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Here the stories of every trekking route are written by the feet of the trekkers and every trekking route writes the new stories of the footsloggers. There are many trekking routes in Nepal which unfold various facets of nature along with challenges in front of the trappers. And the same surviving obstacles and challenges help them become stronger and succeed in their careers.

Langtang Valley or Lamtang Valley trek is one of the popular trekking routes of Nepal which not only give you a life-time experience but also take you up close to various towering snow capped mountains in a short period of time.

This time, with a short plan and preparations, I along with my friends decided to trek to and explore Langtang Valley.

As per the plan, we reserved a Bolero jeep. As we left the bustling streets of Kathmandu behind, the city slowly gave way to lush greenery and serene landscapes.

While we were discussing the place to have lunch, our jeep faced mechanical issues and got stuck in the middle of the road at Dharapani. We had no choice but to wait for another vehicle to pick us up. The driver said that we had to wait for around three hours for the vehicle. In the meantime, we had noodles as lunch and took photos and videos of the place for memory.

After the jeep arrived, we shifted our belongings to the new vehicle. The driver was congenial. He explained to us the stories behind the popular places on the way to Syabrubesi, the first stop of our jaunt. He even booked a hotel for us in Syabrubesi, a small town that serves as the gateway to Langtang Valley.

When we reached our hotel at Syabrubesi, we ordered our dinner as we were so exhausted after a long journey and went to bed.

The next morning, we packed all our possessions, had breakfast and got ready to start the slog. The morning was bright and cheerful. The trek started with the breathtaking and tranquil views of Bhotekoshi river. We walked by the river through a dense forest in between the hills for around three hours before stopping at Bamboo for lunch. Having a perfect lunch basking in the sun in the winter season with good friends after a long hike was really a delightful experience.

We had already booked rooms at the Friendly Guest House in Lama Hotel for that day. As we had enough time, we did not rush our way up. We were walking up and down enjoying trails in the forest rich in biodiversity, cascading waterfalls and melodic sounds of birds chirping.

When we reached Lama Hotel, it was around 4 pm. We ordered our dinner and went directly to the dining hall to sit around the fire. The cold was unbearable. Some of my friends started making foreign friends, thanks to their friendly behavior.

We had to walk around 10 hours the following day. So, we went to bed early.

The next day, the morning was cold and slightly misty. We had our breakfast and started the trek. The destination for that day was Kyanjin Gumba, the last stop of Langtang Valley trek. The trail was quite steep compared to the previous day but the dramatic and scenic views of the river, mountains and forest made us reenergized.

After walking for around two hours, we reached Riverside, a popular stopper for trekkers on the way to Langtang Valley. Surrounded by pine trees, the place is on the level of the river and has two tea houses.

The distance from Riverside to Ghodatable, another stopper for the trekkers, is around two hours.

We decided to have our lunch there. The trail from Ghodatabela to Langtang Village is quite easy and passes through traditional villages and a monastery. We can see various species of rhododendron trees, small pine and juniper trees.

Upon reaching the Langtang Village, we saw a big open ground where yaks were grazing without herder and any fear. We took around half-an-hour rest there enjoying the view.

When we were heading towards Kyanjin Gumba from Langtang Village, we saw a magical view of sunset. It was glorious and eye striking. The view had left us spellbound.

When the sun was going down, it painted the sky with vibrant colors. It changed its color from creamy yellow to fiery red, light pink and glowing orange.

That beautiful sunset brightened all our moods and even helped us forget our fatigue. We were lost in the moment gazing at the sunset.

Meanwhile, many acclaimed artists, poets and musicians in the world have been inspired by the sunsets. They have even depicted sunsets in their work to evoke feelings.

It was getting dark. But we were quite far from our destination. We turned on our headlights in order to see the way clearly. On one hand it was fun waking in the dark with the support of lights, but on the other hand we were in dire need to reach the hotel as we were hit hard by the cold wave.

In the meantime, when we crossed a small hillock. We saw a village illuminated with lights. There were big and tall buildings with every kind of facility. It was like a city. We had not thought even in our dreams about that kind of developed village far from the Capital in the lap of mountains.

All of a sudden, one of our friends looked up to the sky and admonished us to glance there. Oh my god, what a view, we saw the unreal view of stars covering the sky, which stopped us in the trail for some time.

Like every day, we kept our belongings in the rooms and went directly to the dining hall to sit around the fire to keep ourselves warm. We had our dinner and went to bed.

The next day, we woke up early in the morning to leave for Kyanjin Ri. Kyanjin Ri is divided into two parts: Lower Kyanjin Ri (4,360 meters) from sea level and Upper Kyanjin Ri (4,773 meters).

Soon we began to trek, we climbed steeply on stone stairways and along the rugged trails for around three hours to reach Lower Kyanjin Ri. It was quite hard but we made it to the top. That day, we were heading to 4,700 meters from 3,800 meters.

Upon reaching there, the Langtang Himalayan Range, which had disappeared with the darkness a day before, started smiling with the ray of sunlight in the morning. We also responded with a bright smile.

The journey was not that easy. Sometimes, the feet used to hesitate to take a step ahead. There was the world of mountains. That is why, though we were tired of walking, no one was in a mood to stop. We kept on walking. When we looked down at the Kanjin Village and Kanjin Gumba, they were basking in the sun with a peaceful countenance.

We had our breakfast at Lower Kanjin Ri as we had carried all the essentials for the same. While having breakfast, Upper Kanjin Ri was also calling us to show its splendor. We rested as much as our body needed at Lower Kyanjin Ri. In spite of having difficulties in breathing, we reached Upper Kyanjin Ri, which we were proud of.

While descending, we took a different path which was less steep and much easier than the way we took to reach the view point.

This trek became a special one. Firstly, the body got good exercise. Secondly, Eyes got to see new and jaw-dropping panoramic views. Thirdly, we got to meet new people and make friends.

Trekking is not just about walking. It is a medium to explore ourselves and the country.

In conclusion, trekking through ethereal forest trails and quaint villages talking with friendly locals, watching sparkling rivers, gigantic snow capped mountains and rhododendron trees would no wonder attract travelers and trekkers from all over the world. Ancient Kyanjin Gumba is also one the attractions of the Langtang trek, where people can meditate, enjoy the art and architecture and soak in the serene beauty and ambience. Lastly, walking up to the Lower and Upper Kyanjin Ri would unquestionably offer an awe-inspiring panoramic view of Langtang Himalayan Range, that will leave anyone speechless.

So, right away, pack your bags to deep dive into nature and to discover the magic of Langtang.

Photos: Achitra Thieng

Shortly after Donald Trump’s second term inauguration, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi made a concerted effort to secure his visit to the White House. He was the fourth foreign leader to meet Trump in Washington on Feb 13 after the Israeli Prime Minister, Japanese Prime Minister, and Jordan’s King. During the meeting, Modi discussed possible convergence between the American and Indian dream. Using his unique linguistic expression of mnemonic acronyms, aimed at appealing to Trump, he introduced the MIGA (Make India Great Again), an equivalent version of MAGA (Make America Great Again) for India, and argued, “When America and India work together, this MAGA plus MIGA becomes a ‘MEGA partnership for prosperity’ and it is this MEGA spirit that gives new scale and scope to our objectives.” Though Modi seems excited about the convergence of MAGA and MIGA, questions exist about the various divergences between Trump’s and Modi’s aspirations, from defense to technology and immigration to trade. Though India might experience more relaxation in its internal democracy, treatment of minorities, and Ukraine issues in Trump’s term, it will be hard for India to manage pressure on issues such as immigration, trade, and the defense sector. The article will examine immigration and trade issues, while assessing India’s potential challenges facing Trump’s second term.

On the immigration front

Let’s start with the immigration issue. Immigration has emerged as one of the contentious issues between India and the US in the Trump Era. In this issue, India has already felt pressure from the Trump administration. Before visiting Trump, the Modi administration moved quickly to address the USA’s concerns about illegal Indian immigrants that predominantly aligned with Trump's point. When the Trump administration was deporting ‘illegal/undocumented’ Indian citizens in handcuffs and leg restraints, Indian Foreign Minister Jaishankar remarked in Indian parliament that Indians agreed with the USA for deportation. Though the Modi administration is trying to settle the issue in haste, the problem will not likely evaporate soon because of the vast number of Indian illegal immigrants and denunciations of Modi’s move at home.

As the Trump administration initiated the mass deportation of undocumented/illegal immigrants, according to US sources, they have identified around 18,000 Indians as illegally entering the US. However, recent research shows a different picture. According to the Pew Research Center, this number is around 725,000, the third biggest after Mexico and El Salvador. Similarly, the Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) estimates such numbers around 693,394. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) offers another picture, reporting 220,000 unauthorized Indians in 2022. Though there lacks a unified view on the number of undocumented and illegal Indians in the US, it is evident that India is one of the major sources of illegal immigrants in the USA.

During Modi’s recent visit to the US, he agreed to ‘aggressively address illegal immigration and human trafficking,’ a move that has raised concerns in India. While Modi was compelled to match Trump’s tone on the issue of illegal Indian immigrants, diverse concerns and worries are looming in India, particularly regarding the deportation of large numbers of such immigrants to India by the USA. Indian opposition leaders and representatives from locations such as Punjab and Gujrat have been vocal in their criticism of the Indian government’s alignment with the US rather than protecting the rights and interests of their citizens. For instance, Congress leader Manish Tiwari writes, “He [Jaishankar] unfortunately sounded more like a mid-level official of the American Administration rather than the Foreign Minister of India.” Despite Modi’s frequent pledges to ensure the security, safety, and dignity of India’s nationals worldwide, the continuous deportations of Indians in the future will undoubtedly hurt India’s dignity. The Modi administration’s hasty agreement to deport to please Trump has made it difficult for Modi to escape the issue quickly, potentially damaging his strong-man image at home and abroad.

Beyond undocumented and illegal Indian Immigrants, rapidly rising Indian diasporas and their considerable influence are also issues for the Trump-led Rights movement in the USA. Indian-origin people are one of the largest sections of the population in the USA and only second after Mexico. According to Pew Research, around 4.8m Indian Americans live in the USA; out of them, 66 percent were born in India, and 34 percent were born in the USA. as of 2022. Similarly, Statista says over 5.4m Indians live in the USA. Though there is divergence in the number of various sources, Indian Origin people hold a considerable number in the USA. Along with size, Indian Americans are emerging rapidly as an influential section. Indian-origin people are significant beneficiaries of the H-1B visas, which are specially provided to skilled professionals. For instance,according to US official data, Of the H-1B petitions approved in FY 2022, 72.6 percent were for beneficiaries whose country of birth was India. Similarly, the section earns more than double that of the US native and other foreign-born populations. According to Pew Research, the median income of Indian Americans is $145000, whereas the USA’s average median income is around $80,000. Similarly, Indian Americans have emerged as more influential in every area, from business to politics. For Instance, Sundar Pichai is leading Google, whereas Satya Nadella is at Microsoft. Likewise, former Vice-president Kamala Haris, current Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, and Republican Leader Vivek Ramaswamy are big names in American politics.

The rise of the Trump phenomenon is pushed by the notion of ‘white supremacy’ that many believers perceive that non-whites are challenging their supremacy in every sector, from jobs to political positions. Though it is not explicitly mentioned in Trump’s recent addresses, such orientation is deeply rooted in the Right-wing section. Anxiety and annoyance surfaced towards Indian-origin immigrants to the US, particularly among the MAGA radicals, as this section is doing better than native Americans and other diasporas there. Recently, as Trump appointed some Indian Americans to some administrative posts, there surfaced racist rants and sentiments toward those persons. One survey shows that Indian Americans believe that White Supremacy is the greatest threat to minorities in the USA. For instance, 70 percent of the Hindus in the USA agree that White Supremacy is a threat to minorities, though not all Indian Americans are Hindus, and all Hindus. are not of Indian origin.

Hence, the psyche of White Supremacy promoted by Trump and movements like MAGA question the safety and dignity of Indian origin. It also fuels the anti-immigrant push, such as the attack on birthright citizenship of the Trump administration, which will hurt the Dream of Indian youth to study and settle in the USA to some degree.

On the economic front

On the economic front, Indian protectionist policies and a vast trade deficit have been the significant issues of divergence between India and the US. India has been approached with protectionist policies, which were consolidated after Modi and his Make in India 2015 policy. For instance, an article in The Economist argues that India used to impose tariffs of around 80 percent in the 1990s, which was reduced to 13 percent in 2008 and later raised to around 18 percent in 2023. US President Trump’s former trade representative in 2024 slammed “India as the most protectionist country.” For stance, The US Trade Department’s 2019 report slammed India as the country with the highest tariff among the major world economies, and such policies make it harder for US firms to enter the Indian market. Recently, signaling the Indian tariffs, Trump has argued that “India has been just about the highest tariff nation in the word …hard to sell to India because of very strong tariffs...whatever India charges, we charge them.” And for the US, India’s protectionist policies have always been of concern amid its rising trade deficit.

Trump’s trade deficit with India is a significant concern for the US, and he has flagged that issue several times. Currently, both countries enjoy trade of an estimated $129.2bn, according to US government statistics. The US has a $45.7bn trade deficit with India, with the South Asian country exporting $87.4bn of goods to the US. As Modi argued, both countries have agreed to enhance trade to $500bn, so who will be the winner of that expansion? Who is going to get concessions in the deal? As recent developments indicate, there are clear signs that India will provide concessions for the US on the trade front.

One is the resumption of the Tesla plant in India. Elon Musk led EV company Tesla has been showing its keen interest to enter into the Indian market. Musk has long been lobbying to open the Indian market for Tesla cars and minimize India’s higher tariff, which is 100 percent in EVS, to smoothen the entry of Tesla. However, in 2022, Musk repelled his plan to enter the Indian market or set up a plan in India. He tweeted, “Tesla will not put a manufacturing plant in any location where we are not allowed first to sell and service cars.” This indicates some standoff between Musk and the Indian government regarding opening the Indian market and establishing the Tesla Plant in India. However, since the last Modi meeting in the US and with Musk there, Tesla’s entry into the Indian market is anticipated as the company has issued a notice regarding hiring staff for Tesla in India. In the recent union budget, India has reduced the basic customs duty on luxury vehicles priced above $40,000 from 110 percent to 70 percent, which seems primarily targeted to ease entry of Tesla and bar other EV companies, such as from China, which are selling cheaper EVs. Similarly, it has also lowered tariffs on minerals used for EV batteries.

There are also signals that India will open its market for Musk’s Starlink, an Internet service provider, which India has blocked till now, citing security concerns. The next commodity for reducing the trade deficit is petroleum products. In the meeting, India has agreed to purchase additional petroleum from the US. The US—now the largest petroleum exporter—emerged as India’s 5th largest petroleum import source in January. India shipped 218,400 barrels per day of oil from the US compared to 70,600 bpd in Dec 2024.

Trump marched into the Oval Office with the promise of a protectionist economy at home while compelling others to open their markets for US goods and services. Though the position sounds hypocritical, Trump’s position signals that others have long benefited from the US’s generosity and open-ups, and it is time for others to pay by opening their markets for American goods and services. Hence, as the USA is already a deficit bearer in trade, it is not difficult to read that Trump will compel India to be more open towards American commodities.

Therefore, though Modi seems hopeful about MIGA and MAGA marriage, Trump is eager to challenge various. Indian interests, for example, by imposing tariffs and compelling the Indian market to open up to US products and immigrant issues, including visas. As India is experiencing hard times in its economy, it aims to accelerate it by partnering more with the US in the economic and technological sectors. However, the Trump shock might make it difficult for India to realize this because it is likely that his moves will hurt India’s exports and investment sectors. India will have limited space to ride on the geopolitical competition of China and the US, which India termed strategic autonomy and benefit from competition. In Trump’s era, as he is eager to challenge and punish every movement that harms MAGA, it is very interesting to see how India exercises its strategic autonomy and how much space it will grab from Trump.

Of late, business incubation support in Nepal’s startup ecosystem has received widespread attention from various sectors. This trend involves startup networks, national and international development agencies, government bodies at all levels, industry associations and other stakeholders. These groups are collectively striving to cultivate entrepreneurial mindsets among young people through initiatives such as startup festivals, competitions, pitch sessions, seed funding opportunities and the like. These initiatives are helping early-stage ventures receive timely support to navigate the risks and challenges of producing market-fit products. 

However, there is a notable absence of academia in the startup ecosystem in this evolving startup landscape, especially in the business incubation support stage, which raises significant concerns. Fostering critical thinking and innovation has traditionally been a core function of academia, yet it seems to struggle to take the lead in the incubation and ideation domain. This prompts reflection on whether the division of responsibilities within this ecosystem is being approached effectively. 

Unintentionally, these practices can lead to blurred roles and responsibilities, creating confusion rather than effectively leveraging individual areas of expertise. Academia’s role should focus on helping students develop critical thinking skills, identify problems and guide them toward the ideation stage. Once ideas are incubated, the industry, development agencies and government bodies can step in to accelerate these concepts, each contributing their unique perspectives and resources. 

Academia in Nepal often lacks a proactive stance toward incubation support programs—some might even label it “non-reactive.” Academic leadership usually appears disconnected from Nepal’s startup ecosystem, yet boldly claims that their educational programs will shape the entrepreneurs of tomorrow. This disconnect highlights an urgent need for academic leadership to rethink and realign their approach to actively contribute to the startup ecosystem. However, does this lack of unawareness and inactivity justify academia relinquishing half of its responsibilities to other entities? In a landscape where NGOs, INGOs and development agencies are leading research efforts and the industry is taking charge of incubation support, one might wonder: where does this leave academia, and how can it assert its relevance in this evolving context? 

Some academicians believe there is a lack of clear distinction between incubation and acceleration, leading to confusion regarding the division of roles. They further suggest that academia should focus less on directly participating in the incubation stage and instead prioritize creating and disseminating knowledge. The primary reason all sectors are heavily engaged in the incubation stage is their desire to build their own pipelines of potential startups for future investment. Accelerators and investors face challenges in finding viable startups to invest in, prompting them to intervene directly at the incubation stage. For example, academic institutions could conduct research to assess whether industry involvement in incubating startups contributes to scalability, evaluate existing policies and analyze their impacts on the startup ecosystem. 

Other academics offer a contrasting perspective that the active involvement of non-academic actors in the incubation stage stems from a lack of trust in the quality of academia’s work and the students it produces. This trust gap reflects a significant disconnect between industry and academia, with industry stepping in due to concerns over the preparedness and capabilities of graduates. 

A thriving entrepreneurial ecosystem, particularly for startups, can only emerge when all actors play to their strengths, understand their roles, adopt a collaborative mindset and share resources with the collective goal of uplifting one another. Currently in Nepal, everyone is competing for the same opportunities without realizing that they are all competing for a single, finite pie rather than working together to expand it. This raises a critical question regarding whether the enthusiastic yet uncoordinated scrambling of activities creates genuine, meaningful and long-lasting impact, or are these efforts merely excuses for allocating CSR budgets and safeguarding established funding networks? 

A leading example of academia and industry collaboration in this domain in our region is from IIT Madras, India, which has successfully created a collaboration model between academia and industry through its incubation cell. This initiative effectively connects research, innovation and entrepreneurship, fostering a sustainable startup ecosystem within South Asia. The model at IIT Madras promotes innovation through dedicated research labs, specialized entrepreneurial courses and programs such as the Nirmaan pre-incubation program, which helps students and researchers refine their ideas, develop prototypes and prepare them for the market. Building on the initial incubation support, the IIT Madras incubation cell partners with industry leaders to offer startups access to funding, mentorship and state-of-the-art facilities. The cell supports ventures across various sectors, including clean energy, healthcare and deep tech. As a result, over 240 startups have been nurtured and raised approximately $145m in funding. Success stories like Ather Energy (an electric scooter company) and Detect Technologies (industrial safety solutions) highlight the program’s impact. The ecosystem has generated over 4,000 jobs, contributing significantly to regional economic growth and social development. 

As a way forward, academic institutions can collaborate with key actors in the startup ecosystem—such as accelerators, government agencies and industry—to co-design a framework that ensures seamless collaboration and value transfer. For instance, academic institutions can actively generate startup ideas, leveraging faculty expertise and internal resources to mentor and refine these concepts. This approach  will also help the industry save valuable time and resources during the incubation support stage. Once the ideas are pitched, accelerators/industries can further develop them using their specialized resources. If the ideas fail to meet real-world market standards, the industry can step into the academic space to provide upskilling and capacity-building opportunities for academia while guiding students on advancing. 

This collaborative framework will not only foster synergy among all stakeholders but also advance the value exchange framework between industry and academia.

The Nepali Army (NA) has addressed a letter sent to the United Nations by Devi Sunuwar, mother of 15-year-old Maina Sunuwar, who died from torture in army custody during Nepal’s armed conflict. Speaking at a press conference, Brigadier General Om Bahadur Bhatta of the Judge Advocate General’s Department (NA’s legal wing) stated that he did not understand why the Sunar family was still pursuing legal proceedings after a court ruling had already been made.

In a letter addressed to the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, Devi urged Jean-Pierre Lacroix, Under-secretary general for Peacekeeping Operations, to urge the NA to demonstrate its commitment to truth, justice, and non-recurrence.

“The NA may argue that these officers already faced a court-martial on 8 Sept 2005 regarding my daughter’s killing. But let me be clear: a) under international human rights law, crimes against civilians should not be handled by a military court; and b) the court-martial only addressed improper interrogation techniques and improper body disposal,” she wrote.

“I do not understand why Sunuwar’s family is still pursuing legal action, claiming the verdict was either too lenient or too harsh,” Bhatta said. “The way the verdict has been obtained from the district court and the way pressure is being exerted at the national and international levels, it is unclear what their objective is.” At that time, under the Army Act 2016, the military court had jurisdiction over this case, and a decision had already been made, he added.

On 17 Feb 2004, a team under the command of Nepali Army Major Niranjan Basnet took 15-year-old Maina Sunuwar from her home in Katunje, then Kharelthok VDC-6, Kavre. She later died due to extreme torture by military officers. Her remains were found eight months later following pressure from national and international human rights organizations.

Brigadier General Bhatta stated in the press conference that the resolution of this case is expected to happen through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). “At present, there is the TRC, and its law has already been enacted,” he said. “If the commission is formed, maybe it will say something about this matter.” Since the case is under consideration at the Supreme Court, he refrained from providing further details, saying, “That is a matter for the TRC; the issue of jurisdiction comes under that. If tomorrow the TRC addresses it, it will be resolved from there.”

Later in 2004, the military court sentenced three army officers—Boby Khatri, Sunil Prasad Adhikari, and Amit Pun—to six months in prison and a one-year promotion ban for violating human rights and humanitarian laws in the Maina Sunar case.

However, dissatisfied with the military court’s ruling, Maina’s mother, Devi, filed a complaint against four officers at the Kavre District Police Office on 6 Dec 2005. After Nepal’s peace process began, a case was filed against four military officials on 21 Jan 2008 in Kavre District Court. On 17 April 2017, the court sentenced three army officers to life imprisonment for extrajudicial killing. It acquitted Basnet. This was the first case in which Nepali Army officials were convicted of a crime committed during the decade-long armed conflict that began in 1996.

The High Court upheld the ruling, but the NA appealed it to the Supreme Court. Khatri, Adhikari, and Pun are no longer in the army.

Devi informed the United Nations that some army officials had contacted her and proposed building a memorial in honor of her daughter. While she supports a memorial in Maina’s memory, she stated in her letter that she could not accept it unless certain conditions were met.

Major General Prem Dhoj Adhikari, head of the Department of Military Operations, clarified that no formal proposal had been made by army headquarters. “Rather, I heard discussions that if the issue could be resolved at the municipal level, a memorial could be built at an initiative of the mayor of Panchkhal in Kavre.”

Major General Adhikari also mentioned that the army does not have land for building the memorial and that the initiative was taken at the local level by the mayor. “The army does not have land for this; I think the mayor took the initiative to see if this could be resolved at the local level,” he said.

Although he acknowledged hearing about the letter sent to the United Nations, he stated that since the state has already enacted the TRC law, the issue should be resolved through it.