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Last Sunday was SAARC Day, the day in which the promulgation of the SAARC Charter is celebrated. It was an important occasion to remind the citizens of South Asia that they should not lose sight of the high principles behind regional cooperation. The day was even more remarkable because it was the 40th anniversary of the SAARC Charter, an important milestone though unfortunately, only on paper. I am saying so because we all know that SAARC as a regional organization could be seen as, at the best, life support. 

The truth is that SAARC has been on life support for many years. We know that the main reason is the fact that India, the main and most powerful player in the region, does not attach importance to it. 

For Prime Minister Modi of India, the SAARC process is a hindrance, a burden especially because, as we all know, Pakistan is the second biggest nation in the bloc. While such a posture by New Delhi might offer the best way to meet India’s strategic goal both geopolitically and economically, the truth is that the whole region is missing out on a huge opportunity.  By now, there is a consolidated amount of evidence that regional cooperation is effective for those countries who invest in it. 

We do not need to make the case of the European Union that has reached the levels of cooperation and integration almost akin to a confederation of nations. Africa counts on several successful examples of regional integration. While ECOWAS, the regional cooperation architecture made up by western African nations, is not living its best times due to a series of coups in several of its members, there is the East Africa community and there is also the Southern Africa development community.  

No matter the challenges, both communities have made strides in terms of joint initiatives aimed at developing the respective member-states from a shared and common perspective. The picture in Central and South Americas is mixed and more complex but at the moment President Lula of Brazil is portraying himself as a big champion of regional cooperation. One of his most recent successes is the fact that MERCOSUR, a regional trade organization of five nations in South America, signed a groundbreaking trade agreement with the EU.

Closer to South Asia, we have the benchmark of regional cooperation, the ASEAN. As an observer of Asian affairs, I am not particularly fond of ASEAN due to the fact that its members lack ambition in terms of future vision and they tightly control the whole process. Yet, I do recognize not only the potential of ASEAN but also its success story in terms of becoming a platform in which the member-states shape their common interests and, together, reap some benefits from it. I wish only that SAARC could follow some of the steps of all these organizations starting from the perspective of regional cooperation. 

In a process in which nation states collaborate and partner with each other, cooperation among themselves is the first pillar of a much more ambitious political process, regional integration. This complex, daunting end goal where countries would cede their own sovereignty is something that only Europe has been trying to pursue. As we know it is a really difficult journey, one in which sovereign states are voluntarily pulling together bits of their decision-making that are normally decided in the national capitals. 

Coming back to SAARC, we need to be realistic on what it is possible to achieve. Setting aside the highly inspiring journey of integration being undertaken by the members of the EU, SAARC must focus on replicating the ASEAN model where the capitals are fully and only the ones in charge. On the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the SAARC Charter, all the heads of state and governments have issued congratulatory messages. It is a good thing, though symbolic. 

Actually, considering the current status of play in relation to the SAARC, I am even surprised that they actually reminded themselves of the existence of the regional organization. Now it is high time to do something to reactivate the SAARC but, with PM Modi disinterested and disengaged, how to start? First of all, SAARC is not only the Leaders’ Summit which, shamefully, the last one was held in Kathmandu 10 years ago, in Nov 2014. 

It is also an umbrella organizations with a myriad of bodies, institutes and entities that are still operating no matter the challenging environment and lack of support surrounding them. The SAARC Secretariat in Kathmandu should do a much better job at highlighting their work and their undertakings. Doing so would remind the citizens of the region that, no matter the ongoing impasse existing on the top of the SAARC, the institution is still active and works steadfastly toward a shared common future. Yet the secretariat also works under difficult circumstances and, objectively, we cannot expect much from it. 

That’s why there is an opening for leaders like Oli to reintroduce the whole concept of SAARC to the South Asian people. PM Oli, by partnering with like minded heads of state and government, should simply ignore India’s neglect toward SAARC and re-create a new narrative about the strategic importance of this organization. This could become a strategic interest for Nepal, a new cornerstone of its foreign policy. 

To start with, PM Oli should task Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba to take a tour of the South Asian capitals, starting from those keener to reactivate the SAARC process. New Delhi might get or might not get on board but, at this point, what India wants to do with SAARC is quite insignificant. We need a majority of nations from the region ready to promote the ideals of regional cooperation because doing so is in their best interests. PM Oli could, selectively, also embark on a tour of the region, pitching to his counterparts the importance of the SAARC.He could still, under the pretext of the 40th anniversary of the SAARC Charter, give a major speech on why Nepal and other neighboring nations should invest in a common regional architecture. 

The Secretary-General of SAARC, Md Golam Sarwar, in his congratulatory message for the same occasion, listed a series of priorities, a series of major reforms that SAARC should undertake in order to regain its legitimacy and relevance. PM Oli should embrace this cause and promote a wide debate within Nepal about ways to reactivate and reform the SAARC.

Considering that the HQ of the SAARC Secretariat is in Nepal, it should be obvious that Singhadurbar takes a special interest in the issue. PM Oli could also establish an advisory group made up of national experts, including members of the civil society and former diplomats, to chart out the best options for Nepal to become a true champion of regional cooperation not only for its own sake but for the prosperity of the whole region. If PM Oli decides it is worth investing his time and energy for the cause, helping resuscitate the SAARC could become one of his most enduring and important legacies.

Human-wildlife conflict in the buffer zones of Nepal’s national parks is a persistent issue, causing economic losses, endangering livelihoods, and posing risks to both humans and wildlife. These conflicts are particularly severe in the buffer zones of Chitwan National Park (CNP) and Parsa National Park (PNP). Spanning 750 square kilometers and 285.3 square kilometers respectively, these buffer zones include forests, private lands, and cultivated areas that support endangered species such as one-horned rhinoceroses, Bengal tigers, elephants, leopards, and crocodiles.

In the fiscal year 2023/24 alone, 11 people in the CNP buffer zone lost their lives to wild animal attacks. Rhino attacks caused five deaths, tigers claimed four lives, and mugger crocodiles killed two people. These statistics highlight the ongoing and dire consequences of human-wildlife conflict.

Buffer zones are co-managed by park authorities and local communities, with portions of park revenue allocated to community development and natural resource management. These areas aim to balance ecological preservation and community involvement. Yet, the challenges remain immense, particularly as locals struggle to maintain livelihoods while coexisting with wildlife.

In Icchyanagar, Thori Rural Municipality-2, Parsa, residents like Krishna Bahadur Jyoti are finding innovative ways to secure their livelihoods while reducing wildlife conflict. Once burdened by financial losses—including a tiger killing his goat—Jyoti now keeps 25 goats in predator-proof corrals. Built with support from the Buffer Zone User Committee and local resources, these corrals have stabilized his finances.

Jyoti’s wife, Durga, recalls their hardships: “Three years ago, a tiger killed a goat we bought with a loan. Now, with the corrals, we sleep peacefully, pay for our children’s education, and manage daily needs.”

This initiative, part of the Terai Arc Landscape (TAL) program, has been instrumental in reducing conflicts. According to Prem Poudel, eastern cluster in-charge of TAL, similar corrals built in Thori and other buffer zone areas have reduced annual goat losses from 30–40 to near zero.

In Gopalnagar of Madi Municipality, Chitwan, locals have shifted to fish farming as a way to mitigate losses from crop damage and livestock predation. Led by community leader Kamal Bhujel, the establishment of the Gopalnagar Fisheries Farmers Cooperative Society has transformed the area into a fisheries hub, producing seven tons of fish annually across 105 hectares. Fish farming has proven to be five times more profitable than traditional agriculture.

Additionally, trenches, dams, and solar-powered fences constructed with TAL program support have reduced wildlife incursions, saving both lives and livelihoods. These measures have also helped prevent migration triggered by conflict.

In Ayodhyapuri, Madi Municipality, women from the Bote community have embraced entrepreneurship by managing community homestays. Previously reliant on fishing and farming, these women now host 7,000–10,000 guests annually across 12 homestays, offering organic meals, cultural performances, and eco-tourism experiences.

Prakash Dhungana, chairperson of the Buffer Zone Management Committee, notes that this initiative has empowered women and fostered biodiversity conservation by encouraging coexistence with wildlife.

In Meghauli, Chitwan, duck farmers like Chameli Chaudhary have found success using river weeds (sewar) as duck feed. Once collected from Chitwan National Park, sewar is now cultivated in nearby community forests through initiatives by the Meghauli Intermediate Consumers’ Committee. This shift has reduced the risks of wildlife encounters and contributed to river conservation.

Duck farming has become a profitable livelihood, with ducks sold at Rs 2,000 for males and Rs 1,500 for females. Additionally, locals have shifted the cultivation of edible ferns (niuro) from national park premises to local farmland, further reducing conflicts.

To minimize crop losses, communities in Meghauli and surrounding areas have also turned to turmeric and lemon farming, crops that are not targeted by wildlife. These alternative practices provide sustainable income while ensuring safety from wildlife incursions.

Despite these measures, challenges persist. Solar-powered electric fences, while effective in keeping wildlife at bay, carry risks of accidental electrocution. Continuous awareness campaigns and safety measures are essential to mitigate such risks.

Behavior Change Communication (BCC) classes have been introduced in areas like Pandabnagar, Madi, to educate locals on coexistence strategies. Youths such as Poonam Pariyar are now sharing this knowledge within their communities, fostering greater awareness and cooperation.

“In Shikaribas, Thori Rural Municipality-3—a critical corridor linking PNP, CNP, and India’s Valmiki Tiger Reserve—similar community-led efforts are underway,” says Poudel. “These initiatives aim to reduce conflicts while maintaining the ecological balance necessary for the survival of species like tigers and elephants.”

While predator-proof corrals, electric fences, and sustainable farming practices have significantly reduced human-wildlife conflicts, the road to coexistence remains complex. Local communities, conservationists, and government bodies must continue collaborating to balance ecological integrity and human safety.

When Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli was embarking on an official visit to China, skepticism was swirling in Nepal’s political circles. Particularly, Pushpa Kamal Dahal tried to label the visit as a ‘China card’, a characterization that was both insensitive and unjustified. Despite adversarial rhetoric and conspiracy theories, Oli’s visit proved to be a landmark, underlining his ability to advance Nepal’s national interests on the global stage.

This marked Oli’s third official visit to China as Prime Minister, and like his previous visits, it carried a profound significance. Oli’s diplomatic engagements with China have consistently focused on diversifying Nepal’s economic and development partnerships. Oli’s three visits to China as prime minister have been a grand success in protecting national interest.  

During his maiden visit to China in March 2016, Oli witnessed the signing of the Transport and Transit Agreement (TTA). This historic agreement sought to break Nepal’s dependence on India for trade and transit, symbolizing Nepal’s aspiration to evolve from a landlocked nation into a land-linked one. It laid the foundation for a more independent trade regime by granting Nepal access to Chinese seaports and overland transport routes. 

However, turning this vision into reality has proven to be a formidable task. Nepal faces significant infrastructural challenges and logistical hurdles that must be addressed to fully operationalize the agreement. Still, the signing of the pact marked a decisive step toward diversifying Nepal’s trade partners and reducing its economic vulnerability. We should understand each step of execution of every project begins with the signing of the document.  

Oli’s second visit to China in June 2018 added another layer of substance to Nepal-China relations, with the signing of a memorandum of understanding (MoU) to explore the feasibility of a trans-Himalayan railway linking Kerung in Tibet to Kathmandu. Though there have been other significant decisions, the feasibility study of railway is one that will have a momentous impact in connectivity if it materializes. 

While this ambitious project will take more than a decade to complete, it represents a transformative vision for Nepal’s connectivity. Feasibility studies have been conducted in two phases in this regard. This time too, both the governments have iterated cross-border railway. The railway is more than just an infrastructural project as it embodies the potential to establish Nepal as a critical transit hub between China and India. Because Raxaul-Kathmandu railway is also in the line sooner than northern railway.  By connecting the two Asian giants through Nepal, the project could redefine regional trade dynamics and offer Nepal unprecedented economic opportunities. 

Oli’s third visit to China in 2024 cemented his legacy as a leader committed to deepening bilateral ties. The highlight of the visit was the signing of an implementation plan for the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), identifying 10 key projects for collaboration. This milestone marked a significant step forward in Nepal’s engagement with the BRI, which had been mired in delays and political debates since its signing in 2017. Under the projects of the BRI, both the sides have agreed ‘aid financing’ model that incorporates both the grant and concessional loan. But as the Prime Minister has clarified, Nepal will only take grants from China. Minister for Foreign Affairs Arzu Deuba Rana has shared the same statement. She further explained that there was nothing mentioned about the loans. 

By finalizing the implementation plan, Oli’s government demonstrated its ability to pilot the complexities of global geopolitics. The move cleared lingering uncertainties surrounding Nepal’s participation in the BRI and reaffirmed the country’s commitment to fostering mutually beneficial partnerships with China. However, it also underscored the need for Nepal to manage its foreign relations prudently, avoiding potential entanglements in geopolitical rivalries. Nepal has been able to convey a message to the global community that it will collaborate with all countries for development and prosperity without allowing foreign intervention in domestic affairs. 

Nepal’s foreign policy has often been characterized by a delicate balancing act between major global powers. This dynamic was evident in the interplay between the BRI and the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) compact with the United States. While the implementation of MCC has already begun, focusing on transmission lines and roads, the BRI has faced prolonged uncertainty.  Nepal will leave no stone unturned for receiving support of neighbors and great powers if they are genuinely offered.  The MCC, a $500m grant from the US supplemented by a $200m contribution from Nepal, has been a subject of intense political debate. The successful initiation of the BRI implementation plan during Oli’s visit signals Nepal’s intent to work with India, China, the US and other great powers on building infrastructure. Nepali leaders philosophically agreed that India and China are first priority and they should be openly called for supporting Nepal’s development. 

One of the most notable aspects of Oli’s recent visit was the unified stance adopted by Nepal’s major political parties on foreign policy matters. This consensus reflects a growing maturity among Nepali leaders in addressing international issues. By setting aside partisan differences, the political establishment demonstrated its commitment to prioritizing national interests in the realm of foreign policy. This collaborative approach has significant implications for Nepal’s diplomatic strategy. It enhances the country’s credibility as a stable partner and strengthens its bargaining position in negotiations with neighbors. Moreover, it underscores the importance of institutional continuity in foreign relations, ensuring that Nepal’s engagements with global partners are driven by long-term strategic considerations rather than short-term political calculations.

While Oli’s achievements in fostering Nepal-China relations are commendable, challenges remain. The successful implementation of agreements such as the Transport and Transit Agreement, the railway connectivity MoU and the BRI projects requires substantial financial resources, technical expertise and continued political will. Nepal must also address domestic constraints, including bureaucratic inefficiencies and infrastructural deficits, to fully capitalize on these initiatives. At the same time, opportunities are immense.  Oli has set the stage for a more confident and assertive Nepal. His efforts underscore the importance of strategic foresight and proactive diplomacy in a changing global order. After the China visit, the Prime Minister will also visit our southern neighbor. I believe, PM’s upcoming India visit would be equally fruitful. 

Dec 12, 

Shantinagar, Kathmandu

When I entered the teashop, five young boys in their early twenties were seated at a corner table. Two of them were busy filling out forms, seemingly immersed in their task. After observing for a while, I realized they were preparing documents to apply for a loan from the microfinance next door, as they were planning to fly abroad for employment.

Their intentions became clearer when a staff member from the microfinance joined them, assisting with the paperwork. A young woman from the same office reassured the boys that their loan would be approved within a day if they submitted all required documents immediately. Over cups of tea and light snacks, the boys began discussing their future plans once they started earning abroad.

“I need to support my two brothers with their education,” one said. “So, I might not save money for the next five years.” Another shared his priorities: repairing his house and preparing for marriage. These boys, hailing from Madhes province, had arrived in Kathmandu two weeks earlier, chasing the dream of better opportunities abroad. Their candid conversation painted a picture of aspirations entwined with familial responsibilities.

As I listened to their discussion, two men walked into the teashop. They were familiar with the owner, who greeted them warmly. Their conversation veered into an unusual topic: the divorce case of a mutual friend. The man in question, aged 72, had remarried three months ago but had divorced only days earlier. The tea shop owner shared that the man had since stopped visiting the establishment, and the conversation quickly turned to rising divorce rates.

“At a time when divorces among young couples are increasing, it’s hardly surprising to see it happening among older couples too,” remarked one man. They discussed possible reasons behind these trends but focused disproportionately on blaming women. I refrained from delving deeper into their views, noting the deeply entrenched gender bias that lingered in their comments—an issue pervasive from tea shops to workplaces.

The four boys had left by this point, heading to the microfinance, and the two men exited shortly after, leaving just me and the shop owner. The owner struck up a conversation, commenting on the bitter cold and how it doubled the time needed to prepare tea. Then, out of the blue, he asked, “Sir, what’s going to happen to Rabi Lamichhane? Will the court free him or convict him?”

I replied cautiously, “There are multiple allegations; it’s hard to predict the outcome.” He nodded, adding, “Today, Kantipur reported allegations about misappropriated funds meant for charity. Do you think the news is true?” His curiosity was palpable, but I had no definitive answer for him. The case had clearly piqued public interest.

As I sipped my tea, two men entered and began discussing the stagnant real estate sector. From their conversation, it was clear they were investors struggling to sell land and meet their interest payments. The market slowdown had left them in distress, their voices heavy with worry.

Soon, five morning walkers entered the teashop, their familiarity with the owner evident. They didn’t bother specifying their tea preferences; the owner already knew their choices. One of them brought up former President Bidya Devi Bhandari and Vice-President Nanda Kishor Pun rumored plans to re-enter active politics.

“It’s absurd,” one of them exclaimed. “After holding such high offices, why would they join party politics?”

This sparked a lively debate. Some cited examples from India, the US, and other countries, pointing out how rare it is for former presidents or vice presidents to return to party politics. “If they join,” one argued, “it’ll cast doubt on their neutrality while in office and weaken the presidency’s integrity in the future.”

Another participant added, “They should follow the example of former President Ram Baran Yadav, who hasn’t rejoined party politics. Instead, they could focus on philanthropic work, like American presidents do after retirement.”

The conversation shifted to CPN (Maoist Center) Chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal. One of the men speculated that after signing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) agreement with China, the government was under pressure. “Dahal is supporting Rabi Lamichhane to form a new government,” he claimed.

Another participant countered, suggesting there wouldn’t be a new government but rather a cabinet reshuffle. “Youth leader Gagan Thapa might become deputy prime minister and finance minister,” he predicted. The room fell silent, except for one man who expressed concern over the potential impact on the stock market.

Their discussion reminded me of a conversation I’d had earlier in the week with a senior Rastriya Prajatantra Party leader. He had hinted at murmurs within political circles about a potential government change and the need for his party to be ready to take a role if invited.

Returning to the teashop chatter, the focus shifted to the government’s decision to take a concessional loan from the Asian Development Bank (ADB). Someone pointed out the irony: “The Nepali Congress had said it wouldn’t take loans under the current circumstances. Now, they’ve changed their stance.”

This triggered laughter among the group. One man quipped, “Our politicians care more about commissions than loans or grants.” His comment drew nods and chuckles before everyone began leaving to start their day.

By then, it was already 9 am. I finished my tea, paid Rs 20, and stepped out. The mix of conversations I witnessed at the teashop was a microcosm of Nepal’s society. From aspirations of young men seeking opportunities abroad to discussions about real estate woes and political dynamics, it reflected the concerns, challenges, and debates shaping the nation today. Even the lighthearted moments and humor, like the comment about politicians’ commissions, underscored a deeper truth about public perception of leadership and governance.