Parliament. When some entered the compound and set parts of the building on fire, police responded with live ammunition, killing 19 demonstrators. The use of lethal force shocked the nation and ignited mass outrage. Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak resigned that night, and the government hastily announced the lifting of the social media ban. But the damage was done.

On Sept 9, tens of thousands of people poured into the streets of Kathmandu and beyond, demanding justice for what they called a massacre. As protests spread like wildfire and turned violent, Oli resigned in the afternoon. His departure, however, did little to calm the situation. What began as a protest against corruption and authoritarian overreach descended into chaos. Infiltrators, some linked to suspected criminal groups and political spoilers, transformed demonstrations into waves of arson, lynching, looting, and assaults. GenZ representatives distanced themselves from the violence and appealed for calm, but their calls went unheeded.

Scenes of destruction dominated both social media and news channels: crowds ransacking and burning state institutions such as the parliament, the Supreme Court, ministries inside the Singha Durbar complex, and police stations. There were prison riots and mass escapes in different parts of the country. Private residences of prominent politicians were also attacked. Former prime minister and Nepali Congress president Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife Arzu Rana Deuba, the foreign minister, were assaulted inside their home before being rescued by the Nepali Army. Media outlets were not spared either, as angry mobs set fire to the offices of Annapurna Media Network and Kantipur Media Group.

The delay in deploying the Nepali Army to restore order raised serious questions. Only by midnight did the Army intervene, assuming full responsibility for security. So far, more than 30 people, including security personnel, have lost their lives, and different parts of the country are still under curfew and prohibitory orders.   

This situation did not emerge overnight. It was the culmination of years of growing disillusionment with the political class. Since the restoration of democracy in 1990, three major parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center)—have dominated the political landscape. Over three decades, they rotated in power but failed to deliver stability, prosperity, or accountability. Instead, they became synonymous with corruption, patronage, and personal enrichment.

Government offices turned into hubs of bribery, where basic services became nearly inaccessible without paying officials. Meanwhile, leaders and their families flaunted wealth, living in stark contrast to millions struggling with unemployment and poverty. Bureaucrats, rather than serving as a check, colluded with politicians to deepen corruption.

In recent years, comparisons with Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, both rocked by mass protests against corrupt elites, circulated widely in political circles. Analysts warned that unless Nepal’s leaders stepped aside for a younger generation, frustration could erupt into something uncontrollable. Instead of heeding these warnings, senior leaders tightened their grip, refusing to retire or allow generational change.

Opposition forces, including the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) and royalist groups, sought to exploit popular anger. Earlier this year, the RPP staged large demonstrations, some of which turned violent. Former King Gyanendra Shah openly backed a royalist revival, though divisions within the monarchist camp weakened the movement. For mainstream parties, this brought temporary relief.

But Oli’s decision to ban social media reignited the anger. In a society where traditional institutions had lost credibility, digital platforms were one of the few tools young people trusted to challenge corruption and mobilize peers. The ban was thus seen as both authoritarian and deeply out of touch, adding fuel to an already volatile situation.

Now, Nepal faces a momentous political test. Demands from Gen Z protesters—particularly for an end to corruption and a stable government—must be addressed. Yet political stability also requires preserving the constitutional framework.

There are growing calls for President Ram Chandra Poudel and Army Chief Ashok Raj Sigdel to act strictly within the constitution while picking the head of interim government. Civil society, the media, and the legal community have warned that any deviation could push Nepal into uncharted territory.

Constitutional experts argue that the only viable way forward is to dissolve parliament and call fresh elections under the 2015 constitution. Abandoning the constitution, however, would be disastrous. Drafted after the abolition of the monarchy, it was the product of seven years of painstaking negotiation. Despite criticism from Madhes-based and royalist groups, it remains Nepal’s most inclusive charter to date. Rewriting it in today’s polarized climate would be nearly impossible.

The three major parties still control more than two-thirds of parliament, meaning no political roadmap can succeed without them. Yet their leadership has lost legitimacy in the eyes of young people. Unless they bring in new leaders and show genuine willingness to reform, protests are unlikely to subside.

The violence has struck a fragile economy already under strain. Nepal faces rising external debt, difficulty paying civil servants, and eroding investor confidence. The Sept 9 attacks paralyzed the private sector, long considered the country’s growth engine. Thousands of jobs have been lost. Without quick stabilization, more youths will migrate abroad, draining Nepal of much-needed human capital.

Education has been disrupted, with private schools and colleges targeted. Tourism, which peaks in September, has been devastated by attacks on hotels and travel businesses. Trade, too, has stalled as customs offices were vandalized. Without urgent international aid, Nepal risks sliding into deep recession within months.

International partners, particularly India, China, and Western donors, must play a constructive role in supporting Nepal’s democratic institutions, stabilizing the economy, and deterring external actors from exploiting the turmoil.

Despite the destruction of parliament, courts, and ministries, state institutions must not grind to a halt. The judiciary has pledged to resume partial services, and ministries should operate from makeshift offices. 

Nepal now stands at a crossroads. The crisis is both a warning and an opportunity. It has revealed the extent of public anger against a corrupt elite, but also the determination of a new generation to demand accountability.

President Ram Chandra Paudel has informed the public that he is currently engaged in consultations and making every possible effort to address the country’s ongoing challenges from within the Constitutional boundary. 

In a statement issued today, the Head of State said he is focused on identifying constitutional solutions to the current crisis, with an emphasis on preserving democracy and ensuring law and order in the country.

The President also urged all parties to have confidence in the ongoing efforts to address the demands of the agitating citizens. 

He appealed to all sides to cooperate in maintaining peace and stability across the nation.