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Nepal and India have intensified their diplomatic engagements over the past few months. The surge in high-level ministerial visits and agreements underscores a pragmatic approach taken by the two countries to boost economic, environmental and security partnerships while navigating existing challenges.

Within this short span, two senior Indian ministers visited Nepal, while three Nepali ministers traveled to India for talks. Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba’s discussions with India’s External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar in New Delhi focused on political and economic collaboration, while Minister for Forest Ain Bahadur Shahi Thakuri’s meeting with his Indian counterpart focused on transboundary environmental conservation. During Minister for Water Supplies Pradeep Yadav’s visit to New Delhi, the two countries signed an agreement expanding cooperation in water resources management, sanitation and hygiene. The two countries have expressed commitment to address water scarcity and improve public health through joint infrastructure projects and knowledge-sharing.

Meanwhile, India’s Minister for Power Manohar Lal Khattar’s visit focused on cross-border electricity trade and hydropower development. Officials of Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) and Power Grid Corporation of India signed an MoU to advance two critical trans-border transmission lines in the presence of Khattar and Energy Minister Deepak Khadka. Complementing this, a recent Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in agricultural science and technology, signed by Agriculture Minister Ramnath Adhikari and India’s Minister for Agriculture and Farmers’ Welfare Shivraj Singh Chouhan in Kathmandu aims to enhance food security and sustainable farming through joint research and innovation. Security and trade ties have also seen progress. The Nepal-India Joint Working Group and director general-level talks addressed border management, cross-border crime and trade facilitation which are crucial for Nepal’s reliance on Indian ports. India recently renewed Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS) certifications for over 100 industries, which will help resume long-stalled export of products like cement, steel and agro products to India. 

There are some concerning issues as well. Nepal harbors resentment with India over delayed Eminent Persons’ Group (EPG) Report and handling of border issues. Recent allegations of India’s support for Nepal’s pro-monarchy movement, though swiftly denied by India, highlight the delicate nature of Nepal’s domestic politics. India’s wariness of Nepal’s engagement with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) adds another layer of complexity. Despite these tensions, both nations have prioritized economic and developmental partnerships. Such partnerships are crucial for Nepal given withdrawal of the USAID support and impending graduation from Least Developed Country (LDC) status, which could impact international development support to Nepal.  

The one-on-one meeting between Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the sidelines of the BIMSTEC meeting earlier this month and Wednesday’s telephone conversation between the two leaders following the terrorist attack in Pahalgam of Kashmir signal a commitment to strengthening ties. While Oli’s potential visit to New Delhi remains uncertain, this pragmatic approach—emphasizing mutual benefits while gradually addressing contentious issues—is paving a promising path for Nepal-India relations.

The ongoing teachers’ protest has compelled Minister for Education, Science, and Technology, Bidya Bhattarai, to resign. On one hand, she was under mounting pressure to address the demands of teachers; on the other, Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli was reportedly dissatisfied with her performance.

A clear divergence emerged between the interests of the ruling CPN-UML and Bhattarai’s method of handling pressing issues in the education sector. With her background as a university lecturer, Bhattarai was seen as a competent and knowledgeable figure to lead the ministry. Yet, despite her credentials, tensions within the government and on the streets reached a breaking point. For over three weeks, secondary school teachers have been staging protests in central Kathmandu, severely disrupting the education of thousands of students in public schools. These demonstrations have also caused traffic congestion, significantly affecting transportation systems and local businesses.

In response to the leadership vacuum, senior UML leader Raghuji Pant has been nominated as the new Education Minister. According to government sources, fulfilling the teachers’ demands is no easy task. They argue that some grievances can only be addressed once the long-awaited Education Bill is passed by Parliament. However, the unrest is not limited to teachers. Numerous groups and organizations have taken to the streets to voice their own frustrations and demands.

Resident doctors are rallying for fair allowances, local government staff are staging demonstrations, and in recent years, victims of cooperatives and loan sharks have also mobilized. The cumulative pressure from these groups poses a serious challenge for the government. How these compounding issues will be handled remains uncertain, but many fear the situation may escalate beyond control if not addressed promptly.

Within the Nepali Congress (NC), internal efforts are reportedly underway to topple the current government, despite party president Sher Bahadur Deuba's preference for maintaining the coalition. Other senior leaders—such as Purna Bahadur Khadka, Shekhar Koirala, Gagan Kumar Thapa and their allies—are advocating for a renewed alliance with the CPN (Maoist Center). This week, Khadka publicly criticized the coalition’s performance, emphasizing the urgent need to improve the government’s working style.

At the same time, Maoist Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal has made it clear that his priority is to form a coalition with the NC. Political analysts suggest that Dahal is maneuvering to increase his party’s bargaining power with both NC and UML in the context of upcoming electoral alliances. If negotiations with the NC fail, Dahal is expected to revive the idea of a leftist coalition as a strategic alternative.

Amid these political shifts, the government is preparing to unveil new policy programs and the national budget. However, these initiatives could spark further friction between coalition partners NC and UML. Historically, budget and policy disagreements between ruling parties have often become flashpoints that lead to instability or even regime change.

Meanwhile, the recent wave of pro-monarchy protests appears to have lost steam. Last week, the Rastriya Prajatantra Party staged demonstrations in Kathmandu and several locations outside the valley. However, the low turnout has prompted the party to reconsider its strategy before organizing further events. Following the arrest of Durga Prasai, his supporters have remained largely absent from the streets. Dozens of them have been detained for alleged involvement in the arson and vandalism that occurred on March 28.

After nearly a month of house arrest, Nava Raj Subedi has returned to lead the pro-monarchy movement, but the campaign seems to have lost momentum. Former king Gyanendra Shah has reportedly urged calm, expressing concern that further violence could trigger government retaliation against him. According to sources, Gyanendra has instructed his followers to keep protests peaceful. However, the extent of coordination between him and pro-monarchy groups remains murky. As the movement weakens, mainstream political parties and the government have noticeably softened their tone regarding the former monarch.

In other political developments, top leaders from UML, NC, and Maoist Center convened this week to discuss critical matters, including the stalled transitional justice appointments and pending education legislation. Despite the meeting, no substantial progress was made.

Nevertheless, the appointment process for the transitional justice mechanism has resumed. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Oli publicly addressed rumors of an internal challenge to his leadership, allegedly spearheaded by former President Bidya Devi Bhandari. Speaking at a public function, Oli asserted that the UML is unimaginable without him, boldly claiming that he “won’t grow old” for another 20 to 25 years.

In recent weeks, Bhandari has become increasingly vocal about her political ambitions, stating that numerous party leaders are urging her to take the helm. Dissatisfaction with Oli’s leadership has led some senior UML figures to shift their allegiance to Bhandari, who is emerging as a new power center within the party. “Some people are raising concerns about my age and health, but no one should imagine this party without me,” Oli recently declared.

In a move to reassert control and respond to public criticism, Oli has announced the formation of a high-level good governance committee, which he will personally lead. While the initiative is ostensibly aimed at combating corruption and restoring good governance, public skepticism about its efficacy remains high. Governance has been one of the biggest casualties of the NC-UML coalition, with many key decisions delayed due to inter-party disagreements. One such example is the government’s failure to appoint a new governor for the Nepal Rastra Bank, a deadlock rooted in internal political differences.

Meanwhile, the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) continues to face criticism for lacking a clear ideological direction. This criticism intensified when the party opted to remain silent during the recent wave of pro-monarchy protests. However, this week, senior RSP leader Swarnim Wagle outlined the party’s position on several national issues during a public event outside the valley. He stated that the RSP supports scrapping the current federal structure, arguing that it imposes an unsustainable financial burden on the state. He also proposed a downsizing of both federal and provincial legislatures—positions that clearly suggest the party is not fully aligned with the principles enshrined in the 2015 constitution.

In a related development, two Madhes-based parties—the Janamat Party and the Nagarik Unmukti Party—are preparing for a merger. CK Raut is expected to take the helm of the unified political force, signaling a new chapter in regional political realignment.

April 25 marks the 10th anniversary of the deadly earthquake that struck Nepal killing nearly 9,000 people, injuring 22,000 and making more than a half million people homeless. It was the most powerful earthquake ever recorded to have hit the Himalayan country.

On April 25, 2015, when a 7.8 magnitude earthquake shook Nepal’s ground at 11:56 AM, the epicenter in Barpak village of Gorkha district suffered the most immediately. At least 72 people lost their lives from the village alone, while all the houses were damaged in the disaster except a few.

10 years later, Barpak doesn’t look like a village anymore. With completion of reconstruction, Barpak looks like a bustling town in recent times as all traditional stone roofed houses are replaced by tall concrete symmetrical buildings and a good flow of tourists.

In contrast, the neighboring village Laprak which housed the largest integrated settlement looks deserted even after a decade of the disaster. Initially, though Barpak was chosen for the site of the new settlement, the plan couldn’t be executed due to several reasons which provided Laprak a chance to shine and be the “model village.”  

However, the settlement built by the Non-Resident Nepali Association consisting of 604 houses (including additionally built) in Gupsi Pakha are in sorry state, with many locals themselves regarding it as a ghost village. Its difficult to spot people in the surrounding which was actually expected to be a vibrant and exemplary village of more than 2000 people.

The new settlement, located at around 2700 meters from the sea level, was chosen considering the geological studies and accessibility. Unfortunately, it failed to address the needs and expectations of indigenous communities of the mountain region. As a result, there are locks in doors and grasses at the entrance, holes on roofs, fading colors in two-storey buildings and deep silence around the settlement.

 According to Kishan Gurung, Ward-4 Chairman of Dharche Rural Municipality, out of the total houses, only 50 are filled with families who run homestays and hotels, while 50 other families keep migrating between the old village and the new settlement. “We are preparing to connect electricity from the national line, manage supply of drinking water and construct a gravelled road linking Barpak to Laprak. I am hopeful that villagers will move to the new settlement someday and Laprak will be known as a model village again.”

Luja Shakya of Inacho, Bhaktapur, was home on the fateful day of April 25, 2015. She was 15 then, just done with her tenth-grade finals, and, like her classmates, enjoying her holiday with her family. The ground started shaking just minutes before noon. It was one of the deadliest earthquakes to strike Nepal.

“Everything happened so quickly. It was terrifying,” recalls Shakya. He is 25 now, but she can remember the day as if it were yesterday. “I lost my dear grandmother to the earthquake. My family was devastated.”

That day didn’t just change Shakya’s life—it rewrote the fate of an entire nation. The 7.8-magnitude earthquake shook Nepal to its core. Nearly 9,000 lives were lost, tens of thousands were injured, and entire villages, cities, and centuries-old heritage sites crumbled. In a matter of minutes, what felt like normal spring sunlight turned into shadows of panic, dust, and despair.

“Our house wasn’t safe anymore. We had to move to the ground floor, which became our sleeping space. There were aftershocks after aftershocks, deepening our fear and reminding us how fragile everything was,” says Shakya.

The extent of death, damage, and destruction was widespread. Shakya’s neighborhood was among the least damaged compared to other parts of the city. Not far away, many homes were flattened. Narrow roads delayed rescue efforts. Help arrived slowly—if at all—exposing the government’s lack of preparedness.

Even today, Shakya doesn’t believe Nepal is ready for another disaster. “The cities are overcrowded with buildings—tall and risky. I’ve become more alert since then. I keep a small emergency kit at home. I never want to feel that helpless again,” he says.

Shakya isn’t the only one who feels this way. Ram Keshari Banmala’s entire family was trapped under the rubble of her collapsed house. “Neighbors pulled them out, but my brother-in-law didn’t make it,” she says. “Our home was gone, and we took shelter on a school ground for several weeks, surviving on donated food and essentials. To rebuild, we sold our land—for far less than it was worth. Financially, we were broken.”

Ten years on, the earthquake is still etched in Nepal’s collective memory. The ground shook for less than a minute, but its impact stretched into years—into homes, dreams, and daily struggles.

Help came, but not always fairly

In the days following the disaster, aid poured in from around the world. India, China, the US, and Europe sent rescue teams, medical supplies, and funds. But the government failed to distribute them fairly and effectively. Some families received more aid than they needed, while others got nothing. Corruption, favoritism, and a lack of coordination left deep cracks in the recovery effort.

The only silver lining amid the chaos was the solidarity shown by communities. “Our common tragedy brought us together. There was a deep sense of solidarity, and that was our greatest strength. Everyone helped everyone,” says Shakya.

Communities mobilized faster than authorities. They cooked meals, cleared rubble, and built temporary shelters.

For many, survival meant leaving. Thousands moved to urban centers or went abroad in search of work. According to the Department of Foreign Employment, labor permits surged after 2015, peaking at over 519,000 that year. Migration was not just a choice—it became a coping mechanism.

Loss of cultural heritage

The 2015 earthquake didn’t just claim lives—it erased heritage. Centuries-old temples in Kathmandu Valley and elsewhere collapsed. The iconic Dharahara Tower, a symbol of Kathmandu, was reduced to rubble. These sites were more than tourist attractions—they were emblems of identity, history, and faith.

“We watched history fall before our eyes,” said a Bhaktapur local. “These were more than buildings—they were part of who we are.”

Reconstruction has been slow. While the National Reconstruction Authority (NRA) has rebuilt 1,320 monasteries and 626 temples, many sites remain unfinished. In addition to cultural sites, the NRA restored essential infrastructure across the country, including 7,588 schools, 544 hospitals, and 106 security facilities. But reconstruction is only part of recovery. The emotional and economic toll is harder to repair.

Lessons in preparedness

Nepal wasn’t ready when the deadly earthquake struck in 2015—and it’s not fully ready today. While building codes have improved, and earthquake drills and awareness campaigns are held regularly, cities keep expanding without proper urban planning. In rural areas, access to information is limited. Many people still don’t know what to do when the earth shakes.

Biseswor Shrestha, who is in his 80s, remembers praying as the quake hit. “I didn’t know what to do. I just stood still and prayed,” he says.

Seismologist Ramesh Guragain notes that reconstruction has made some places safer—but new areas, especially rural ones, remain highly vulnerable. “We need two levels of awareness: understanding the risk and knowing how to rebuild safely within one’s means.”

In 2015 alone, there were 58 aftershocks of magnitude 5 and above. The frequency dropped in the following years, only to spike again in 2023 with 17 earthquakes recorded—a stark reminder of Nepal’s vulnerability.

Guragain, deputy executive director at the National Society for Earthquake Technology (NSET), warns that while rebuilt areas may withstand another quake, new urban sprawls are ticking time bombs.

“While we have more resources now, awareness is still lacking, especially in villages,” he says. His warning highlights the dual challenge of maintaining reconstruction quality while addressing uncontrolled development.

The earthquake exposed structural vulnerabilities—both in our buildings and in our systems of governance. Emergency response was slow, policies were unclear, and aid distribution was flawed.

Ten years later, despite all the reconstruction efforts, there’s still much left to be desired. The cyclical nature of Nepal’s disaster memory poses perhaps the greatest threat to preparedness. As seismologist Lok Bijaya Adhikari observes, “We forgot the 1934 earthquake, and we’re now forgetting the 2015 earthquake.”

Remembering what was lost

While buildings can be rebuilt, trust in institutions, emotional healing, and a sense of safety take far longer.

Gopini Suwal is still haunted by the memory of the 2015 earthquake. “I was in the field when the quake hit,” she recalls. “My kids were playing by the river. I panicked—my heart froze. My brother had a heart condition, he couldn’t run. I thought I’d lose everyone. But it was my young nephew we lost. That tore me apart.”

In Bhaktapur, Ratna Shova Phaiju and her pregnant sister were trapped under rubble for an hour with a toddler. “We could hear people calling for us, but we couldn’t respond. That hour changed everything,” she says.

Similarly, Uma Gautam of Gaushala still grieves the loss of her two nieces in the Dharahara collapse. “They were so excited to visit Dharahara. One had just passed her SLC. I didn’t even get to see them one last time,” she laments.

Their trauma runs deep. Psychiatrist Dr Rika Rijal says trauma imprints itself in the brain. “Long after the event, people relive the fear. That’s why mental health support is vital. Recovery doesn’t just mean new buildings. It means healing minds and restoring hope.”

The earthquake may be history, but for those who lived it, the story continues every day. The silence in once-busy neighborhoods, the gaps in family photos, the invisible cracks in people’s hearts—these are not easily mended.

Remember, rebuild, prepare

For many, the earthquake still lives in their memories. We can’t stop earthquakes. But we can be ready. We can care for each other. And most importantly, we can remember—not just the day the earth shook, but the strength we found in one another.

Seismologist Adhikari says earthquake vulnerability varies from place to place, yet many people are still unaware of the risks.

“One of the most effective ways to reduce this risk is through awareness, especially by including earthquake education in the school curriculum,” he says.

Unfortunately, even after the 2015 earthquake, this step has not been fully implemented. One of the major reasons behind the deaths and destruction in the 2015 earthquake was poor house design and weak construction. Yet many still don’t follow earthquake-safe building practices.

To reduce future destruction, it’s crucial to train engineers properly in building codes and ensure safe land use practices when constructing homes. Because the next quake isn’t a matter of if—but when.

Reconstructed infrastructure projects by NRA

Source: The National Reconstruction Authority

Earthquake in the last decade (above 5 magnitude)

Source: National Earthquake Monitoring and Research Centre

*First four months of 2025