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While the Lakhe dance was in full swing in the ancient town of Dolakha on the eve of Hile Jatra, the editor of Shankhdhwani Media, Mahendra Shrestha, wrote about the traditional dance implying that Newars chased from the Kathmandu valley have been performing this dance (for ages) in areas where they have resettled, including in Dolakha. 

There’s no doubt that the Newars perform the Lakhe dance in places of their residence, but I could not digest his view that seemed to imply that a section of the Newars chased away from the valley resettled in Dolakha. This is because the kingdom of Dolakha was one of the four kingdoms of the Newars during the medieval period (along with Lalitpur, Bhaktapur and Kathmandu). It was as prominent as the kingdoms of the valley as noted historian Baburam Acharya has clearly written in his work titled ‘Nepalko Sanskrtik Parampara’: Between Trishuli and Tamakoshi rivers, the kings of the four Malla kingdoms of Kathmandu, Lalitpur,  Bhaktapur and Dolakha on the north side of the Mahabharata mountain range seem to  be referring to the area where they rule as ‘Nepal’. But later, when the kings started calling themselves ‘Dolakhadhipati’ (the kings of Dolakha, as inscribed in the coin of Dolakha), the border of the state of Nepal got further ‘narrowed’, with the eastern border constricted to the Sunkoshi river.  

Therefore, it is not logical to say that the Newars of Dolakha were driven out of  Kathmandu. It is beyond doubt that Newars were chased from the valley or fled it at some point in time, they may even have entered Dolakha while fleeing the valley and taken shelter there. This is because two-three Newar families living in Dolakha still claim that their ancestors came from Bhaktapur, but no other Newar family identifies Kathmandu or Patan as the place of their ancestors.  

The translated segment of ‘Mero Katha Mero Vyatha’, a book authored by Bhaktapur-based senior litterateur and Nepali Congress leader Tilak Prakash about the escape of the Newars from the valley, reads:

“Even after the capture of the Kathmandu valley in the 18th century of Vikram Sambat, the wrath of the ambitious king of Gorkha, Prithvi Narayan Shah, had not subsided. As soon as Kirtipur fell, he started torturing the people. Prithvi Narayan Shah was very angry with the people close to the palace of Bhaktapur and intellectuals. That is why thousands of Bhaktapur residents were killed after the war. Thousands of people left their children and women stranded at home and fled empty-handed, some to the east, some to the west, some to the north and some to the south, overnight. Some of these people started residing in Naya Pati of the present-day Kathmandu, some in Dolakha, Dumja and some in Aiselukharka of Sindhupalchowk. Those who moved to the west started living in places like Dhading, Nuwakot, Rasuwa, Chitwan, Bandipur, Syangja, Tanahun, Pokhara, Tansen and Lamjung.”

Acharya’s (translated) account of three different waves of exodus from the valley read thus: 

“Upon the return of Malla king Bhupatindra to power, those opposing his return were driven out of the Kathmandu valley. After Prithvi Narayan Shah’s conquest of the valley, thousands of people, who helped and supported the Malla kings were either killed, deported or fled overnight to save their lives. Then, during the reign of Rana Bahadur Shah as well, thousands of families and households infected with smallpox were driven away from the kingdom.”

Historian Acharya explains the reason behind the spread of the Newars from Mechi to Mahakali thus:

“After the end of the Malla dynastic rule, King Prithvi Narayan Shah and his successors introduced a rule to not recruit people from Newar communities in the army. As a result, the ‘Chhathari Vaishyas’, who claimed to be the Kshetriyas, were left without their ancestral profession, with their entry into the army banned. These people landed positions in government offices, in the Hills and in the Tarai, from Mechi to Mahakali”. 

After the lifting of restrictions on recruitment into the army, my ancestor, Major Dhanman Joshi, served in Kumaon Gadhwal for a few years. This shows that the Newars have not only been driven out of the valley, but have also reached different parts of the country in the course of employment. For example, my father’s elder brother left for a job in Bhojpur district and settled there.  

Historian Acharya rings alarm regarding the tendency of Newars forgetting their mother tongue after emigration through this account(translated): 

“Between 1769 and 1805, some Newars were driven out or expelled from Nepal Byansi. They have settled in main settlements like Pokhara, Palpa, Dhankuta, Doti; these people have already forgotten or are on the verge of forgetting their dialect. The same is true for the Newars, who later migrated from the valley on their own. In some places like Dolakha, which is (one of the) original hometowns of the Newars, the Newari dialect still survives.”

Another important reason why Newars have spread across the country and set up markets there is that Newars are proficient in the art of doing business. According to historian Acharya, “King Prithvi Narayan Shah laid the foundation of modern Nepal in 1766 and started reunifying Nepal by making Kathmandu the national capital. By 1792, Nepal covered the Tista river in the east, the Alaknanda in the west, whereas in 1805, Nepal’s western border extended further to the Sutlej river.

The unification of Nepal also meant expansion of the market and the Newars, well known for their trade and business skills, went across the country from Bhaktapur, Patan, Banepa, Dhulikhel and Dolakha, set up their businesses and settled there.  

The descendants of some of these intrepid traders and businessmen can still be found in Dolakha. It may be recalled that in Pithoragarh of Kumaon, which was under Nepal’s control for 25 years before the 1814-1816 Anglo-Nepal War, the Lakhe dance is shown during ‘Hille Jatra’ in August as in Dolakha, which is locally known as ‘Lakhia Bhoot’. Newars might have introduced this Jatra and Lakhe dance there as well.  

The author, a professor of Business economics, writes on economic and cultural matters

China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has deepened the rift between coalition partners as Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s upcoming visit to China draws nearer. Leaders from both parties have become more outspoken, publicly presenting their positions. Former Foreign Minister Pradeep Kumar Gyawali criticized the Nepali Congress (NC) for creating unnecessary obstacles in implementing the BRI.

He remarked, “They (NC leaders) signed the BRI framework agreements but now they are complicating the issue.” This statement highlights the growing divide between the two parties.

On Tuesday, Prime Minister Oli held discussions with NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba on the same issue. Gyawali remarked, “Obviously, there are differences between the two parties, but we will resolve them before Oli’s visit.” 

PM Oli is keen on signing the BRI implementation plan prepared last year, but the NC opposes it. Similarly, the UML supports finalizing certain BRI projects, while the NC strongly opposes them. NC leader Prakash Sharan Mahat, who was foreign minister when the BRI framework was signed in 2017, stated that the NC would accept only grants, not loans, under the BRI. He added, “It’s fine if China provides grants for BRI projects, but there is no need for loans. China has not honored its commitments to Nepal regarding grants.”

Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba will visit China at the end of this month to prepare for PM Oli’s trip. Her visit will determine the future of the BRI’s progress. Shortly after taking office, Rana emphasized that more public discussions are needed before signing any agreement. UML Senior Vice-chair Ishwar Pokhrel is also in China for bilateral talks. The coalition has tasked Minister Rana with making preparations after consulting with leaders from both NC and UML.

The two countries are working on a draft implementation plan, but NC and UML remain divided. China is leveraging its influence over Nepal’s communist parties to facilitate BRI implementation. If the rift between NC and UML widens further, it could threaten the government’s stability. While the two parties have differences on domestic issues, they have managed to coexist, but tensions over the BRI are likely to escalate. NC leaders cite the example of the Pokhara International Airport to argue that infrastructure projects funded by Chinese loans are not economically viable.

On Nov 15, Mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City Balendra Shah’s Facebook post laid bare the frustrations of managing Kathmandu’s waste crisis. “We talked a lot about Kathmandu’s garbage before the election. We told you about our plan,” he wrote, detailing the exhaustive search for solutions. His words resonated with a city drowning in its own waste, searching for a sustainable path forward.

The scale of this crisis is staggering. Every day, Kathmandu generates over 1,200 metric tons of waste, with the Kathmandu Metropolitan City (KMC) alone contributing about 500 metric tons. Even more concerning, approximately 15 percent of this waste remains uncollected, littering our streets and waterways. Our rivers—once sacred lifelines of the valley—have become convenient dumping grounds. The Bagmati, Bishnumati, and Tukucha bear silent testimony to our collective failure.

Kathmandu’s Landfill Crisis

The situation at our landfill sites tells a story of poor planning and mounting challenges. The Sisdol landfill, operational since 2005, was meant to be a temporary solution but has been overburdened for 17 years. Its successor, the Banchare Danda landfill, opened in Sept 2021 with a capacity of holding three million cubic meters of waste, but already faces significant challenges. Designed to handle only residual waste (25-30 percent), it currently receives around 60-65 percent of total municipal solid waste due to inadequate treatment and recycling facilities.

Meanwhile, residents near these landfills bear the brunt of our negligence, their ‘paradise turned into hell’ by our waste. They’ve repeatedly protested, demanding promised amenities like a 50-bed hospital, free ambulance services, and job opportunities. Their struggle highlights the human cost of Kathmandu’s waste crisis.

The Indore model

Amidst this crisis, the Indore model emerges as a beacon of hope. This central Indian city’s transformation offers more than inspiration—it provides a practical blueprint for urban waste management. With a population of approximately 2.5m and daily waste generation of 1,115 metric tons (remarkably similar to Kathmandu’s figures), Indore achieved what many deemed impossible. Through systematic implementation of a six-category waste segregation system, the city now processes 100 percent of its waste with zero landfill dependency.

The cornerstone of Indore’s success lies in its comprehensive approach to infrastructure development. The city deployed 850 GPS-equipped waste collection vehicles, each designed with segregated compartments to maintain waste separation from source to processing. Strategic transfer stations were established across the city, ensuring efficient waste movement from collection points to processing facilities. Most importantly, these facilities were fully operational before the city began enforcing strict segregation rules, ensuring a smooth transition to the new system.

Enforcement and incentives formed the second pillar of Indore’s transformation. The city implemented a strict non-collection policy for unsegregated waste, coupled with modest fines starting from just Rs 100 for non-compliance. However, the focus wasn’t just on punishment—neighborhoods achieving 100 percent segregation received public recognition and priority for development projects, creating a positive competitive spirit among communities.

Perhaps most crucial was the cultural transformation driven by the ‘Swachhata Didis’ (cleanliness sisters) program. These trained waste workers became community educators, conducting door-to-door visits to demonstrate proper segregation techniques and explain the environmental impact of mixed waste. Through regular community meetings, school programs, and extensive social media engagement, waste management became a matter of civic pride rather than a mere obligation. This shift in mindset was perhaps the most important aspect that made it all possible.

The economic benefits of this transformation have been remarkable. Today, Indore powers 15 city buses daily with biogas generated from waste. Plastic waste finds new life in road construction, while composting operations generate revenue and create employment opportunities. What was once a financial burden has become a source of sustainable income for the city.

Adapting the model for Kathmandu

While Indore’s success inspires, implementing their model in Kathmandu requires careful adaptation to our unique context. Our city’s topography poses challenges for waste collection logistics, while coordination among multiple municipalities adds administrative complexity. The need for sustainable funding mechanisms and integration of the existing informal waste sector presents additional hurdles.

Yet these challenges aren’t insurmountable. The path forward begins with pilot projects in select wards where good access and strong community engagement provide fertile ground for success. Ward committees can be transformed into waste management cells, while waste workers can be elevated to the status of community educators, following Indore’s successful model.

The path forward

This is where the #FohorAbaMero movement becomes crucial. It should represent more than a social media campaign—it should be a fundamental shift in how we view our relationship with waste. Every household in Kathmandu must embrace waste segregation and take responsibility for their waste generation. Bringing the Indore model to Kathmandu does not mean setting up expensive factories or GPS-based trucks, but a shift—a crucial one—in our mindset. The Indore model’s success is derived from the ideology it holds. When we see illegal dumping, we must speak up. When our community organizes a cleanup, we must participate. When our neighbors seek guidance on waste segregation, we must become their teachers

The transformation of Kathmandu begins with individual action but succeeds through collective impact. Each piece of waste we generate is our responsibility. Mayor Shah’s vision can succeed, but only if we, the residents of Kathmandu, decide to change. Every small action contributes to the larger goal of a cleaner, healthier city.

A call to action

The choice before us is clear. Will we continue to be part of the problem, or will we join a movement of responsible citizens saying #FohorAbaMero? Kathmandu’s future hangs in the balance, and our next action could tip the scales.

Let’s make ‘FohorAbaMero’ our way of life. Because ultimately, the transformation of Kathmandu doesn’t depend on Mayor Shah, the federal government, or private companies. It depends on each of us accepting that every piece of waste we generate is our responsibility. Together, we can turn the tide. Together, we can make Kathmandu clean again.

Recently, Chef Bikram Vaidya launched his well-researched cookbook, ‘Mystic Kitchen of Nepal’, in Nepal. However, the event received little attention from mainstream media. The cookbook had its initial release in the United States on Oct 26.

Vaidya describes the book as the culmination of over 20 years of study, research, and practice. “Mystic Kitchen of Nepal is more than just a cookbook—it’s a celebration of the deep connection between food, culture, and community, from the soil to the soul,” he says.

The book has already been recognized by the prestigious James Beard Awards, often referred to as the ‘Oscars’ of the culinary world. These awards honor excellence in the food industry, including chefs, food writers, and other leaders in the broader food system.

Featuring over 140 original recipes, Mystic Kitchen of Nepal reflects Nepal’s rich landscapes and diverse cultures. Alongside the recipes, the book provides commentary on the historical and cultural significance of each dish.

Vaidya is a graduate of the Western Culinary Institute/Le Cordon Bleu and a founding member of the Oregon Culinary Institute in the United States. He has spent decades teaching and inspiring others in the culinary field. His journey has taken him from Kathmandu’s vibrant food scene to the classrooms of prestigious institutions, blending Western culinary techniques with Nepal’s ancient traditions.

Vaidya has always been a source of inspiration, a true mentor, and a warm, guiding presence in my life. With a heart as generous as his vast knowledge, he has shaped my understanding of Nepali cuisine and culture in ways that only a brother—or ‘Kija,’ as he fondly calls me—could. From our earliest conversations, I knew he was more than just a chef; he is a cultural ambassador, a preserver of heritage, and a visionary. It’s no surprise that his book, Mystic Kitchen of Nepal, a beautifully researched and heartfelt work, embodies these qualities, encapsulating his journey from the vibrant Tom and Jerry Bar in Kathmandu to the culinary classrooms of the Oregon Culinary Institute and Le Cordon Bleu.

Mystic Kitchen of Nepal is a living narrative of Nepal’s culinary and cultural heritage, a personal biography, and a history book rolled into one. As I read through the pages, it became clear that each recipe and story is woven with a depth that only someone with his lineage could bring to life. The author, a proud member of the Vaidya family, carries a legacy of Ayurvedic knowledge and spiritual insight. His ancestors, including a great-grandfather who traveled to the UK to teach Ayurveda, planted a seed that he has nurtured throughout his life’s work.

The book represents a full-circle moment for Vaidya, as he brings his love for Nepali food and culture to a global audience. His work is rooted in his family’s legacy of Ayurvedic knowledge and spiritual insight. His ancestors, including a great-grandfather who traveled to the UK to teach Ayurveda, have deeply influenced his understanding of food as both nourishment and medicine.

Mystic Kitchen of Nepal delves into Ayurvedic principles, Newari cuisine, and Nepal’s rich culinary traditions. Vaidya explores the philosophy of ‘Aila,’ the ritual Newari rice spirit, and highlights the intricate balance between food, health, and spirituality in Nepali cooking.

For many, Vaidya’s name is synonymous with Kathmandu’s iconic Tom and Jerry Bar, a venue that earned a mention in The New York Times as a must-visit spot. Tom and Jerry Bar served as a cultural hub where Vaidya introduced authentic Nepali flavors to locals and travelers. This early success paved the way for his culinary journey, culminating in the creation of Mystic Kitchen.

The cookbook showcases dishes from every corner of Nepal, from the Himalayan regions of Mustang and Manang to the Tarai plains and the mid-hills. The recipes combine traditional Nepali flavors with influences from Vaidya’s international experiences, creating a blend that is both authentic and innovative.

Reading Mystic Kitchen of Nepal is an immersive experience. Each ingredient and recipe is presented with respect to its cultural and historical origins. A student from the Oregon Culinary Institute shared a poignant memory of Vaidya explaining the spiritual significance of spices, recounting how wars were fought and lives lost over their trade. This depth of understanding permeates the book, elevating it beyond a simple collection of recipes.

The book also celebrates beloved Nepali staples, including momo—dumplings that hold a special place in Nepali cuisine. Vaidya preserves traditional recipes while adding his own creative touch. He captures the essence of momo, from the bustling street stalls of Kathmandu to the flavorful chutneys that accompany them.

In addition to food, Mystic Kitchen highlights Nepal’s drinking culture, particularly the Newari tradition of Aila. By including this, Vaidya introduces readers to an essential yet often overlooked aspect of Nepali dining, emphasizing the interplay between food and drink in traditional meals.

Vaidya’s book has the potential to elevate Nepal’s culinary heritage to the global stage. Its meticulous research and focus on preservation align with efforts to have Newari cuisine recognized as UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage. By documenting traditional recipes and rituals, Mystic Kitchen ensures that these cultural treasures are not lost to time.

The book also serves as a love letter to old Kathmandu, capturing the sensory richness of its streets, spice markets, and traditional bars. Vaidya recounts memories of places like Ason and Basantapur, painting a vivid picture of the city’s food culture. He introduces readers to hidden momo stalls and historic Bhattis, preserving a piece of Nepal’s history through his storytelling.

Beyond its focus on Nepal, Mystic Kitchen highlights the influence of neighboring cultures on the country’s cuisine. Vaidya’s 15 years of research reveal how regional and cross-border connections have enriched Nepali dishes, making his book a bridge between traditions.

Mystic Kitchen of Nepal is a cultural milestone. Through his work, he has captured the soul of Nepal and shared it in a way that will inspire generations. This book is a testament to the power of tradition, the depth of Nepali culture, and the enduring connection between food and identity.

The author is a UK-based R&D chef