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It’s the season of lychees, summer’s most refreshing and delicious fruit. The small tropical fruit that is reminiscent of a combination of strawberry, pear, and watermelon is juicy and sweet, almost like nature’s readymade dessert. The sad thing is that lychee season doesn’t last long so we must make the most of it. The luscious fruit can be consumed in a variety of interesting ways. Here we give you five simple ideas to enjoy this nature’s limited-time bounty in the best possible way.

Lychee cooler

Lychees make for great drinks. You can deseed the fruit and grind the pulp into a smooth paste and use it as a base for many cocktails and mocktails. A really easy drink recipe is to combine lychee juice (you can blend the pulp with water for this) with some lime juice, shredded ginger, and soda. Pour this mixture in a tall glass filled with ice, garnish with a sprig of mint and enjoy.

Lychee lassi

If you want a slightly denser or filling drink with lychees, look no further than this lychee lassi recipe. It’s delicious and will keep you full for a few hours. Take one cup of fresh lychees and mix it with a cup of yogurt. Pour in a cup of regular water or coconut water depending on your preference. Add one fourth teaspoon of grated ginger, three teaspoons of sugar, and one third teaspoon of salt. Blend all the ingredients along with six ice cubes in a blender till you get a smooth, creamy paste. Pour into a glass, decorate the rim with a slice of pineapple or watermelon, and enjoy.

Filled treats

Gently deseed the lychees without breaking open the fruit. You can make a small cut at the top or bottom and push the seed out. Once that is done, fill the lychee with cream or ice cream of your choice. Garnish with crushed dried fruits like almonds and walnuts and you have a delicious treat ready. You can also fill the lychees with pecans and macadamia nuts if you prefer a slightly healthier version of the treat. You can also enjoy this like a dessert.

Fruit cocktail

A bowl of refreshing summer fruits is a great thing to indulge in during the day. Not only does it look nice and appetizing, it’s also incredible to keep you hydrated and satiated. Mix two cups of fresh, peeled lychees with one cup cut papaya, two cups of fresh pineapple, one cup seedless grapes, halved, and one fourth cup shredded coconut. Refrigerate for an hour to allow the flavors to blend and serve. This recipe will make for six small servings. Garnish with coconut and mint.

Easy breezy ice cream

This recipe needs just three ingredients and you don’t need any special equipment for it either. A great hack if you want a quick treat is pouring lychee juice over store-bought vanilla ice cream but if you have a few minutes to spare then we recommend you make this delicious recipe to get the best out of lychee season. Blend two cups of lychees with a cup of cream and half a teaspoon of vanilla extract and freeze for four hours. Take it out and give it another blitz in the blender and refreeze for another four hours before serving.

It’s getting hotter by the day and with it we are facing a range of problems, like discomfort, lethargy, and increased thirst. But one thing that often goes unnoticed till it escalates and becomes unavoidable is the damage it does to our skin. From excessive tanning and dryness to clogged pores and shiny skin, there are many issues that the hot and humid months bring about and it’s important to adjust your regular skincare routine according to the weather. However, being mindful of some simple things can help tackle these problems and give you clear, glowing skin.

Don’t over cleanse

Since the humidity tends to make our skin oily, most of us end up cleansing or washing it whenever we can. Some people even wash their faces almost three to four times a day besides wiping their foreheads and cheeks with a handkerchief or tissue whenever it feels oily. The trick is to only wash your face once or twice a day and gently dab the oil with oil blotting sheets when it feels excessively oily. Wash your face with a mild cleaner every morning and evening. You can also skip the cleanser and just wash your face with plain water in the morning and use the cleanser in the evening only. It might take a little bit getting used to but over time, your skin will adjust to this pattern and regulate its oil production.

Use a lightweight moisturizer

Many people tend to skip the moisturizer during the summer months thinking it will make their skin even more oily but the fact is that using a moisturizer is crucial all year round. It helps lock in moisture and maintain and protect the skin’s natural barrier. Moisturizers also protect your skin from environmental stressors like sun damage, heat, and pollution. Did you know that dehydrated skin is more prone to breakouts and acne? Opt for a lightweight moisturizer according to your skin type. Look for gel or cream based moisturizers that are non-comedogenic, meaning it won’t clog your pores. Use a moisturizer after cleansing your face, every morning and night and put on a generous amount and gently rub it in. Doing this religiously will fix most of your skin issues over time.

Get a good sunblock

We all know the importance of sunscreen and that it should be used throughout the year. But to be honest we aren’t very disciplined about it, are we? It’s imperative to use sunscreen during the summer months and to do so without fail, even when you are staying indoors. Wearing sunscreen is one of the best and easiest ways to protect your skin. It prevents sunburn, skin cancer, and premature aging. For daily use, pick a sunscreen with an SPF of at least 30. If you spend more time outdoors, pick one that has SPF 60 or more. A half a teaspoon is enough to cover your face and neck. If you use a broad spectrum sunscreen, the order in which you use it doesn’t really matter. Some people find it easier to use sunscreen below makeup or moisturizer. You can do what you feel works best for you.

Exfoliate, regularly but gently

Exfoliation is important to remove dead skin cells, prevent clogged pores, and get clear skin. But during the summer, you have to be careful while exfoliating as your skin tends to become more sensitive due to exposure to harsh sun rays. Don’t exfoliate more than once or twice a week and overdoing this can lead to sensitivity and dryness. Don’t exfoliate immediately after sun exposure. If you have been out in the sun, wait until it’s evening to exfoliate. Use circular motions while exfoliating and don’t scrub too hard as it can damage your skin. Choose mild exfoliants that work for your skin type. Chemical exfoliants such as AHAs (alpha hydroxy acids) and BHAs (beta hydroxy acids) which gently dissolve dead skin cells are much better than harsh physical rubs like those containing walnuts or other such ingredients.

Pay attention to details

Wear sunglasses to protect your eyes and the delicate skin around your eyes during the summer months. Use a good eye cream with SPF. The same goes for your lips as well. Don’t neglect this sensitive part of your face. Protect your lips from the sun’s damaging rays by choosing a lip balm that has SPF 30 or higher. You can also exfoliate your lips once a week using a DIY sugar scrub. You can find many easy ideas for scrubs on YouTube and Instagram. You can also opt for a moisturizer that has SPF in it if a moisturizer and sunscreen feels like too much. If possible, wear little makeup or avoid it all together. You can use a tinted moisturizer to give your face that dewy glow without using other makeup products. 

There have been numerous generalizations, and with them, many misunderstandings regarding the crucial factors that underpin elitism in Nepal.

Undoubtedly, caste and land, and language, considering also the extent to which they have always been inextricably interlinked with each other, have continuously been predominant factors. Throughout the history of Nepal, these have been consistently key elements acting as springboards for individuals and groups with homogenous features to cement their prerogatives and privileges within the society.

Yet, a certain degree of privilege and the status coming with it do not automatically make someone part of the ruling elite. And, certainly, there has been a paucity of studies that try to go beyond such analysis of established societal dynamics and attempt to understand different dimensions of power creation that can lead to the exercise of real decision-making at the highest echelons of power.

Therefore, there is an opportunity to analyze how elites are created and shaped in Nepal from different perspectives. In this line, a novel line of inquiry is emerging. It focuses on the nexus between the influences exerted by foreign powers in Nepal and the hidden dynamics and consequences triggered by them over those who have been ruling the country.

This new approach tries to answer the following question: could be possible that foreign powers that, since the early days of Nepal’s formation till now, have been holding a very relevant role in shaping national politics, have a unique sway and impact over the underlying and hidden processes of elite formation, defined as those members of the society truly exercising power?

Nepal is a nation where foreign policy has always been passively exercised in reaction to the desires and moves of bigger and more powerful nations. To some extent, the conduct of foreign affairs by the different elites in power has not been, either by design or by default, aimed at independently exerting the country’s sovereign interests.

Rather, Nepal’s foreign policy has been more focused on responding to the interests that foreign powers have always held over it. It has been shaped to maximize a return not based on its own priorities and strategic interests but rather from how and what bigger international players, such as India, China, the USA, and, during the Rana oligarchy, the British Resident, approached Nepal and wanted from it.

At the same time, the elites in power did also benefit immensely from steering the country’s foreign policy in a balancing act that would not antagonize foreign powers but would be masterfully crafted and leveraged for their own self-interests. Therefore, wouldn’t it be interesting to reflect on how foreign policy conducted by others has determined and continues to influence elite formation in the country?

This is the ambitious task that Gaurav Bhattarai, an Assistant Professor at Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, set to decipher with his latest book, “Nepal’s Power Elites: Rajahs, Ranas and Republic,” due to be published in the first week of August.

The book is a bold attempt at understanding the elevation to power through the prism of foreign policy. “Elitism cannot be fully grasped without recognizing the profound influences of distant hands”, Bhattarai explained to me in our conversation.
Throughout a series of online interviews and exchange of emails, Bhattarai shared with me that normally the focus is on pinpointing the oversized influence that foreign powers have always held in shaping national politics.

But, according to him, we have been missing something important to better understand the elite’s formation and their related power dynamics in Nepal.

“In the grand narrative of the evolution of the Nepali statecraft, the role of British residency, Indian independence leaders, and a plethora of regional and international factors emerge as more than scanty background details—it is the very plot that drives the story of elite power structure”.

“In line with this insight, I argue that any understanding of elite status in Nepal is incomplete without an acknowledgment of these external forces”, Bhattarai wrote me in the e-mail. Elite is a loose concept, open to different interpretations.
The theories formulated in the nineteenth century by Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, and Robert Michels in Europe, or C Wright Mills in the US, and Sanjaya Baru in India elucidating the key elements and factors of elite making cannot simply be re-contextualized and adapted to Nepal according to Bhattarai.

To understand how the different elites across the different phases of Nepal’s model history, each with its unique features, formed and assumed power in the country, we need to go beyond the socio-religious aspects of the nation that have inevitably been conductors and enablers of access to power.

Foreign policy can turn out to be a very relevant area that deserves to be studied in order to decipher the formation of elites in Nepal. This undertaking should not only be analyzed from the ways foreign powers exercised it to influence and, in many instances, indirectly control power. Certainly, this aspect cannot be underestimated. “External forces have not only enabled but at times also constrained the power and influence of Nepali elites throughout history”, I was told in our conversation.
So in “Nepal’s Power Elites: Rajahs, Ranas and Republic”, Bhattarai analyzed to full extent “how foreign influences have shaped, bolstered or even undermined the authority of the ruling class”.

There is also another side of the coin, and this is really an important point that Bhattarai makes. According to him, the different elites holding decision-making authority in the country have themselves exploited the perceived influence of foreign nations in the country for their own interest.

In essence, the Shahs, then the Ranas, and then again the Shahs during the Panchayat and even the political class of the post-2008 Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal, have all consistently taken advantage of their access to foreign powers.
Each of them had different dynamics and unique features, and each asserted its powers in a unique context. And yet, the study conducted by Bhattarai is centered on the fact that all of them had one common denominator: the support received by foreign powers, without whom their own survival in power could have been jeopardized.

The members of the elites in power throughout different phases of Nepal’s modern history, have always shared something in common. They all misappropriated and misused, their prerogatives in dealing with foreign powers exercising their own influence over the country, to legitimize, cement and consolidate their own status and grip on the decision-making.
“Elites have leveraged their ‘monopoly’ or their exclusive access to foreign policy to justify their power”. “By engaging with missionaries, colonial powers, residents, envoys, ambassadors, and international organizations in different eras, they positioned themselves as the architects of Nepal’s modern history,” Bhattarai said.

What we think of national interest, which is often proclaimed with high rhetoric by politicians even these days, is actually the interest of elites whose members strive to preserve by leveraging their decision-making in the realm of foreign policies through their access to foreign actors.

Power has been exercised by elites not in the interest of the people but to further strengthen the elite itself, and Bhattarai’s scholarly research is an effort at understanding “how elites have ably used foreign policy to consolidate their authority”.
“In this book, I seek to advance beyond the existing debates in International Relations by exploring how the priorities, preferences, and behaviors of individual decision-makers impact foreign policy decisions. By examining these individuals’ actions, we may gain insights into the structural constraints they face and the norms that shape their positions,” explained Bhattarai. To better comprehend these patterns and dynamics, the publication tries to answer an important question:
“How do we measure their agency within the web of constraints they are bound by, and in what ways do we distinguish between genuine influence and the illusion of power within the broader political machinery?”.

“This question challenges the very concept of elite status and prompts us to reconsider how we understand leadership, authority, and influence in the realm of foreign policy decision-making”.

In essence, Bhattarai tries to explain how the domain of foreign and its interactions with national elites in different phases of Nepal’s modern history have shaped not only the country’s own political trajectories along the years but also enabled the rulers of the time to exert their power over the nation.
Normally, we explain and justify foreign policies through the angle of national politics. After all, foreign affairs are at the service of nations’ interests and priorities. The case of Nepal is different. Foreign powers did abuse and continue to abuse their own influence over the nation’s destiny.

But as Bhattarai helps us to realize, it is not only a one-way street. His inquiry tries to prove this point by presenting examples from numerous historical episodes and also from his observation of elite-driven foreign policy discourses in contemporary Nepal, be it in the media, seminars, or university.

The book is about the idea and practice of foreign and the way Nepali elites have been using and exploiting the domain of foreign and how, in the name of foreign policy behaviour and foreign policy priorities, they have been fulfilling their own vested interests.

The book also brings to the fore the presence and role of henchmen and interlocutors of all three—Rajhas, Ranas, and Republican leaders of Nepal—in different periods of time, to show how the idea of the foreign has been romanticized and weaponized as rhetoric.

Among them, what tops the list is the discourse of national interest, which, according to Bhattarai, as discussed in his upcoming book, is actually an “elite interest”. The elites in power throughout the history of Nepal till now excelled at preserving their own status and ably used the same foreign powers targeting and influencing them, for their own advantage. And let’s be honest, they have been extremely good and they are still good in this game. 

Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari’s nine-day visit to China has been interpreted differently by various sections of the society. Much of the commentary and analysis was based on reports in the Nepali media often lacking objectivity or verification. This tendency, with a few exceptions, remains a characteristic of Nepal’s media landscape.
Before delving into her high-level visit to Beijing and Gansu province accompanied by leaders of the CPN-UML and a Minister of the Government of Nepal, it is worth recalling who Bidya Devi Bhandari is. She served two terms as the president of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal, becoming both the country’s first female president and a founding president of the republican era. During her tenure, she faithfully upheld the Constitution and acted as a guardian of national interest, always prioritizing sovereignty and integrity without compromise.

In Nepal’s political history, Bhandari has made lasting contributions that are widely recognized. She championed the women’s movement, significantly advancing women’s participation in policymaking, especially in politics. Before becoming the head of state, she was the vice-president of the CPN-UML—the party’s second-highest position. Although she entered the presidential office carrying her party’s legacy, she fulfilled the responsibilities of her high office with dignity and neutrality.

Now, let us return to the core issue: the nature of her visit to China. She visited the northern neighbor in the capacity of a former head of state, not as a CPN-UML leader. Contrary to reports in Kathmandu, she was not invited by the International Department of the Communist Party of China (IDCPC), but rather by an organization named the Chinese Association for International Understanding. However, it is true that the IDCPC facilitated the visit. During her stay in Beijing, she addressed a gathering of political parties from China’s neighboring countries as a guest speaker. She understandably presented herself as both a former head of state and a former vice-president of the CPN-UML, which is appropriate and does not harm anyone. After all, political leaders carry their legacies.

In Gansu, she delivered a statement on China’s Global Civilization Initiative (GCI), announced by President Xi Jinping in 2023, at a high-level political party meeting. China is a civilizational state with a recorded history of more than five thousand years. The revival of such a legacy is a proud moment for any nation. During her visit, Bhandari met with Chinese Vice-president Han Zheng in Gansu and held a meeting with Liu Jianchao, Minister of the IDCPC, in Beijing. In both meetings, she presented herself as a leader of Nepal’s communist movement and a former president. She also met Ji Bingxuan, vice-chairman of the Standing Committee of the 13th National People’s Congress and president of the Chinese Association for International Understanding. Their exchanges focused on goodwill and matters of mutual interest.

While she was participating in programs in Beijing, a wave of speculations and conspiracy theories flooded the media in Kathmandu. Much of the reporting misrepresented the nature of her engagements, fueling unnecessary political tensions. Upon the delegation’s return, Minister Damodar Bhandari held a press briefing to clarify the purpose and outcomes of the visit. He explained that the visit focused on strengthening bilateral ties and covered various issues, including trade, culture, civilizational linkages and people-to-people relations. Understandably, discussions also included party-to-party relations between the CPN-UML and the CPC.

These were the key diplomatic engagements of former President Bhandari during her visit to China. Everyone has the right to interpret the underlying messages, but interpretations must be based on facts and coherence with the agendas of the visit.

Let’s fairly evaluate the visit.

First, no Chinese leader said that Nepal’s communist parties must unite before the 2027 elections, as some Nepali media outlets inaccurately reported. Chinese officials are careful not to interfere in domestic political matters. They consistently emphasize political stability as a prerequisite for development and prosperity. When engaging with Nepali leaders, they often share their own historical experiences of national humiliation and urge Nepali counterparts to maintain stability and pursue development with patience and vision.

Second, Chinese leaders generally welcome guests with honor and respect—more so for someone like Madam Bhandari, who is both a former head of state and a figure with a strong communist legacy. The respect she received should be interpreted as respect for the people of Nepal and its leadership. There is no evidence to support the claim that China is projecting her as the next president of the CPN-UML or facilitating her return to active politics.

Third, some reports suggested that Minister Liu said Madam Bhandari was the only leader capable of uniting Nepal’s communist parties. This was another misrepresentation. While Minister Liu did praise Bhandari, he did not suggest that she was uniquely trusted by China to reunite the leftist forces. This claim is part of a deliberate effort to circulate misleading narratives.

Fourth, Madam Bhandari is not only a former president but also the spouse of Madan Bhandari, the architect of People’s Multiparty Democracy (PMD)—the guiding principle of the CPN-UML. Chinese leaders hold great respect for the late Madan Bhandari and are closely familiar with the PMD framework. Their respect for Madam Bhandari is naturally linked to her late husband’s ideology, which sought to creatively reorient Nepal’s communist movement.

Fifth, the issue of who will be the next president of the CPN-UML is entirely an internal matter of the party. It is neither dictated by Beijing nor influenced externally. KP Sharma Oli is the current president of the party and the Prime Minister of Nepal. He leads both roles with strength and stability. Oli has never faced a leadership challenge within the party. He is seen as the leader who protected and revived the party during difficult times. If and when he decides to step down, he will identify a suitable successor. Should Madam Bhandari re-enter active politics, it will only be with Oli’s endorsement.

Therefore, let us refrain from circulating fabricated plots. Let us respect our neighbors and avoid unnecessarily dragging them into our internal affairs. Let us show our leaders some respect and avoid fueling divisions.