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Every monsoon season, Nepal grapples with the life-giving rains turning into a potential threat, unleashing devastating floods and landslides. Overflowing rivers and streams inundate surrounding areas, causing loss of life, livestock, homes and infrastructure. Heavy rain disrupts agriculture and destroys precious topsoil, shattering lives. In the past one decade alone, over 1800 people have lost their lives due to monsoon disasters in Nepal. During that period, about 400 people have gone missing and more than 1500 people have suffered injuries. 

The recent monsoon has been particularly brutal, with reports of casualties, missing individuals and widespread damage. This year’s monsoon can affect as many as 1.8m people and four lakh households. As of 10 Aug 2024, the monsoon has claimed 170 lives since June 10 when it began. Initial reports show it has displaced over 4,279 families, inundated 384 houses, destroyed 270 homes, 102 sheds, 43 bridges, two schools and two government offices, inundating 182 houses and damaging hundreds more.

Many times, human factors have added to the losses. Look at the recent example of the Simaltal landslide mishap of July 12 night. The landslide swept two buses, and it is believed there were 65 people in the buses, of which three passengers swam to safety. While 25 bodies have been found, others remain missing. In the first place, the landslide seems to be a result of improper slope management while constructing the Mugling-Narayanghat Highway, and opening Simaltal-Bangesal-Dumre rural road on the slopes above the highway. Secondly, driving the vehicles on a rainy night under the compromised visibility added to the risks.

Settlements in the river banks adjoining roads are another major reason for heavy losses. The high losses due to the Melamchi flood of 15 June 2021 resulted not only from the climate change and associated heavy rains, but also from the fact that human settlements had extended to lower alluvial deposits. In many places, improper construction of roads over small streams and flawed sewage management systems result in inundation whenever heavy rains occur. Such was the case of the 2021 Kapan Flood, right in northern Kathmandu.

The impact goes beyond immediate losses. Displaced communities face a desperate struggle to secure food, shelter and medical care. Livelihoods are disrupted, and the psychological trauma can be long-lasting. The economic toll is significant, with destroyed infrastructure and hampered agricultural production impacting the entire nation.

Post-disaster management

In the face of such devastation, the need for a swift and coordinated response to deliver life-saving aid is paramount. One approach gaining traction is the ‘one-door policy’, where all relief efforts are channeled through a single government entity. This centralized system promises streamlined resource allocation and standardized distribution. 

Following the 2015 Gorkha earthquake, Nepal received massive humanitarian support from home and abroad. Rescue workers worked day and night to rescue the people buried under rubble of collapsed structures. Nepalis are grateful for this. We also witnessed, in the flood of donor agencies, some taking advantage of the distressed situation and engaging in improper activities. Besides, many would go to some easily accessible poor countryside, distribute aid materials, take selfies and post them on social media. This way, some areas received more than what they needed and others received too little. This prompted the government to adopt a one-door policy.

By directing all aid through a central channel, the government can ensure resources are strategically deployed toward the most critical needs. This eliminates duplication of efforts and fosters fairness in distribution. Additionally, a single point of contact enhances accountability and fosters trust with donors. However, bureaucratic hurdles can create bottlenecks, delaying aid delivery when swift action is crucial. Local NGOs, with established relationships and a deeper understanding of local nuances, can tailor aid distribution more effectively.

The one-door policy has been a source of debate in Nepal. The policy introduced in 2015 has been implemented to prevent uneven aid distribution and ensure remote areas received support. However, this centralized approach faced criticism for being slow and inefficient. Many NGOs and private entities felt hamstrung by the need for government approval, leading to delays. In the aftermath of the 2017 floods and landslides, the government again enforced the one-door policy. While the intention was to streamline efforts, critics argue it led to logistical challenges and inefficiencies. There were reports of aid being stuck in red tape while victims remained underserved.

The way forward

One-door-policy does not discourage local governments from actively coordinating rescue works and distribution of reliefs to the needy. To facilitate prompt response, domestic NGOs may be allowed to cooperate with local governments. As to the foreign governments and INGOs willing to support, we should make sure that they comply with our one-door-policy, that they do not take advantage of our calamity to create one or another form of social disharmony, that they do no harm to the self-respect of our suffering people, that they do not try to impose or promote their interests, and that they confine their support to the extent we need.

A mountainous country located in a quake-prone region, Nepal faces multiple threats of heavy rains, floods, landslides, GLOFs, droughts, famines, fires, epidemics, earthquakes and other disasters. Keeping this in view, the government has formed a high-level National Council for Disaster Risk Reduction and Management under the Prime Minister. Through a collaborative approach that marries centralized control with local expertise, Nepal can build resilience and ensure life-saving aid reaches those who need it the most.

A key point in the seven-point agreement signed by Nepal’s two largest political parties, Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML, in early July is amendments to the Constitution. However, almost two months after forming a powerful coalition, no specific details have emerged about the proposed amendments.

Both domestic and international observers are eager to know what changes NC and UML intend to make to the 2015 Constitution. It’s also unclear whether the two parties are fully aligned on the amendments. Neither NC nor UML has begun internal discussions on the specifics of the amendment. The issue of constitutional amendment carries different meanings for various political groups. The CPN (Maoist Center), which was ousted from power, has accused NC and UML of attempting to roll back the constitution's progressive provisions.

Maoist leaders, including Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal, frequently claim that NC and UML want to weaken progressive elements of the Constitution. For royalist parties like Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), constitutional amendment means removing the constitutional monarchy and reestablishing Nepal as a Hindu state. On the other hand, for the Maoists, amendment is about granting more rights to marginalized communities. It is up to NC and UML to initiate discussions on potential changes, though recent remarks by senior leaders hint that one major focus could be the electoral system.

Senior leaders of both NC and UML argue that the current electoral system—combining first-past-the-post (FPTP) and proportional representation (PR)—contributes to political instability, as it makes it difficult for any one party to secure a majority. However, this proposal faces opposition from Maoist, Madhesi, and smaller parties, who see any changes to the electoral system as undermining the country’s inclusive political framework. Major parties are pushing for raising the electoral threshold to limit the number of smaller parties in Parliament, while small parties argue this is a move toward a two-party system.

Currently, only the parties securing a minimum of three percent in the House of Representatives and 1.5 percent in the provincial assembly of the total valid votes under the PR category are allocated PR seats. Parties that have seats both in FPTP and PR seats are eligible to become the national party.

In the 2022 national elections, only a few parties, including NC, UML, the Maoists, and newer parties like Rastriya Swatantra Party and Janamat Party, managed to cross the three percent vote threshold required to secure PR seats. Many smaller parties, such as CPN (Unified Socialist) led by former Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal, failed to meet the threshold and could not get the national party status.

There are also rumors that NC and UML want to remove secularism from the Constitution, but the parties have remained silent on the issue. Voices within NC are calling for the party to support the reinstatement of Nepal as a Hindu state through constitutional amendment. However, amending the Constitution is a complex issue. Once initiated, all political forces will likely push for their own agendas, making consensus difficult.

NC Chief Whip Shyam Ghimire emphasized the need for a common consensus among political parties. Madhes-based parties, like the Loktantrik Samajbadi Party (LSP) led by Mahantha Thakur, are closely monitoring the constitutional amendment process. LSP has formed a three-member committee under Laxman Lal Karna to consult with other parties on constitutional changes that address Madhesi issues. The committee has been tasked with the responsibility of preparing a comprehensive report on the Madhes issues they want to address by amending the Constitution.

The ruling coalition has agreed to hold all-party discussions on constitutional amendments. In a meeting on Monday, ruling party leaders, including those from NC and UML, stressed the need to amend the constitution in a way that gains broad consensus among all political parties. According to leaders, top leaders of the ruling parties are of the view that the Constitution should be amended to make it more refined and universally acceptable. Besides NC and UML, the ruling coalition also consists of Janata Samajbadi Party and Loktantrik Samajbadi Party. 

UML Chief Whip Mahesh Bartaula said that at Monday’s meeting, the parties agreed that there should be comprehensive discussions to amend the constitution. Opposition parties, especially the Maoist Center, have been accusing the NC and UML of trying to revert to the 1990 constitution through constitutional amendments. NC Chief Whip Shyam Kumar Ghimire said that the parties in the ruling coalition will push for maximum consensus from parties and stakeholders for the constitutional amendment. 

A two-thirds majority in both the House of Representatives and the National Assembly is needed to amend the Constitution. This means the ruling coalition needs to secure the support of at least 184 lawmakers in the 275-members House of Representatives. NC and UML have a combined 167 lawmakers. UML lawmaker Top Bahadur Rayamajhi is suspended, while Speaker Devraj Ghimire, who is from UML, can only vote in case of a tie. This means NC and UML need the support of 18 more lawmakers.

They plan to seek support from parties like Rastriya Prajatantra Party (14),  Janamat Party (6), Janata Samajbadi Party (5), Loktantrik Samajbadi Party (4) and Nagarik Unmukti Party (4), among others. Although the coalition looks comfortable in the lower house, the equation is not so favorable in the National Assembly. The UML-NC coalition needs the support of at least 40 members in the 59-members upper house. CPN (Maoist Center) is the largest party in the National Assembly with 17 seats, while NC and UML have 16 and 10 seats, respectively.  NC and UML need the support of 14 other lawmakers for any amendment to the constitution to pass through the upper house. Likewise, NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba also called for unity among ruling parties.

This summer, Kathmandu experienced its highest temperature ever recorded. The Department of Meteorology and Hydrology (DHM) reported a scorching temperature of 35.3°C on June 15. The city is urbanizing at an annual rate of four percent, and its built-up area has grown to almost four times its size since the mid-1980s. Consequently, the risks associated with the Urban Heat Island effect are also increasing. Research by Mishra et al. (2019) indicated a 5°C temperature variation between forest land and developed land in the Kathmandu Valley. As rapid population growth and unplanned urbanization continue in the valley, the temperature difference is also expected to increase.

Urban Heat Island, or UHI, is a phenomenon where urban areas experience considerably higher temperatures than their surrounding rural areas. The main causes of UHIs include anthropogenic factors, heat absorption by urban infrastructure, and the albedo effect. The albedo effect is a measure of how reflective a surface is. Darker surfaces absorb more heat and release it back into the atmosphere, while lighter surfaces reflect heat away. Therefore, as cities replace natural landscapes with buildings, roads and pavement, which absorb and retain heat, the overall temperature increases. The impacts of UHIs are far-reaching, including air pollution, higher energy consumption, disruption of urban ecosystems and adverse health outcomes, especially for vulnerable populations such as the marginalized, elderly, and urban poor.  

In a country where urban poverty has increased from 15.46 percent in 2010-11 to 18.34 percent in 2022-23, and where the Kathmandu Metropolitan City’s handling of the urban poor has been condemned by Human Rights Watch, critical questions arise—How will the rights of street vendors, landless individuals, slum dwellers and other vulnerable groups be safeguarded amidst rising temperatures? 

Additionally, with heat-related illnesses expected to increase due to the UHI effect, it is crucial to assess whether the healthcare system in Nepal is prepared to handle the added pressure. Will vulnerable groups, with their limited capacities, have access to essential health services, adequate housing, a decent standard of living and an overall quality of life, or will they continue to be mistreated? Despite global awareness regarding UHIs, the concerned authorities in the Kathmandu Metropolitan City are yet to acknowledge the alarming rise in temperatures this summer.

In contrast to this local inaction, cities around the world are actively addressing the UHI effect with innovative solutions. For example, Indian cities like Ahmedabad, Bhopal, Jodhpur and Surat have introduced cool roofs-roofs covered with reflective materials that bring down temperatures inside and outside buildings. Applying white reflective paint on roofs is a simple yet effective strategy that has seen widespread adoption globally. 

Abu Dhabi has introduced self-shading tower blocks, Medellin has developed extensive green corridors, Paris is creating cool islands, Seville has implemented a policy of shade and Singapore boasts of its renowned Gardens by the Bay. These diverse approaches demonstrate how cities are dealing with the UHI effect based on their unique environments and challenges.

In response to escalating temperatures, cities are also appointing Chief Heat Officers (CHOs) – a term coined by a branch of the American think tank Atlantic Council called the Adrienne Arsht-Rockefeller Foundation Resilience Center (Arsht-Rock). CHOs are responsible for developing and implementing strategies to combat extreme heat, protect vulnerable populations and enhance urban resilience to rising temperatures. Miami paved the way by appointing the world’s first CHO, and other cities, such as Phoenix, Athens, Freetown, and Dhaka North followed suit. Notably, Dhaka North was the first Asian city to appoint a CHO.

While cities worldwide, including those in South Asia, are making commendable strides in addressing UHIs, Kathmandu Metropolitan City’s lackluster approach to this issue is highly concerning. Kathmandu must learn from other cities and implement targeted strategies to mitigate the UHI effect or face intensified challenges in the coming years. The rising temperatures in Kathmandu represent the broader challenges posed by global warming, climate change and increased urbanization. These issues demand urgent attention, action and innovative solutions from policymakers, urban planners and the general public.

While initiatives such as Urban Green Spaces (UGS), tree plantations and community-managed forests are underway, a significant gap remains in addressing and raising public awareness on UHIs. Comprehensive research, robust satellite-based data collection and substantial evidence are essential to guide sustainable urban planning. Given the pace and scale of urbanization, the government of Nepal must step up its efforts in urban governance and take appropriate mitigation and adaptation measures by coordinating with relevant ministries and departments to plan greener, smarter and liveable cities. This involves prioritizing the conservation of natural resources and natural heat sinks, investing in alternative energy solutions, and implementing innovative strategies to enhance urban resilience. It is also crucial that policies and plans be grounded in a deep understanding of the local context, addressing challenges facing vulnerable groups, and ensuring that no one is left behind.

The author holds a Master’s degree in Public Policy

Nepal and China are set to resume their joint military drill, which had been stalled since 2019 due to the Covid-19 pandemic. The fourth edition of the drill will be held in China later this month. According to sources at the Nepali Army headquarters, the exercise will begin on Sept 21 and last for 10 days. Although China had been hesitant to restart the drill in the early years following the pandemic due to strict health restrictions, it has now agreed to move forward.

Outgoing Army chief Prabhu Ram Sharma played a key role in reviving the joint drill between the Nepal Army and China’s People’s Liberation Army, according to officials. Army spokesperson Brig Gen Gaurav Kumar KC confirmed that discussions are ongoing to finalize the details, although he did not provide further specifics. 

Sharma has reportedly proposed to the Chinese side that the dates for the exercise be confirmed before his retirement. Sharma officially retired on Monday, passing the leadership of the Nepali Army to Ashok Raj Sigdel. In preparation for the exercise, Sharma had earlier dispatched senior official Prem Dhoj Adhikari to Beijing for discussions. The final dates were set shortly after Adhikari’s return.

The drill, known as the Sagarmatha Friendship exercise, first began in 2017, drawing attention from both New Delhi and Beijing. This year’s edition will take place in Chengdu, China. Prior to 2017, while Nepal and China had engaged in training and exchanges, no joint military drills had been held between the two countries.

India, the US, and other nations have expressed concerns about the growing military cooperation between Nepal and China, viewing it through the lens of rising geopolitical tensions. Recently, China has introduced new global initiatives in both the development and security sectors, such as the Global Security Initiative (GSI), which has raised further apprehension in India and Western nations. Nepal, however, has informed China that it cannot be part of the GSI.

The Nepali Army maintains that these joint drills are routine, similar to the military exercises it conducts with other nations, including India and the US. For example, Nepal and India hold the Surya Kiran military drill annually, rotating the location between the two countries.

A special team from the Nepal Army, including an observer group led by senior official Pradeep Jung KC, will visit China to participate in the drill, which will focus on counterterrorism and disaster management. Each country will send a delegation of 18 members. The previous three editions of the drill were held in 2017, 2018, and 2019.