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The Nepali nationals are gradually breathing composed following a harsh national grief in this past week. Perhaps, no rational being would deny that the ill-intention of killing, burning, and looting in the name of change can never be a sensible vision. Even though change is not possible without revolution, yet every upheaval has minimum ethical limitations. The killings and destructions that took place in this revolt are not less than in a cruel war, going beyond the law of warfare. No patriotic national can make the nation suffer to that extent as the country has grieved. 

Amid a very chaotic situation in the country, the sensible role played by the Nepali Army is highly commendable. The national army has not only been a part of domestic peace and stability, but also that of the UN peace keeping mission since long. This institution has played a very patriotic role in restoring order in most difficult times in various courses of history. 

The utilitarian role played by the young dissenters in the post-revolt state is equally intelligible as they have strongly underscored the egalitarian values, stimulus of global geopolitics and sensibility of national security and sovereignty. The nature of the this revolution, however, is completely different than in the past, whereas the young protesters have openly claimed that their mission is just to “clean up” the prevailing “corruption”, “favoritism” and “impunity”, rather not to “finish off” the national institutions, democratic values and essence of pluralism. 

The “shadowy forces” must have been ill-intended to “fish in the muddy water” under their said mission—“system change”, claim some protestors who call themselves as the “real” protestor. The general public, to some extent, can accept as true their saying as they have not yet shown any greed for power or position following the revolt. Instead, some are already engaged in a “cleanup mission”. They are expected to be involved in the “rebuilding mission”, next.  While the nation needs massive reforms—from politics to bureaucracy to governance to education, all the young minds, irrespective of political inclination, should voluntarily be involved in “mission nation building” with an immense sense of patriotic morality. 

The hidden coward-interest of some criminal minds, indeed, will gradually be revealed in due course of time, yet many have already noticed them. The history will bring these cowardly individuals to justice and castigate each perfidious based on the degree of respective culpability. Amid national chaos, some so-called representatives emotionally fueled the young protestors with an ill-prospect of rewriting the constitution or transforming the liberal democratic system, which is a very immature and childish vision in contemporary politics. Writing a new constitution is not something like writing a poignant social media post just to amass gigantic likes or comments under the shrewd political stunt. Attaining political stability may not be so easy or smooth if the nation is forced to enter into the state of disorder and lawlessness. 

Every nation should be aware that some foreign political predators could play a vulturine role to influence the nation greater than it has witnessed previously. Thus, with patience, perseverance and prudence, the general voters should elect leaders or representatives having prudent vision and sensible prospects along with immense sense of patriotic morality, spirited civility, emotional maturity, and perceptual stability in the general election ahead. Meanwhile, nobody should undermine the rational role played by the political parties in the history of the Nepali democratic movement. No democracy can sustain without functioning political parties. 

The existing political parties, however, must accept that they have accomplished a “lesson” and also won in the sense that they are getting another chance to rebuild their image, take part in electoral process, win the heart of the general public and come back to serve the nation with a prudent intention. They have to safeguard the nation, national institutions, democratic values, rule of law, sovereignty and territorial integrity as always. 

The political parties, particularly those ardently believe in liberal democracy and pluralism, need to rethink on transforming themselves and, of course, the nation. If the election could not happen on the scheduled date at a time when there is no functioning parliament, the interim government could be liable to enforce national emergency by prolonging its power and presence. This could further induce greater chaos and uncertainty in the country, leading the egalitarian values in a greater peril. Thus, all the stakeholders of the nation—the political parties, bureaucrats, media and the general voters—need to be pragmatic, both by thinking and acting at this moment. 

The national parties and their leaders have additional opportunity to prove themselves as an icon of society, while their every role has to depict a real-sense of integration, social harmony, development prospects, accountability, stability, innovation, and nation building while delivering moral politics. The government or leaders come and go, but the nation and institutions remain forever. So, every responsible politician has a duty to enhance a nation’s sovereign dignity, irrespective of one’s politics or emotions. They must realize the core personality of the nation, nationals and corresponding soft potentials, and together attempt in preserving nation and national interest. 

Considering the country’s sensitive geo-location and super-sensitive global geopolitics, every nation should act with immense sense of patriotic morality and pragmatic prophecy. Every patriotic national has specific responsibility to safeguard the nation, national integrity, law and order, egalitarian values, socio-emotional cohesiveness, socio-national spirit, and the age-old legacy of the nation.

The political leaders should now be groomed with an utmost sense of political morality and culture. The past trend of mistrust, dishonesty and “finishing off” the opponents should now be transformed into collaboration and collectivism. To deliver ‘moral politics’ and move ahead towards socialism, they need to be equipped with a finely tuned sense of emotional and political intelligence. Democracy should not be understood or practiced only as “democracy of politics”, instead, it should be exercised as “politics of morality”. 

Politics, diplomacy and state of affairs need enormous patience, perseverance, peace, prudence, civility and ‘state of mind’ as essential governing attributes. While politics is not only about delivering aggression, incivility and viciousness; it is also about consolidating national accord, promoting national values, articulating a sense of belongingness, and inducing socio-emotional cohesiveness among the nationals. Thus, politics has to be a form of civilization where its stakeholders should work responsible for the greater goodness of people, society, nation, the planet and humankind. Essentially, the politics require immense sense of morality, pragmatism, patriotism, nationalism along with a ‘finely tuned’ sense of emotive intelligence that could play a prudent role in constructing dignified national identity, which would help uphold stately international relations. 

Yet the crucial concern is: How can the country make a marvelous headway—both politically and economically—amid the existing ferociousness? How can the country function efficiently and meticulously? Answering these two questions is key to identifying the systems—both political and bureaucratic—that the country should adopt to accomplish a prospective triumph.

The country has to massively invest in technology, innovation, infrastructure, research and development and wisely capitalize on 'soft powers’ and internal values including culture, civilization, morale, education, history, demography and geography. In effect, a very strict entry standards need to be set into both political and bureaucratic systems along with a sharp focus on building a robust system that could be rooted in a strong academic background, resilient public services, disciplined and systematic working habits, public civility, spiritual vitality, and an immense sense of patriotic morality.

Accordingly, the country needs to aspire to catch up the international development indicators—such as economic competitiveness, political stability, diplomatic influence, social integrity, quality of life, academic recognition, scientific and technological innovation, tech and data sovereignty, public services, and foreign policy. These international metrics can be achieved only when the vision and philosophy are turned into reality with pragmatic policy and action. Essentially, it is high time to be passionate enough to adjust and grasp the pace of transformation—both within and outside—and aspire to thrive by cooperating with the international community, particularly with development partners, including those in close proximity. 

Nepal has once again plunged into a major crisis after the violent GenZ uprising that led to the collapse of the KP Sharma Oli government. 

To address the demands of protestors, a civilian government led by former Chief Justice Sushila Karki has been formed. Although the constitution does not provide for appointing a prime minister outside the legislature, President Ramchandra Paudel invoked his “inherent authority” as the protector of the constitution, citing the abnormal and complex political situation that followed the protests of Sept 8 and 9.

Prime Minister Karki has set March 5 next year as the date for national elections. However, top leaders of the major parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center)—are still under the protection of the Nepali Army and have yet to issue official statements on the polls.

The parties have opposed the government’s decision to dissolve Parliament without first ensuring conditions for free, fair and credible elections. Their initial reactions prompted President Paudel to issue a statement on Sept 13 urging the parties to calm public anger and prepare for elections. He has been credited with finding a “constitutional solution” while averting attempts to dismantle the republic and revive either monarchy or military rule.

For the parties, the only real option is to participate in the March 5 elections. Failure to do so would push the country into further instability, as the interim government will lose its legitimacy after six months. Some parties may push instead for restoring Parliament and forming a new government from within it to oversee elections.

Concerns also loom over whether the Supreme Court may invalidate Karki’s appointment and the dissolution of Parliament. The constitutional foundation of the current government is weak, and precedent is mixed: in 2020 and 2021, the court restored Parliament after Oli’s dissolutions, ruling that it could not be dissolved before completing its full term. Yet, some argue that the Court might uphold Karki’s appointment under the principle of necessity and in light of the President’s intervention during a volatile crisis.

Even if the court allows it, the larger challenge is whether the interim government can create an environment for free and fair elections. It has announced the formation of a high-level judicial commission to investigate killings, destruction of property, and human rights violations during the protests.

Meanwhile, the security situation remains precarious. After widespread vandalism and looting of police posts, security forces are under severe strain. Leaders and cadres of mainstream parties continue to face direct and indirect threats. Without a proper investigation into the violence, parties may refuse to contest elections. The Ministry of Home Affairs faces the enormous task of providing shelter and logistics for police, who have long operated without adequate arms or ammunition, leaving them ill-equipped to maintain order.

This weakness was exposed during the recent protests and earlier in the May 15 demonstrations organized by royalist groups. The police, lacking arms due to a decade-long procurement freeze and recent destruction of their stock, were unable to respond effectively. While the 2017 and 2022 elections were largely peaceful, the risk of election violence now looms, making it imperative to prepare security forces adequately.

Despite these challenges, political parties have signaled willingness to join elections if the government ensures security. Speaking in Kathmandu, CPN-UML General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel said the Karki-led government must move decisively toward holding elections and guaranteeing safety. However, the UML has not yet held an official meeting to finalize its position.

Within Nepali Congress, several leaders have warned that a prolonged legislative vacuum would deepen the crisis, urging participation in elections. Senior Maoist leaders too have indicated support for the government’s efforts.

Still, it may be premature to draw conclusions. Top leaders remain absent from the political stage. NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba and his spouse Arzu Rana Deuba, both severely injured during the protests, remain hospitalized. With many party offices and leaders’ residences burned down, it may take weeks before the major parties formally declare their stance.

Nepali Congress General Secretary Gagan Thapa has emphasized that holding free and fair elections and protecting the constitution are the party’s central priorities. “The government has pledged to conduct elections within six months, and Nepali Congress, as a responsible party, should support this effort,” Thapa said. “Our priority must be to bring the constitution and democracy back on track through free and fair elections.”

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has stopped issuing working visas to Nepali nationals.

Similarly, the UAE has also stopped issuing visit visas to Nepali citizens since Monday.

It has been learnt that the UAE stopped issuing working and visit visas to Nepalis after the government started investigating the incidents of vandalism, arson and looting during the Gen-Z protests and a large number of prisoners escaped from the prison.

Likewise, Nepali workers will not be allowed to travel to Korea on E-7 visas.

Issuing a notice on Tuesday, the Department of Foreign Employment stated that the Procedure 2080, pertaining to sending skilled workers to the Republic of Korea would not be implemented, thus closing the way to travel to Korea on E-7 visas.

The Department stated that the Ministry of Labor, Employment and Social Security has issued a directive not to implement the Procedure.

Currently, Nepali workers are going to Korea through the Employment Permit System (EPS).

Academic institutions are the bedrock of any nation’s intellectual, social, and economic development. Nepal’s academic institutions play a vital role in shaping the nation’s intellectual landscape and driving socio-economic progress as they have served as nurturing grounds for scholars, thinkers, innovators, and leaders who continue to influence change across sectors. From centuries-old universities like Tribhuvan University to emerging colleges and schools, they offer a wide range of programs catering to diverse academic interests. However, challenges such as inadequate infrastructure, brain drain, and disparities in access especially between urban and rural regions continue to affect educational outcomes. Efforts are underway to modernize curricula, integrate technology, and enhance research capabilities to better align with global academic standards and Nepal’s development needs.

However, maintaining academic excellence is not merely about infrastructure or curricula—it demands visionary leadership, dedicated staff and inclusive policies. When institutions are guided by strategic foresight and ethical governance, they flourish. But when leadership falters, the consequences ripple through the entire community.

Role of effective leadership in academia

Effective leadership within academic institutions is a cornerstone for their success and sustained growth. It shapes not only the strategic direction of institutions but also the day-to-day experiences of faculty, staff, and students. It acts as the guiding force that propels academic institutions toward excellence, sustainability and innovation. Leaders who embody vision, integrity and strategic acumen inspire faculty, students and staff to strive for higher standards and embrace continuous improvement. They create an environment that promotes collaboration, supports research and champions inclusive learning practices. In navigating educational reforms, resource constraints, and shifting societal needs, effective leadership ensures academic institutions stay adaptive, resilient and focused on delivering quality education and impactful contributions to society.

Leadership in academic institutions is often seen as an administrative necessity but in reality, it is the cultural compass that determines morale, productivity and institutional legacy. In Nepalese educational institutions, where the education sector is expanding rapidly, the role of leadership has become more critical than ever. When done well, it inspires excellence; when done poorly, it erodes motivation and fuels disillusionment.

Leadership in academic settings goes far beyond administrative decision-making. It entails inspiring a shared vision, cultivating talent, building trust and steering the institution through challenges and change. It involves setting a clear strategic direction, inspiring faculty and students, and promoting innovation in teaching and research. It plays a vital role in shaping the vision, culture and performance of educational institutions. 

Effective leadership in academia plays a vital role in shaping the values, norms, and culture of institutions, fostering academic freedom, integrity, and inclusivity. By empowering and mentoring faculty and staff, leadership nurtures professional growth and encourages meaningful contributions. It ensures strategic alignment by keeping departments, programs, and initiatives in line with the institution’s mission and vision. Strong leadership is also ethically grounded, creating transparency, fairness, equality, trust, and mutual respect, which drive both institutional and individual development. Furthermore, it enables innovation by cultivating conditions that embrace technological changes, research breakthroughs, interdisciplinary collaboration, and academic reforms. Finally, effective leadership establishes systemic accountability through frameworks for performance evaluation, quality assurance, and ethical governance, ensuring sustainable progress and excellence in academia.

When leadership exhibits these qualities, institutions become hubs of excellence where students flourish, educators innovate and communities thrive.

Consequences of leadership failure: When vision fades

Unfortunately, not all academic institutions are steered with such care. When leadership becomes ineffective, the damage can be deep and far-reaching. Staff morale declines, academic output suffers, institutional credibility erodes and in the worst cases, financial and reputational bankruptcy looms.

Leadership failure often manifests in several ways that can severely undermine an institution’s growth and sustainability. Nepotism and favoritism, where unqualified or inexperienced individuals are hired based on personal connections rather than merit, weaken organizational credibility. Financial mismanagement, including the irresponsible allocation of resources, can lead to unsustainable expenditures and long-term instability. Poor communication, marked by the absence of dialogue and empathy between management and staff, creates a culture of mistrust and disengagement. Overstaffing further exacerbates financial strain, as unnecessary hiring may drain resources and even push an institution toward bankruptcy. Disrespecting the experience and commitment of long-serving employees fosters resentment and diminishes morale, while the erosion of institutional culture undermines the values and mission that once guided success. Together, these failures illustrate how ineffective leadership can damage both people and organizations.

Leadership failure in academia can quietly erode the very foundations of educational institutions, affecting not just operations but the emotional and intellectual well-being of everyone involved in it.

Intellectual and emotional fallout

Poor leadership can significantly impact the mental and emotional well-being of an academic community. Faculty, employees, and students often experience chronic stress, burnout, and anxiety when faced with unclear expectations, lack of support, or toxic environments. A fear-based culture may develop, discouraging individuals from taking initiative or voicing concerns due to the risk of backlash. Leadership that resists or mishandles change can leave teams stagnant and unable to adapt to new challenges. Over time, these issues contribute to low morale, with faculty and staff feeling undervalued and isolated, ultimately leading to demotivation and declining performance.

Institutional consequences

Leadership failure can create significant challenges for an institution, ranging from instability and conflict to potential collapse. When leaders act without transparency or ethical consideration, trust among staff, students, and external stakeholders—including the public—diminishes. Institutions lacking visionary leadership may stagnate, struggling to adopt new technologies, pedagogies, or research initiatives. Such failures often foster a toxic culture characterized by fear, favoritism, and exclusion, which contributes to disengagement and high turnover. Poor decision-making, misaligned with institutional goals, can compound these issues, while public failures or scandals may cause long-term reputational damage. Additionally, mismanagement frequently results in financial losses, wasted resources, and missed opportunities, undermining both growth and sustainability.

Operational impact

Ineffective leadership can lead to institutional fragmentation, with departments or teams operating in silos and lacking cohesion or a shared sense of purpose. Misallocation of resources often occurs when leaders prioritize vanity projects or personal agendas over meaningful academic initiatives. Such failures can also result in a decline in the institution’s reputation, as scandals or mismanagement negatively affect public perception and student enrollment. Moreover, systemic issues—such as inequality, favoritism, and low motivation—may go unaddressed or be mishandled, further exacerbating dysfunction within the institution.

Long-term effects

Ineffective leadership can trigger a talent drain, as high-performing staff and qualified educators leave toxic environments, weakening the institution’s academic standing. Such leadership often breeds cynicism, creating resistance to change and making it difficult to implement reforms or embrace innovation. Over time, dysfunction can become normalized, with mediocrity accepted and excellence treated as the exception. Without visionary guidance, institutions may experience strategic drift, losing direction and relevance. Habitual dysfunction further entrenches these problems, making future recovery increasingly difficult.

These dysfunctions are not just managerial mistakes, they’re institutional threats. A motivated employee doesn’t just complete tasks; they contribute ideas, mentor others and take ownership of outcomes. When leadership fails to recognize the value of experience and loyalty, respect tenure, competence and integrity, these deeper forms of performance disappear and the institution begins to decay from within.

Towards leadership that inspires

If Nepal’s educational institutions are serious about academic excellence, they must rethink how leadership is structured, selected and held accountable. 

Effective leadership requires transparency, fairness, and inclusivity. Decisions regarding promotions and appointments should be based on merit and institutional needs rather than personal affiliations. Long-serving employees should be recognized and celebrated, with their contributions serving as a source of institutional strength. Compensation and role allocation must fairly reflect experience, responsibility, and performance, avoiding favoritism. Moreover, faculty and staff should be included in strategic conversations, fostering an inclusive leadership culture rather than one in which they are merely expected to follow orders. 

In Nepal’s fast-growing education sector, good leadership isn’t just desirable, it’s essential. Yet behind the shiny prospectuses and sprawling institutions, many institutions suffer from a quiet leadership crisis. 

In some of the educational institutions, research shows that long serving staff who helped shape its foundation have been sidelined, humiliated and excluded. They have been replaced by newcomers with little experience but with better pay and bigger titles. What message does this send? It tells us that loyalty no longer matters. That performance and experience can be discarded. And that motivation arguably the lifeblood of an academic institution is expendable.

Leadership must be more than administrative shuffle. It must inspire. Fairness in promotions, respect for institutional memory and acknowledgment of contributions, these are not optional luxuries, these are the essence of any thriving workplace. If such institutions continue to replace dedication with favoritism, they risk breaking the spirit of those who carried them this far. And that’s a price no institution should be willing to pay.

Leadership can build or break an institution. In our classrooms and offices, the tone set by leaders’ echoes throughout the academic community. For Nepal to elevate its educational institutions to global standards, leadership must evolve not just structurally, but morally. Respect is not optional. Experience is not disposable. And no academic institution can flourish when its people are silenced, sidelined or shamed.

The author is lecturer of management at NASA International College